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THE

‘XENOPHON, -

TRANSLATED

BY ASHLEY COOPER, SPELMAN, SMITH, FIELDING,

AND OTHERS.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME.

LONDON:

| PUBLISHED BY JONES ἃ CQ.
TEMPLE OF THE MUSES, (rave Lacxineton’s,) FINSBURY SQUARE.

MDCCCX XXII.

20RD | £0 γοῦν

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ΟΣ ΣΤΥ

CONTENTS.

‘THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS,

THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE,
THE DEFENCE OF SOCRATES,
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES,

THE BANQUET OF XENOPHON,
HIERO; ON THE CONDITION OF ROYALTY,
THE SCIENCE OF GOOD HUSBANDRY,
REVENUE OF THE STATE OF ATHENS,

ON THE ATHENIAN REPUBLIC,

,THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS,

ON THE LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC,

ON HORSEMANSHIP,

EPIS''LES,

an

tate ai

_ -XENOPHON

ψ

ITUTION OF CYRUS.

“3

-

CONTENTS or BOOK I.

I. Xenophon’s opinion of Government—Cyrus, by his conciliatory mode of governing, obtains dominion over
the Medes and many other nations —Xenophon’s admiration of Cyrus as a ruler.—II. Genealogy of Cyrus —
Description of his person and mind—Account of the laws established among the Persians.—III. Conversation
of Cyrus with Astyages his grandfather and Mandane his mother, when only twelve years of age—His opinion
of his father and grandfather—Cyrus’s aversion to luxurious living—His opinion of the effects of intemperance.
—IV. Cyrus acquires a great taste for Hunting—His dexterity in that amusement.—V. Is made commander ot

' the expedition into Media—Description of his’ army—His harangue to the juvenile part of his soldiers,—
VI. Supplicates the gods for success on his undertaking—His father’s discourse to him—His reply to his father.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

BOOK I.

1. I HAvE heretofore considered how many
popular governments have been dissolved by men
who chose to live under any other sort of go-
vernment rather than the popular; and how
many monarchies, and how many oligarchies,
have been destroyed by the people; and how
many of those who have attempted tyrannies
have, some of them, been instantly and entire-
ly destroyed ; and others, if they have conti-
nued reigning but for any time, have been ad-
mired as able, wise, and happy men. And I
thought I observed many masters, in their own
private houses, some possessing more servants,
some but very few, who yet were not able to
preserve those few entirely obedient to their
commands. JI considered withal that keepers
of oxen, and keepers of horses are, as it were,
the magistrates and rulers of those oxen and
horses ; and, in general, all those called pastors
or herdsmen may be properly accounted the
magistrates of the animals they rule. I saw, I
thought, all these several herds more willing to
obey their pastors, than men their magistrates ;
for these herds go the way that their keepers
direct them ; they feed on those lands on which
their keepers place them; they abstain from
those from which their keepers drive them;
they suffer their keepers to make what use they
please of the fruits and profits that arise from
them. Besides, I never did perceive a herd
conspiring against its keepers, either so as not
to obey them, or so as not to allow them ‘the
use of the fruits arising from them. Herds
are rather more refractory towards any others
than they are towards their rulers, and those

who make profit of them; but men conspire | Hyrcanians the same.

|
|

against none sooner than against those whom
they perceive undertaking the government of
them. When these things were in my mind, I
came to this judgment on them; that to man
it was easier to rule every other sort of creature
than to rule man. But when I considered that
there was the Persian Cyrus, who had render-
ed many men, many cities, and many nations,
obedient to himself, I was necessitated to
change my opinion, and to think that the go-
vernment of men was not amongst the things
that were. impossible, nor amongst the things
that are difficult, if one undertook it with un-
derstanding and skill. I knew there were those
that willingly obeyed Cyrus, who were many
days’ journey distant from him ; those who were
months ; those who had never seen him; and
those who knew very well that they never
should see him ; yet would they submit to his
government: for he so far excelled all other
kings, both those that received their dominion
by succession, as well as those that acquired it
themselves, that the Scythian, for example,
though his people be very numerous, has not
been able to obtain the dominion of any other
nation, but rests satisfied if he hold but the
rule of his own; the Thracian the same; the
Illyrian the same ; and other nations, as I have
heard, the same: for the nations of Europe
are said to be sovereign and independent of each
other. But Cyrus, finding in like manner the
nations of Asia sovereign and independent, and
setting forward with a little army of Persians,
obtained the dominion of the Medes by their
own choice and voluntary submission ; of the
He conquered the Sy-
rians, Assyrians, Arabs, Cappadocians, both

1 Xenophon’s Cyropedia or Institution of Cyrus, | Phrygias, the Lydians, Carians, Pheenicians,

from external evidence and because it contradicts other
historians, is not considered as an authentic history, but
rather as an historical romance, showing what should be
the conduct of a wise and virtuous monarch,

and Babylonians. He ruled the Bactrians,
Indians, and Cilicians; in like manner the Sa-
cians, Paphlagonians, and Megadinians, and

2 XENOPHON ON THE

many other nations, whose names one cannot
enumerate. He ruled the Greeks that were
settled in Asia ; and descending to the sea, the
Cyprians and Egyptians. These nations he
ruled, though their languages differed from his
own and from each other ; and yet was he able
to extend the fear of himself over so great a
part of the world as to astonish all, and that no
one attempted any thing against him. He was
able to inspire all with so great a desire of
pleasing him, that they ever desired to be go-
verned by his opinion and will. He connected
together so many nations as it would be a labour
to enumerate, to whatsoever -point one under-
took to direct one’s course, whether it were
east, west, north, or south, setting out from his
palace and seat of empire. With respect there-
fore to this man, as worthy of admiration, I
have inquired by what birth, with what natural
disposition, and under what discipline and edu-
cation bred, he so much excelled in the art of
governing men. And whatever I have learned,
or think I know concerning him, I shall endea-
vour to relate.

II. Cyrus is said to be descended from Cam-
byses, king of the Persians, as his father.’

_ Cambyses was of the race of the Perseide,

who were so called from Perseus. It is agreed
that he was born of a mother called Mandane ;

‘and Mandane was the daughter of Astyages,

king of the Medes.’ Cyrus is said to have
had by nature a most beautiful person, and a
mind of the greatest benignity and love to man-
kind, most desirous of knowledge, and most
ambitious of glory, so as to bear any pain, and

‘undergo any danger, for the sake of praise ; and

_ he is yet celebrated as such among the barba-

rians. Such is he recorded to have been with
respect to his mind and person; and he was
educated under the institutions and laws of the
Persians.

These laws seem to begin with a provident
care of the common good ; not where those of
most other governments begin; for most other
governments, giving to all a liberty οἵ educat-
ing their children as they please, and to the ad-

1 According to Herodotus, Cambyses was a Persian of
obscure origin, to whom Astyages gave his daughter in
marriage. The king had been terrified by dreams which
threatened the loss of his crown by the hand of his
davghter’s son,—a calamity which he hoped to avert
by this means; but he was eventually dethroned by
Cyrus. Astyages’ deposition is stated to have been oc
casioned by his cruelty and eppression.

[Boox 1.

vanced in age a liberty of living as they please,
do then enjoin their people not to steal, not to —
plunder, not to enter a house by violence, not
to strike unjustly, not to be adulterous, not to
disobey the magistrates, and other things in
like manner ; and, if any transgress, they im-
pose punishments on them: but the Persian
laws, taking things higher, are careful, from
the beginning, to provide that their citizens shall
not be such as to be capable of meddling with -
any action that is base and vile. And that care
they take in this manner: they have a public
place, called from thé name of liberty, where
the king’s palace and the other courts and
houses of magistrates are built; all things that
are bought and sold, and the dealers in them,
their noise and low disingenuous manners, are
banished hence to another place, that the reut
of these may not mix and interfere with the
decent order of those who are under the inge-
nuous discipline. This place, near the public
courts, is divided into four parts: one is allot-
ted to the boys, one to the youth, one to the
full-grown men, and one to those who exceed
the years of military service. Each of these
orders, according to the law, attend in their
several parts; the boys and full-grown men as
soon as it is day; the elders when they think
convenient, except on appointed days when
they are obliged to be present ; the youth take
up their rest round the courts, in their light
arms, all but such as are married; these are
not required to do it, unless beforehand order-
ed to attend ; nor is it decent for them to be
absent often. Over each of the orders there
are twelve rulers, for the Persians are divided
into twelve tribes. Those over the boys are
chosen from amongst the elders, and such as
are thought to make them the best boys ; those
over the youth are chosen from amongst the
full-grown men, and such as are thought to
make the best youth ; and over the full-grown
men, such as are thought to render them the
most ready to perform their appointed parts,
and to execute the orders they receive from the
chief magistrate. There are likewise chosen
presidents over the elders, who take care that
these also perform their duty. And, that it
may appear what means they use to make their
citizens prove the best, I shall now relate what _
part is appointed for each degree. . =
The boys, who frequent the public places of
instruction, pass their time in learning justice ;
and tell you that they go for that purpose, as

INSTITUTION OF CYRUE. 3

those with us, who go to learn letters, tell you
they go for this purpose. Their rulers, for the
most part of the day, continue dispensing jus-
tice among them; for as amongst the men, so
the boys have against each other their accusa-
tions for theft, robbery, violence, deceit, and
calumny, and other such things as naturally
occur ; and when they find any acting unjustly,
in any of these ways, they punish them; they
punish likewise such as they find guilty of false
accusation; they appeal to justice also in the
case of a crime for which men hate one another
excessively, but never bring to the bar of jus-
tice, that is, ingratitude ; and whomsoever they
find able to return a benefit, and refusing to do
it, they punish severely : for they are of opin-
ion that the ungrateful are careless and neglect-
ful both of the gods, of their parents, of their
country, and of their friends ; and ingratitude
seems to be certainly attended by impudence ;
and this seems to be the principal conductor of
mankind into all things that are vile. They
instil into the boys a modest and discreet tem-
per of mind ; and it contributes much towards
establishing this temper in them, that they see
every day their elders behaving themselves in
that discreet and modest manner. They teach
them obedience to their rulers ; and it contri-
butes much to their instruction in this, that they
sce their elders zealously obedient to their rul-
ers. They teach them temperance with respect
to eating and drinking ; and it contributes much
to this their temperance, to see that their elders
do not quit’ their stations for the service of
their bellies before the magistrates dismiss
them ; and that the boys do not eat with their
mothers, but with their teachers, and when the
magistrates give the signal. They bring from
home with them bread. for their food, and a
sort of herb, much in use with them, to eat
with it. And they bring a cup to drink in, that
if any are thirsty, they may take from the river.
They learn, besides, to shoot with the bow,
and to throw the javelin. These things the
boys practise till they are sixteen or seventeen
years of age; then they enter the order of
youth. The youth pass their time thus: for
ten years after they pass from the order of boys,
they take their rests around the courts, as is
said before, both for the security and guard of

- the city, and to preserve in them a modesty
and governableness of temper; for this age
seems the most to need care. In the day time
they chiefly give themselves up to be made

use of by their magistrates, incase they want
them for any public service; and when it is
necessary they all attend about the courts.
But when the king goes. out to hunt he takes
half the guard off with him; and this he does
several times every month. . Those that go
must haye their bow and quiver, a smaller sort
of sword in its proper scabbard, a shield, and
two javelins; one to throw, and the other, if
necessary, to use at hand, They are careful
to keep up these public huntings; and the king,
as in war, is in this their leader, hunts himself,
and takes care that others do so; because it
seems to be the truest method of practising all
such things as relate to war. It accustoms
them to rise early in the morning, and to bear
heat and cold; it exercises them in long
marches, and in running ; it necessitates them
to use their bow against the beast they hunt,
and to throw their javelin if he fall in their
way: their courage must, of necessity, be of-
ten sharpened in the hunt, when any of the
strong and vigorous beasts oppose themselves ;
they must come to blows with the beast, if he
comes up with them, and must be on their
guard as he comes on them. So that it is no
easy matter to find what one thing there is that
is practised in war, and is not so in their hunt-
ing. They attend this hunting, being provided
with a dinner, larger, indeed, as is but fit, than
that of the boys, but in all other respects the
same; and during the hunt sometimes, per-
haps, they shall not eat it; either waiting for
the beast, if it be necessary, or choosing to
spend more time at the work: so they make
their supper of that dinner; hunt again the
next day, until the time of supper ; and reckon
these two days as but one, because they have
ate the food but of one day. This they do to
accustom themselves, that in case it may be
necessary for them in war, they may be able to
doit. They of this degree have what they
catch for meat with their bread. If they catch
nothing, then they have their usual herb. And
if any one think that they eat without pleasure,
when they have this herb only for food with
their bread, and that they drink without plea-
sure when they drink water, Jet him recollect
how pleasant it is to one who is hungry to eat
plain cake or bread ; and how pleasant to one
who is thirsty to drink water. The tribes that
remain at home pass their time in practising
the things they learned while they were boys,
in shooting with the bow, and throwing <he

~

4 ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ ON THE

javelin. These they continue exercising in
emulation one against another: and there are
public games, in these kinds, and prizes set ;
and in whichsoever of the tribes there are the
most found who exceed in skill, in courage, and
in. obedience, the citizens applaud and honour,
not only the present ruler of them, but also the
person who had the instruction of them while
boys.
the remaining youth, if they want them, to keep
guard on any occasion, or to search for criminal
persons, to pursue robbers, or for any other
business that requires strength and agility.
‘These things the youth practise, and when they
have completed ten years they enter into the
order of full-grown men. These, from the
time they leave the order of youth, pass five-
and-twenty years in this manner. First, as the
youth, they give themselves up to be made use
of by the magistrates, on any occasion that may
occur for the service of the public, and that re-
quires the service of such as have discretion,
and are yet in vigour. If some military expe-
dition be necessary to be undertaken, they who
are under this degree of discipline do not en-
gage in it with bows and javelins, but with what
they call arms for close fight, a corselet about
the breast, a shield in the left hand, such as the
Persians are painted with, and in the right a
larger sort of sword. All the magistrates are
chosen from amongst these, except the teachers
of the boys; and when they have completed
five-and-twenty years in this order they are
then something upwards of fifty years of age,
and pass into the order of such as are elders,
and are so called. These elders are not oblig-
ed to attend any military service abroad, but
remaining at home, have the distribution of

public and private justice; have judgment of

life and death, and the choice of all magistrates;
and if any of the youth or full-grown men fail
in any thing enjoined by the laws, the phy-
larchs, or magistrates of the tribes, or any one
that will make discovery of it, the elders hear
the cause, and give judgment on it; and the
person so judged and condemned remains infa-
mous for the rest of his life.

That the whole Persian form of government
may the more plainly appear, I return a little
back ; for, by means of what has been already
said it may now be laid open in a very few
words. The Persians are said to be in num-
ber about twelve myriads, or a hundred and
twenty thousand; of these none are by law

The magistrates likewise make use of

[BOOK I.

excluded from honours and magistracies, but all
are at liberty to send their boys to the public
schools of justice. They whoare able to main-
tain their children idle, and without labour, send
them to these schools ; they who are not able,
do not send them. They who are thus edu-
cated under the public teachers are at liberty
to pass through the order of youth; they who
are not so educated have not that liberty. They ©
who pass through the youth, fully discharging
all things enjoined by the law, are allowed to
be incorporated amongst the full-grown men,
and to partake of all honours and magistracies ;
but they-who do not complete their course
through the order of boys, and threugh that of
the youth, do not pass into the order of the full-
grown men. They who make their progress
through the order of the full-grown men unex-
ceptionable become then the elders; so the
order of elders stands composed of men who
have made their way through all things good
and excellent. And this is the form of govern-
ment, by the use of which, they think, they be-
come the best men. There yet remain things
that bear testimony to the spare diet used
among the Persians, and to their carrying it off
by exercise ; for it is even yet shameful among
them to be seen either to spit or to blow the
nose, or any such matter; and these things
could not possibly be unless they used a very
temperate diet, and spent the moisture by ex-
ercise, making it pass some other way.

These things I had to say concerning the
Persians in general. I will now relate the δο-
tions of Cyrus, on whose account this discourse
was undertaken, beginning from his being a
boy.

III. Cyrus, till twelve years of age, or little
more, was educated under this discipline, and
appeared to excel all his equals, both in his
quick learning of what was proper, and in his
performing every thing in-a handsome and in
amanly way. At that time Astyages sent for”
his daughter and her son; for he was desirous
to see him, having heard that he was an excel-
lent and lovely child. Mandane therefore came
to her father, and brought her son with her.
As soon as they arrived, and Cyrus knew As-
tyages to be his mother’s father, he instantly,
as being a boy of great good-nature, embraced
him, just as if he had been bred under him,
and had long had an affection for him: and
observing him set out and adorned, with his eyes
and complexion painted, and with false hair,

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

things that are allowed amongst the Medes (for

the purple coat, the rich habit called candys,

collars about the neck, and bracelets about the
hands, all belonging to the Medes ; but amongst
the inhabitants of Persia, even at this day, their
habits are much coarser, and their diet much

plainer)—observing this dress of his grandfa-

ther, and looking at him, he said: “ O mother,
how handsome is my grandfather!” And his
mother then asking him which he thought the
handsomer, either his father or his grandfather,
Cyrus answered: ‘ Of the Persians, mother,
my father is much the handsomest ; and of all
the Medes that I have seen, either on the road
or within the city, this- grandfather of mine is
rauch the handsomest.” Astyages, then em-
bracing Cyrus, in return put on him a fine
robe, honoured him, and set him out with col-
jars and bracelets; and, whenever he went
abroad, carried him with him, mounted on a
horse with a bridle of gold, and suchas he used
himself to appear abroad on. Cyrus being a
boy much in love with what was fine and ho-
nourable, was pleased with the robe, and extreme-
ly delighted with learning to ride ; for amongst
the Persians, it being difficult to breed horses,
and even difficult to ride, the country being
mountainous, it is a rare thing to see a horse.
But Astyages being at table with his daughter,
and with Cyrus, and being desirous to treat the
boy with all possible delight and pleasure, that

he might the less miss what he enjoyed at home,

ar

-set before him several dishes, with sauces and

meats of all kinds ; on which Cyrus is reported
to have said: ‘“‘What a deal of business and
trouble, grandfather, have you at your meals,
if you must reach out your hands to all
these several dishes, and taste of all these kinds
of meats!” “ What, then,” said Astyages, “do
not you think this entertainment much finer
than what you have in Persia?” Cyrus is said
to have replied : ““ No, grandfather ; with us we
have a much plainer and readier way to get sat-
isfied than you have ; for plain bread and meat
suffices for our meal; but you, in order to the
‘same end, have a deal of business on your hands ;
and, wandering up and down through many
mazes, you at last scarce arrive where we have
got long before you.” “ But, child,” said As-
tyages, “ it is not with pain that we wander
through these mazes ; taste,” said he, “and you
will find that these things are pleasant.” “Well,
but, grandfather,” said Cyrus, “I see that you
yourself have an aversion to these sauces and

5

things.” What ground,” replied Astyages, “ have
you to say so!” “ Because,” said he, ‘‘ when you
touch your bread, I see you do not wipe your
hands on any thing; but, when you meddle with
any of these, you presently clean your hands on
your napkin, as if you were very uneasy to have
them daubed with them.” Tothis Astyages is
said to have answered; “ Well, child, if this be
your opinion, eat heartily of plain meats, that you
may return young and healthy home ;” and at
the same time he is said to have presented to
him various meats, both of the tame and wild
kinds. Cyrus, when he saw this variety of meats,
is reported to have said: “ And do you give
me all these meats, grandfather, to do with
them as I think fit 2” *‘Yes,truly, I do,” said As-
tyages : then Cyrus, taking of the several meats,
is said to have distributed around to the servants
about his grandfather, saying to one, “ this for
you, because you take pains to teach me to
ride: this for you, because you gave me a ja-
velin ; for I have it at this time: this for you,
because you serve my grandfather well: this
for you, because you honour my mother :” and
that thus he did till he distributed away all he had
received. Astyages is then reported to have
said: “And do you give nothing to this Sacian,
my cup-bearer, that I favour above all?” This
Sacian was a very beautiful person, and had the
honour to introduce to Astyages any that had
business with him, and was to hinder those
that he did not think it seasonable to introduce.
Cyrus to this is said to have answered, in a pert
manner, as a boy not yet struck with the sense.
of shame ; ““ For what reason is it, grandfather, '
that you favour this Sacian so much?” Asty-
ages replied, in a jesting way: “Do not you
see,” said he, “ how handsomely and neatly he
pours me my wine ?” For these cup-bearers to
kings perform their business very cleverly ;
they pour out their wine very neatly, and give
the cup, bearing it along with three fingers, and
present it in such a manner, as it may best be
received by the person who is to drink. ‘*Grand-
father,” said Cyrus, “ bid the Sacian give me the
cup, that pouring you your wine to drink, I may
gain your favour if I can.” Astyages bade the
Sacian give him the cup; and Cyrus taking it,
is said to have washed the cup as he had obser-
ved the Sacian to do; and settling his counte-
nance ina serious and decent manner, brought
and presented the cup to his grandfather in such
a manner as afforded much laughter to his mother
and to Astyages. Then Cyrus, laughing out,

6

leaped up to his grandfather, and kissing him,
cried out: “ O Sacian, you are undone! I will
turn you out of your office: I will do the busi-
ness better than you, and not drink the wine
myself.” For these cup-bearers, when they have
given the cup, dip witha dish and take a little
out, which, pouring into their left hand, they
swallow; and this they do, that, in case
they mix poison in the eup, it may be of no ad-
vantage to themselves. On this Astyages, in
a jesting way, said: ‘“* And why, Cyrus, since
you have imitated the Sacian in every thing
else, did not you swallow some of the wine ?”
““ Because, truly,” said he, “ I was afraid there
had been poison mixed in the cup; for when
you feasted your friends on your birthday, I
plainly found that he had poured you all poi-
son.” “ And how, child,” said he, “ did you
‘know this?” Truly,” said he, “ because I
saw you all disordered in body and mind: for,
first, what you do not allow us boys to do, that
you did yourselves ; for you all bawled toge-
ther, and could learn nothing of each other:
then you fell to singing very ridiculously ; and
without attending to the singer, you swore he
sung admirably : then every one telling stories
of his own strength, you rose up and fell to
dancing; but without all rule or measuse, for
you could not so much as keep yourselves up-
right: then you all entirely forgot yourselves ;
you, that you were king, and they, that you
were their governor; and then, for the first
tine, I discovered that you were celebrating a
festival, where all were allowed to talk with
equal liberty; for you never ceased talking.”
Astyages then said: “ Does your father, child,
never drink till he gets drunk ?” “ No, truly,”
said he? ‘ What does he then.” “ Why, he
quenches his thirst, and gets no farther harm;
for, as I take it, grandfather,” said he, “ it is no
Sacian that officiates as cup-bearer about him.”
His mother then said: “ But why, child, do you
make war thus on the Sacian?” Cyrus to this
is said to reply: ““ Why, truly, because I hate
him ; for very often, when I am desirous to
run to my grandfather, this nasty fellow hin-
dersme. Pray, grandfather,” said he, “let me
but have the government of him but for three
days.” “ον would you govern him ?” said
Astyages.
he does, just at the entrance, when he hada
mind to go in to dinner, then would I tell him

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book I.

then, when he came to supper, I would tell
him that ‘he was bathing :’ and if he was very
pressing for his victuals, I would tell him that
‘he was with the women :’ and so on, fill I had
tormented him as he torments me when he
keeps me from you.” Such like subjects of
mirth did he afford them at meals: at other
times of the day, if he perceived his grandfather
or his mother’s brother in want of any thing, it
was a difficult matter for any one to be before-
hand with him in doing it: for Cyrus was ex-
tremely delighted to gratify them in any thing Ὁ
that lay in his power. But when Mandane
was preparing to return home to her husband,
Astyages desired her to leave Cyrus with him.
She made answer that she was willing to gratify
her father in every thing; but to leave the
child against his will she thought hard. On
this occasion Astyages said to Cyrus: “ Child,
if you will stay with me, in the first place, the
Sacian shall not have the command of your
access to me; but, whenever you come, it shall
be in your own power; and the oftener you
will come,” said he, “the more I shall think
myself obliged to you. Then you shall have
the use of all my horses, and of as many more
| as you please; and, when you go away, you
‘shall take as many of them as you please with
you: then, at meals, you shall take what way
you please to get satisfied in what you think a
| temperate way: then all the several creatures
_that are now in the park I give you; and will
| besides collect more of all kinds, that you
may pursue them when you have learnt to
ride, and with your bow and javelin lay them
prostrate on the ground, as grown men do.
Boys I will furnish you with for playfellows ;
aud whatever else you would have, do but tell
me, and you shall not go without.” When As-
tyages had said this, Cyrus’ mother asked him
whether h2 would go or stay. He did not at
| all hesitate, but presently said that he would
| stay. And being asked by his mother the rea-
son why, it is said that he made answer: “ Be-
_ cause, mother, that at home, both at the bow
and javelin, I am superior to all of equal age
| with me, and am so reckoned; but here, I well
| know that in horsemanship I am their inferior;
and be it known to you, mother, this grieves

Cyrus replied: “ Why, standing as | me very much. But if you leave me here, and

I learn to be a horseman, then 1 reckon that
when I am in Persia I shall easily master them

that he could not possibly have his dinner yet, | there, who are so good at all exercises on foot ;
because: “he was busy with certain people” | and when I come amongst the Medes I shall

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 7

endeavour to be an assistant and a support to
my grandfather, making myself the most skil-
ful amongst those who excel in horsemanship.”
His mother is then reported to have said:
‘¢ But how, child, will you be instructed here
in the knowledge of justice, when your teachers
are there?” ‘*O mother!” said Cyrus, “that I
understand exactly already.” ‘ How so?” said
Mandane. “ Because my teacher,” said he, “ap-
pointed me judge over others, as being very exact
in the knowledge of justice myself. But yet,”
said he, ‘‘ I had some stripes given me, as not
determining right in one judgment that I gave.
The case was this: a bigger boy, who had a
little coat, stripping a less boy, who had a
larger, put on the little boy the coat that was
his own, and put on himself the coat that was
the little boy’s. I therefore passing judgment
on them, decreed that it was best that each
should keep the coat that best fitted him. On
this my teacher thrashed me, and told me that
when I should be constituted judge of what
fitted best, I should determine in this manner:
but when I was to judge whose the coat was,
then, said he, it must be inquired what right
possession is ; whether he that took a thing by
force should have it, or whether he who made
it or purchased it should possess it: and then
he told me what was according to law was just,
and that what was contrary to law was violent.
He bid me take notice, therefore, that a judge
ought to give his opinion with the law. So,
mother,” said he, “I understand what is just
in all cases very exactly; or, if any thing be
wanting to me, my grandfather here will teach
it me.” “ But, child,” said she, “the same
- things are not accounted just with your grand-
father here, and yonder in Persia; for among
the Medes your grandfather has made himself
lord and master of all; but amongst the Per-
sians it is accounted just that all should be
equally dealt by;; and your father is the first to
execute the orders imposed on the whole state,
and receives those orders himself: his own
humour is not his rule and measure, but it is
the law that is so. How then can you avoid
being beat to death at home, when you come
from your grandfather instructed not in kingly
arts, but in the arts and manner of tyranny;
one of which is, to think that power and as-
cendant over all is your due?” ‘ O mother,”
said Cyrus, “ your father is much better able
to teach one to submit than to take the as-
cendant. Do yeu not see,” said he, “that he

has taught all the Medes to submit to him?
So be well assured that your father will not
dismiss me, nor any one from about him, in-
structed how to gain power and ascendency
over others.”

IV. Many such kind of discourses did Cy-
rus hold. At last his mother went away: he
stayed, and was there brought up. He imme-
diately joined himself to those that were his
equals in age, so as to be ona very familiar and
friendly footing with them; and he presently
gained their fathers, both by visiting them, and
by giving evidence of his affection for their
sons. So that if they had any business with
the king, they bid their boys ask Cyrus to do
it; and Cyrus, such was his benignity and love
of esteem and praise, did his utmost to accom-
plish it for them: and Astyages had it not in
his power to refuse gratifying Cyrus in what-
ever he asked of him; for Cyrus, when his
grandfather fell ill, never quitted him; never
ceased from tears ; and made it evident to all.
that he was in the utmost fear of his dying.
And in the night, if Astyages wanted any thing,
Cyrus was the first to perceive it, and started
up the nimblest of any to serve him in any
thing that he thought pleasing to him ; so that
he entirely gained Astyages. Cyrus was per-
haps a little over-talkative ; but this he had
partly from his education, his teacher obliging
him to give a reason for every thing that he
did, and to hearken to it from others, when he
was to give his opinion in judgment: and be-
sides, being very eager after knowledge, he was
always asking those about him abundance of
questions, how such and such things were; and
on whatever subject he was questioned by
others, being of a very quick and ready appre-
hension, he instantly made his answers: so that,
from all these things, he contracted an over-
talkativeness. But, as in the persons of very
young people, who have shot up suddenly, so
as to be very tall, there yet appears something
childish that betrays their youth; so in Cyrus,
it was not an impudence and boldness that ap-
peared through that talkativeness, but a sim-
plicity and good nature; so that one was de-
sirous rather to hear yet more from him, than
to be with him while he held his tongue.

But as years added to his growth, and
brought him on towards the time of his be-
coming a youth, he then used fewer words and
a softer voice; he became full of shame, so as
to blush when he came into the company of

8 XENOPHON ON THE

men of years; and that playful pertness, in
bluntly accosting every one, did not continue
with him as before. So he became more soft
and gentle, but, in his conversation, extremely
agreeable ; for in all the exercises that he and
his equals used in emulation of each other, he
did not challenge his companions to those in
which he knew himself superior, but such as
he well knew himself to be inferior in, those
he set on foot, declaring that he would do them
better than they. Accordingly, he would be-
gin vaulting the horse, throwing the javelin,
or shooting with the bow on horseback, while
he was yet scarce well able to sit on a horse;
and when he was outdone he was the first to
laugh at himself: and as, on the account of
being baffled, he did not fly off and meddle no
more with the things he was so baffled in, but
continued repeating his endeavours to do better,
he presently became equal to his companions
in horsemanship, and, by his love of the work,
quickly left them behind. He then presently
applied himself to the taking of the beasts in
the park, pursuing, throwing at them, and kill-

ing them; so that Astyages could no longer:

supply him with them. And Cyrus, perceiv-
ing that he could not furnish him with these
creatures, though very desirous to do it, often
said to him: “ What need you take so much
pains, grandfather, to find me out these crea-
tures? If you will but send me out to hunt
with my uncle, I shall reckon that all the beasts
I see are creatures that you maintain for me.”
But though he was very desirous to go out to
hunt, yet he could not now be pressing and
importunate, as when he was a boy: he became
very backward in going to his grandfather ; and
what he blamed in the Sacian for not admitting
him to his grandfather, he became in this a
Sacian to himself; for he never went in, unless
he knew beforehand that it was seasonable;
and begged the Sacian by all means, to signify
to him when it was seasonable, and when not ;
so that the Sacian now loved him extremely,
as all the rest did.

When Astyages therefore knew that he was
extremely desirous to hunt abroad and at large,
he sent him out with his uncle, and sent some
elderly men- on horseback with him, as guards
to him, to take care of him in rough and rocky
parts of the country, and in case any beasts of
the savage kind appeared. Cyrus therefore
was very earrest in inquiring of those that
attended him what beasts he was not to ap-

[ BOOK 1.

proach, and which those were that he might _
confidently pursue. They told him that bears
had destroyed many that had ventured to ap-
proach them ; and that lions, wild boars, and
leopards had done the same; but that stags,
wild goats, wild sheep, and wild asses were
harmless things. They told him likewise that
rough and rocky places were not less to be
dreaded than the beasts; for that many, both
men and horses, had fallen headlong down pre-
cipices. Cyrus took all these instructions very —
eagerly; but as soon as he saw a stag roused,
forgetting all that he had heard, he pursued,
and looked at nothing but at that which he
followed ; and his horse taking a leap with him,
fell on his knees, and wanted but little of throw-
ing him quite over his neck. However, Cyrus,
though with difficulty, kept on his back, and
the horse sprang up. When they got into the
plain he struck the stag with his javelin, and
brought him to the ground: a large, noble crea-
ture it was, and he was most highly delighted.
But his guardians coming up with him, chid
and reproved him; told him what danger he
had run into; and said that they would tell it
to his grandfather. Cyrus, having alighted
from his horse, stood and heard this with much
uneasiness; but hearing a halloo, he mounted
his horse at a leap, as in a sort of enthusiasm,
and as soon as he saw a boar rushing forward
over against him, he rushed on him, and, aim-
ing right with his javelin, struck the boar in
the forehead: and here his uncle, seeing his
boldness, reproved him: he, while his uncle
was reproving him, begged that he would allow
him to carry off the beasts that he had taken,
and to give them to his grandfather. To this,
they say, his uncle replied: “ But if he dis-
cover that it is you that have pursued and taken
them, he will not only reprove you, but me,
for allowing you to do it.” “Let him beat
me,” said he, ‘if he will, when I have given
them to him: and do you, if you will, uncle,”
said he, ““ correct me as you please; do but
gratify me in this.” Cyaxares at last said:
«< Well, do as you please, for it is you that
seems now to be our king.”

So Cyrus, carrying off the beasts, presented
them to his grandfather, and told him that he
himself had taken them for him. The javelins
he did not show him, but laid them down all
bloody, where he thought that he certainly
would see them. Astyages said: "" Child, I
receive with pleasure whatever you give me ;

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

9

but I am not in such want of any of these | return to you, what would youdo2” “ What
things as to run you into danger for them.” | else,” said he, “but have him whipped, that he
« If you do not want them, grandfather,” said | may do so no more, then make use of him as

Cyrus, “ pray give them me, that I may dis-
tribute them to my companions.” ‘ Child,”
‘said Astyages, “take them, and distribute
them to whom you please, and of every
thing else whatever you will.” Cyrus, taking
the beasts, gave them to the boys; and withal
told. them: ‘“ Boys,” said he, “ what very
triflers were we when we hunted in the park!
In my opinion it was as if one had tied the
creatures by the leg and hunted them; for,
first, we were within a narrow compass of
ground; then the creatures were poor, slender,
scabby things : one was lame, another maimed :
but the beasts in the mountains and marshes,
how fine, how large, and how sleek they ap-
pear! The stags, as if they had wings, leap
to the very heavens; the boars, as they say
brave men do, attack one hand to hand, and
their bulk is such that it is impossible to miss
them. These, even when they are dead,” said
he, “ are, in my opinion, finer than those other
walled-up things when alive. But,” said he,
“ would your father, think you, send you out
to hunt?” “ Yes, very readily,” said they, “if
Astyages ordered it.” Cyrus then said:
** Who is there amongst you therefore that
would mention it to Astyages?” ‘“ Whomore
able,” said they, “ to persuade him than your-
self?” « But, truly,” said he, “for my part,
-I know not what kind of creature I am be-
come; for I am neither able to speak, nor can
I any longer so much as meet my grandfather’s
eyes ; and, if I go on in this way so fast, I
fear,” said he, “ I shall become a mere block-
head and fool: yet when I was a little boy I
was thought a notable talker.” The boys then
said: “ You tell us a sad piece of news, if you
ean do nothing for us in case of need, but
that we must beg that of another that is in
your power to effect.”

Cyrus, hearing this, was nettled ; and retir-
ing without saying a word, he stirred himself
up to boldness; and having contrived how to
speak to his grandfather in the least offensive
manner, and to obtain for himself and the boys
what they desired, he went in. Thus then he
began: “ Tell me,” said he, “grandfather, if
one of your domestic servants should ran away,
and you should take him again, what would you
do with him?” ‘ Why,” said he, “ what
should I do but put him in chains, and force him
to work?” “ But if a runaway should of himself

before?” ‘It is time therefore,” said Cyrus,
“‘to prepare yourself to bestow a whipping on
me, as having contrived to run away, and take
my companions with me a-hunting.” ‘ Then,”
said Astyages, ‘“‘ you have done very well to
tell it me beforehand; for henceforward, I
order you not to stir. It is a fine thing,
indeed,” said he, “if, for the sake of a little
venison, I shall send out my daughter’s son to
ramble at his pleasure.”

Cyrus, hearing this, obeyed, and stayed at
home much afflicted, carrying a melancholy
countenance, and remaining silent. Astyages,
when he found that he was so extremely
afflicted, being willing to please him, carried
him out to hunt; and, assembling abundance
of people, both foot and horse, and likewise
the boys, and driving the beasts out into the
champaign country, he made a great hunt;
and being himself present, royally attended, he
gave orders that none should throw till Cryus
was satisfied and had enough of the exercise.
But Cyrus would not let him hinder them. “ If
you have a mind, grandfather,” said he, “ that
I should hunt with pleasure, let all those about
me pursue and engage in the fray, and do the
best.” Astyages then gave them his leave,
and, taking a station, saw them engaged amongst
the beasts, striving to out do each other, pursuing
and throwing their javelins. He was delighted
with Cyrus, who, in transports of joy, could
not hold his tongue, but, like a young generous
dog that opens when he approaches the beast
he pursues, encouraged every one, calling on
them by name. He was pleased to see him
laughing at one: and another he observed him
to praise cordially, and without the least emo-
tion of envy. At last Astyages, having taken
abundance of game, retired ; but was so pleased
with that hunt, that he always went out with
Cyrus, whenever he was able, taking abund-
ance of people with him, and the boys, for the
sake of Cyrus. Thus, for the most part, did
Cyrus pass his time, doing service and pleasure
to all, and hurt to none.

But when he was about fifteen or sixteen
years of age the king of Assyria’s son, being to
celebrate his nuptials, had a mind at that time
to hunt; and hearing that there was plenty of
game on the borders of the Assyrians and
Medes, they having not been hunted, because

of the war between the nations, hither he desir-
B

10

ed to go. That he might hunt therefore se-
curely, he took with him a body of horse and
another of light-armed foot, who were to drive
the beasts out of their fastnesses into the open,
cultivated country. Being come therefore to
the place where their garrisons were, and a
guard always attending, here he supped, as in-
tending to hunt the next day early in the morn-
ing: but that evening a guard of horse and foot
arrived from the city to relieve those who
were there before. He therefore thought that
he had now a handsome army with him, con-
sisting of a double guard, besides a considerable
number, both of horse and foot, that had at-
tended on himself. He judged it best there-
fore to undertake a plunder of the Median ter-
ritory ; that this would be a nobler exploit than
a hunt; and he thought he should procure
great store of beasts for sacrifice. So rising
early in the morning, he led his army forwards.
The foot he left in close order on the borders:
he himself advanced with the horse up to the

Median garrisons; and, keeping the best of-

them and the greatest number with himself, he
halted there, that the Medes in garrison might
not march and charge those who were to scour
the country ; and such as were proper he sent
out in parties, some to run one way and some an-
other; and ordered them to surround and seize
all that they met with, and bring all off to him.
These did as they were ordered. But notice
being given to Astyages that the enemy was
got into the country, he marched with what
forces he had at hand to the borders. His son
did so, in like manner, with some horse that
were at hand; and he signified to all his other
forces to mareh after to support him. When
they came up, and saw a great number of As-
syrians in close order, and their horses standing
quietly and still, the Medes likewise halted and
stood.

Cyrus, seeing other people marching on all
sides to support their friends, set forward him-
self, putting on his arms for the first time ;
never imagining that he should be so soon
armed with them inthe manner he desired ; for
they were very fine, and fitted him very well,
being such as his grandfather had ordered to
be made to fit his'body. So, being thus com-
pletely armed, he set out on horseback. Asty-
ages, getting sight of him, wondered by whose
order and encouragement he came: however,
he bid him keep by him. Cyrus, when he saw
a great number of horsemen fronting him, ask-

XENOPHON.ON THE

[Book I.

ed: ‘* Grandfather,” said he, “ are these men
enemies that sit quietly there on horseback ἢ
“ς They are enemies,” said he. ‘ And are
those so too that are scouring the country ?”
ςς Yes, and those too.” “ By Jove, then,
grandfather !” said he, “methinks these that
are thus plundering us are wretched fellows,
and mounted on wretched horses: and must
not some of us march against them?” “Do
not you see, child,” said he, “ what a body οὔ
horse stands there in close order, and who, if
we advance against the others, will intercept
us? And we have not yet our full strength
with us.” “ But,” said Cyrus, “if you wait
here, and collect those that are marching to join
us, these of our enemies that are here will be
under apprehension, and will not stir; and the
plunderers, when they see any men marching
against them, will presently drop their booty.”
On his saying this, Astyages thought there was
something in what he said, and wondering at
his sagacity and vigilance, ordered his son to
take a squadron of horse and march against the
plunderers. “ I,” said he, “ will bear down on
these men that are here, if they offer to move
towards you; so that they shall be obliged to
be intent on us.”

Cyaxares taking of the strongest and best,
both of men and horses, marched ; and Cyrus
seeing these put forward, joined and pushed on
with them, and presently got at the head of
them. Cyaxares followed, and the rest were
not left behind. As soon as the plunderers
saw them approaching, then quitting their
booty, they fled. They that were with Cyrus
intercepted them, and flew to blows with such
as they could come up with, and Cyrus was the
first at the work. Those who, by turning aside
escaped them, they pursued in the rear, and
did not give over, but met with several of
them. Like a generous dog that has no ex-
perience, and that runs headlong without cau-
tion on a boar, so ran Cyrus, minding only to
deal his blows where any came within his
reach, without farther foresight or considera-
tion. The enemy, when they saw their people
in distress, moved their main body, judging that
the pursuit would cease as soon as they should
be seen to advance: Cyrus, notwithstanding,
did not give over, but calling out to his uncle
for joy, pursued, and pressing continually on,
put the enemy to an entire route. Cyaxares

followed, (perhaps being in awe of his father,)

and the rest followed after, who thought, per-

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

haps, they would not have shown themselves
very brave against men that had opposed them,
yet were on this occasion more than ordinarily
eager in pursuing. Astyages, when he saw
these men so incautiously pursuing, and the
enemy in a close body marching towards them,
fearing for his son and for Cyrus, lest they in
disorder and confusion should fall in with the
enemy, prepared to receive them, and suffer
damage, he presently led on towards the ene-
my. The enemy, as soon as they saw the
Medes move forward, halted ; presenting some
their javelins, and some their bows, in order to
stop them, when they came within bow-shot, as
their general practice is. For when they are
near, they push each other at a certain distance,
and so frequently skirmish on tillevening. But
when they saw their own men in full rout fly-
ing towards them, and those with Cyrus fol-
lowing close behind them, and Astyages, with
his horse, already within bow-shot, they gave
way and fled. ‘The Medes, in a body, pursu~
ing, killed several in the first charge, and who-
ever they came up with they fell on, whether
man or horse, and whoever fell they killed.
Nor did they stop till they came up with the
Assyrian foot, and there they gave over, fear-
ing lest some greater force than appeared might
lie in ambuseade to receive them. Astyages on
this retreated in much joy at this victory ob-
tained by his cavalry, but knew not what to say
to Cyrus, for he knew him to be the author of
the action, and saw him wrought up to such a
degree of boldness as amounted almost to mad-
ness ; for while the rest were retiring home, he
alone, by himself, did nothing but ride round
and view those that had fallen in the action.
And they who had it in charge, dragging him
with difficulty away, brought him to Astyages,
while he put his conductors forward before him,
because he saw the countenance of his grand-
father look dissatisfied on seeing him.

These things passed among the Medes, and
all people had Cyrus in their mouths, both in
their discourses and songs. But Astyages,
who before had a great esteem for him, was
now quite astonished and struck with him.
Cambyses, the father of Cyrus, was pleased to
hear these things of him; but when he heard
that Cyrus begun to perform acts of manhood,
he called him home, that he might complete his
stitution among the Persians, according to
the rules of his country. And on this occasion
Cyrus is reported to have said, “ That he

ll

would return, lest his father should be uneasy
and his country blame him.” Astyages there-
fore seemed to be under a necessity of parting
with him: so he sent him away, but first pre-
sented him with such horses as he desired to
have, and furnishing him with other things ofall
kinds, both because of the affection he had for
him, and because he had great assurance and
hopes that he would prove a man thoroughly
able to do service to his friends, and mischief
to his enemies. :

All people waited on Cyrus at his departure
attending him part of his way on horseback,
both boys, youth, men, and those in years; so
likewise did Astyages himself. And they say
that not one turned back at parting with him
without tears ; and it is said that Cyrus him-
self shed many tears at parting; that he gave
many presents to his companions and equals in
age out of what Astyages had given him; and
that, at last, taking off the Median robe he had
on, he gave it to a certain youth, declaring by
this that he loved that youth the most of any.
It is said that they who had taken and accept -
ed of these presents returned them to Astyages,
and that Astyages sent them to Cyrus, but that
he sent them back again to the Medes, and
sent word thus: “Ὁ grandfather! if you
would have me return hither again with plea..
sure, and not with shame, let every one keep
what I have given him:” and that Astyages
hearing this, did as Cyrus had begged him by
his message to do.

But if I may be allowed to relate a sportive
affair, it is said that when Cyrus went away,
and that he and his relations parted, they took
their leave, and dismissed him with a kiss, ac-
cording to the Persian custom ; for the Persians
practise it to this day; and that a certain
Mede, a very excellent person, had been long
struck with the beauty of Cyrus; that when
he saw Cyrus’ relations kiss him, he stayed be-
hind, and when the rest were gone, accosted
Cyrus, and said to him: “ And am I, Cyrus,
the only one of all your relations that you do |
not know?” ‘ What!” said Cyrus, “ and are
youa relation?” “ Yes,” said he. ‘ This was
the reason then,” said Cyrus, “ that you used
to gaze at me; for I think I recollect that you
frequently did so.” “41 was very desirous,”
said he, “to salute you, but I was always
ashamed to do it.” *‘* But,” said Cyrus, “ you
that are a relation ought not to have been so.”
So, coming up to him, he kissed him. ‘The

12

Mede having received the kiss, is said to have
asked this question: “ And is it a custom
among the Persians to kiss relations?” “It is
so,” said Cyrus, “ when they see one another
at some distance of time, or when they part.”
“ Then,” said the Mede, “ it seems now to be
time for you to kiss me again ; for, as you see,
I am just going away.” So Cyrus, kissing him
again, dismissed him, and went his way. They
had not gone very far before the Mede came
up with him again, with his horse all over in a
sweat ; and Cyrus, getting sight of him, said,
‘< What, have you forgot any thing that you
had a mind to say to me?” ‘ No, by Jove!”
said he, “ but I am come again at a distance of
time.” <“ Dear relation!” said he, “itisa very
short one.” “How ashort one?” said the Mede,
‘do you not know, Cyrus,” said he, * that
the very twinkling of my eyes is a long time to
be without seeing you, you who are so lovely?”
Here Cyrus, from being in tears, broke out
into laughter, bid him “ go his way, and take
courage ; that in a little time he would be with
them again; and that then he would be at
liberty to look at him, if he pleased, with steady
eyes, and without twinkling.”

VY. Cyrus, returning thus into Persia, is said
to have continued a year longer amongst the
boys. At first they made their jests on him,
as being now come home, instructed amongst
the Medes in luxury and pleasure. But when
they saw that he clothed himself as they did;
that he drank as they did, and with pleasure ;
and that in festivals, when they had a little more
than ordinary plenty, they perceived him more
ready to give his share away than desirous to
have it himself: and besides, when they saw
him in all other respects much superior to
themselves, they were then astonished at him.
Then having passed through the discipline of
these years, and entering the order of youth,
he here again appeared superior to the rest,
both in executing what was proper, in under-
going every thing that was his part so to do,
in his respects to his elders, and in his obedi-
ence to his rulers.

In progress of time Astyages died, and his
son Cyaxares, brother to Cyrus’ mother, took
on him the government of the Medes. And
the king of Assyria, having overthrown all the
Syrians, who were no small nation, and having
subjected the king of the Arabs, and holding
the Hyrcanians under his dominion, and being
at that time at war with the Bactrians, con-

XENOPHON ON THE

sidered that if he could break the power of the —

[BOOK 1.

Medes he should easily obtain the dominion of
all around him; for the Medes seemed to be
the strongest of all the neighbouring nations.
So he sent round to all those that were subject
to himself; he sent to Croesus, king of Lydia,
to the king of Cappadocia, to both the Phrygi-
as, to the Carians, Paphlagonians, Indians, and
Cilicians, loading the Medes and Persians with
calumny and reproach ; telling them how great,
how powerful, and how united in interest these
two nations were by means of several intermar-

riages ; that they would unite into one ; and if

he did not prevent them, and break their power,
they would run a risk, by attacking each nation
severally, to overturn all. Some being per-
suaded by these arguments, entered into a con-
federacy with him; others were prevailed
with by money and presents, for in these he
abounded.

Cyaxares, the son of Astyages, when he per-
ceived this design, and these united prepara-
tions against him, did himself immediately
make the utmost preparations that he was able
to oppose them ; and he sent to the Persians,
both to the public council and to Cambyses,
who was married to his sister, and was king of
Persia. He sent likewise to Cyrus, desiring
him to endeavour to come as commander of the
forces, if the public council of the Persians
should send any ; for Cyrus by this time had
completed ten years amongst the youth, and
was now of the full grown men.

So Cyrus accepting it, the elders in council
chose him commander of the expedition into
Media. They gave him power to choose two
hundred from amongst those who were equally
entitled to all honours, and to each of these they
gave power to choose four of their own order.
These, altogether, made a thousand. Again,
to each of these thousands they gave a power
to choose from amongst the common people of
Persia ten targeteers, ten slingers, and ten
archers. Thus there were ten thousand arch-
ers, ten thousand targeteers, and ten thousand
slingers, and the thousand besides. So great
was the army that was given to Cyrus: and as
soon as he was chosen he began by making ap-
plication to the gods; and having sacrificed
happily and successfully, he then chose the two
hundred ; and when these had afterwards cho-
sen each their four, he assembled them to-
gether, and made his first discourse to them
thus :

«

=a

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

* Friends, 1 haye chosen you, not as having '
now for the first time had proof of your worth, |
but as having seen you, from boys, performing |

with ardour all things that the city judges ex-
cellent and noble, and avoiding entirely what-
ever it reckons mean and base. I would now
lay before you on what account it is that I, not
unwillingly, am placed in this station, and that
I have called you together. I have thought
that our forefathers were nowise inferior to
ourselves ; for they passed their days in the
continual exercise and practice of such things
as are thought actions of virtue; but what
with this their virtue they have acquired, either
for the public of Persia, or for themselves,
I cannot yet discover. Yet, in my opinion,
men practise no virtue, but that by it they may
gain the advantage of the vicious. ‘They who
abstain from pleasures at present, do not do it
that they may never have delight; but they do
it that, by means of that temperance at present,
they may in future time have returns of delight
manifold. They who are desirous to be
powerful in speaking, do not exercise them-
selves in it that they may never give over dis-
coursing ; but they do it in hopes, that, prevail-
ing on numbers of men by the power of their
eloquence, they may effect many things, and
those of great consequence.

“ They who exercise themselves in martial
affairs do not take pains in it that they may
never cease fighting; but they judge, that by
making themselves able in military affairs,
they shall acquire great riches, great happiness,
and great honours, to themselves and to their
country. And if any have taken pains to ac-
quire ability and skill in these affairs, and
Without reaping any fruits from them, have
neglected themselves till they have been dis-
abled by old age, in my opinion they have un-
dergone the same fate as one who was desirous
to be a good husbandman would do, who,
sowing and planting with skill, when the time
came for gathering the fruits, should let them
fall ungathered to the ground again: and as a
wrestler, who, after much pains bestowed,
and becoming qualified for victory, should pass
his days without entering the lists ; and in my
opinion such a one could not justly be freed
from the imputation of folly. Let not us,
friends, submit to such a fate; but, since we
are conscious to ourselves that, from boys, we
are exercised in all great and noble things, let
us march against these enemies of ours, that I,

13

an eye-witness, well know to be poor, insigni-
ficant men, as antagonists to you: for such
men are not very dangerous antagonists, who,
though they may be skilful at their bow, and
at their javelin, and in horsemanship, yet sven
they are to undergo toil and labour, sink uyder
it: and these men, with respect to pains and
labour, are mean and poor, Nor are such
men dangerous antagonists, who, when they
are to watch and deny themselves their usual
rest, are quite broken by it: and in this re-
spect likewise these men are mean and poor.
Nor are such dangerous antagonists, who,
though able in all these respects, yet are igno-
rant how to deal either with allies or with ene-
mies: and these men are evidently ignorant
and unpractised in the noblest arts. But you
can make use of the night, as others of the day ;
you reckon that toil and pains must conduct
you to a life of pleasure ; you can use hunger
to relish your food, as others do the daintiest
meats ; you, even with more ease than lions,
can bear the drinking of plain water; and you
carry within your minds the noblest and most
warlike quality in the world ; for praise is what
you are pleased with above all things, and they
that are lovers of praise do of course undergo
all toil, and all danger, with pleasure. If I
say these things of you, and know otherwise,
I abuse myself; for whatever falls short of
this in your conduct, the deficiency will fall
on me. But I trust to my own experience,
to your good-will towards me, and to the folly
of our enemies, that these good hopes will not
fail me. Let us set forward with confidence,
since we are far from appearing to be taken
with an unjust desire of what belongs to others ;
for our enemies are coming on us, being them-
selves the aggressors in wrong. Our friends
call us to their assistance ; what therefore is
more just than to repel injuries ? what more
noble than to help our friends? Besides,
methinks it ought not to be one of the least
grounds of your confidence in this case, that I
do not set out on this expedition with the
neglect of the gods; for you, who have con-
versed much with me, know that I have en-
deavoured to begin not great affairs only, but
even little ones, with application to the gods.
To conclude,” said he, ‘ what farther shall I
say? Do you make choice of your men, and
take them under your care; and making all
things else ready, march to the Medes; I,
first returning back to my father, will go before

14

you, that I may learn, as soon as possible, the
condition of the enemy, and prepare things for
you as well as I can, that with the assistance
of the gods, we may carry on this war in the
noblest manner.” These men did as Cyrus
required.

VI. Cyrus, returning home, and having made
his supplications to Vesta, and to Jove Pater-
nal, and to the other deities, set out on this
expedition, and his father attended him on his
way. As soon as they were out of the house,
it is said, that it thundered and lightened in a
happy manner. On which they went on with-
out farther augury, as if no one could be igno-
rant what these signals of the most powerful
god imported. As Cyrus proceeded on his
journey, his father began a discourse with him
in this manner :

*‘ That the gods send you out on this expe-
dition propitiously and favourably is evident,
chil€, both from the sacrifices and from the
signals from heaven: and you yourself know
it to be so; for I have purposely taught you
these things, that you might not come to the
knowledge of what the gods advise and direct
you to by means of other interpreters; but
that you yourself, seeing what is to be seen,
and hearing what is to be heard, may under.
stand, and not be at the mercy of diviners,
who, if they please, may deceive you, and tell
you different things from what the gods really
signify to you; and that, in case you are with-
out a diviner, you may not be at a loss what
use to make of the divine signals, but, by your
knowledge in divination, understanding the ad-
vices given you by the gods, you may comply
with them.” “ Father,” said Cyrus, “I will
always continue using my utmost care, accord-
ing to your instruction, to render the gods pro-
pitious to us, and willing to give us their advice
and direction ; for I remember to have heard it
from you, that, as from men, so likewise from
the gods, the most likely person to obtain his
suit is not he who, when he is in distress, flat-
ters servilely, but he who, in his most happy
circumstances, is most mindful of the gods.
And you used to say that it was in the same
manner that one ought to cultivate friends.”
“ Therefore, child,” said he, “ on account of
this your care, you now apply to the gods, and
make your requests to them with the more
pleasure, and you have the better hopes to ob-
tain what you ask, appearing to yourself con-
scious that you have never neglected them.”

XENOPHON ON THE

“ Truly, father,” said he, “ I am for that rea-

| BOoK 1.

son ;* suc a temper of mind, with respect to
the gods, as to reckon them my friends.”
“ Well, child,” said he, “do you remember
those other opinions that we heretofore agreed
in ? as that, in all things that the gods bestow,
such men as have acquired skill and knowledge
in them act and succeed better than they who
are ignorant in them; that the laborious suc-

ceed better than the idle ; that the diligent and

the careful live with more security than the
negligent and careless ; and that, therefore, first
rendering ourselves suck as we ought to be, we
then should make our prayers to the gods for
their blessings.” “ Yes, indeed,” said Cyrus,
“1 do remember to have heard these things
from you; and I was forced to submit to your
reasoning: for I know you used to say that it
was downright impiety for such as had never
learned to ride, to supplicate the gods for vic-
tory in engagements of horse: or for such as
had never learned the use of the bow, to ask
the superiority, at this very weapon, over those
who understood it; or for such as knew not
how to steer, to pray that they might preserve
ships in quality of pilots ; or for such as have
not sown wheat, to pray that they might havea
good crop of it; or for such as are not watch-
ful in war, to pray that they may be preserved
in safety; for that all such things were con-
trary to the settled laws of the gods: and you
said that such as made impious prayers would
probably meet with disappointments from the
gods : as such would fail of success with men, who
should desire things contrary to all human laws.”

‘“ And have you forgot, child,” said he,
“those other matters that you and I haye
heretofore discoursed on? as, that it was a
great and noble work for a man to be able to
approve himself a good and excellent man, and
to find means to supply himself and his family
with plenty of all things necessary. And this
being thus allowed to be a*great work, that to
understand how to govern other men, so as to
supply them with all things necessary, and in
abundance, and so as to render them such as
they ought to be; this we thought was an
astonishing work!” “ Yes, truly, father,” said
he, “ I remember to have heard you say this,
and I was of opinion with you, that to govern
well was a work of the highest nature. And
it now appears to me to be so,” said he, “ when
I consider it with respect to government itself ;
but when I consider it with respect to other

:
Ϊ
]
᾿
᾿

Ι
/

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INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 15

men, what kind of men these governors are,
and what kind of men they are who are to be
our antagonists, I think it very mean to be ter-
rified with such people, and to be unwilling to
march and engage them. Men,” said he,
ff who, to begin with these friends of ours, I
‘find are of opinion that a governor ought to
distinguish himself from those that he governs,
by his eating more sumptuously, by having
more gold in his house, by sleeping longer, and
by living, in all respects, more at ease than those
that he governs. But my opinion is,” said he,
“that a governor ought to differ from the
governed, not by a life of ease and luxury, but
by care and circumspection, and by his readi-
ness to undergo toil and labour.” : “ But, child,”
said he, “there are some matters wherein you
are not to contend with men, but with things ;
and to have these plentifully at command is no
easy matter. You readily know, that if the
army have not necessaries, your command is
immediately dissolved and falls to pieces.”
“ Father,” said he, “therefore Cyaxares says,
that he will afford them to all that go from
hence, however great the number may be.”
“ You go then, child,” said he, “ trusting in
these matters entirely to Cyaxares’ riches ?” “1
do,” said Cyrus. “ Well,” said he, “but do
you know what these riches are?” ‘No,
truly,” said Cyrus, “ I donot.” “ Yet,” said
he, “to those things, that you are thus in the
dark about, do you trust. Do you not know
that you will be in want of abundance of things,
and that now you must of necessity spend abun-
dance?” “Ido know it,” said Cyrus. “Ἅ If
therefore,” said he, “the supply of this expense
fail him, or that he purposely deal falsely by
you, how will the affairs of the army then
stand? It is plain, not very well.” “ Then,
father,” said he, “if you know any means of
obtaining a supply, and such as may depend on
myself, whilst I am yet on friendly ground,
pray tell it me.” “ Do you ask, child,” said
he, “if there be any means of supply depend-
ing on yourself? And on whom are these
things more likely to depend than on cne who
has power in his hands? You go from hence
with such a body of foot, as I very well know
you would not exchange for any other, though
many times their number; and you will have
the Median cavalry, who are the best, and who
will be with you as your allies and friends.
What nation is there then, of all around, that
you think will not serve you, both out of a

desire to gain your favour, and for fear cf
receiving harm? These matters you ought to
concert with Cyaxares, that nothing of what is
necessary for you may be wanting; and, on
account of the continual expense, you ought to
secure a revenue and supply that may be always
accruing. But above all things remember this,
never to delay the procuring your supply till
want presses you to it; but while you have the
greatest plenty, and before you come to want,
then labour the most to make sure of it ; for
you will succeed the better with those from
whom you demand it when you seem not to be
in want; and your men will have nothing to
blame you for. By these means, likewise, you
will have more respect paid you by others:
and if by means of your forces you have a
mind to do service or prejudice to any, while
your men are supplied with all that they want
they will do you better service. And be
assured that your words will carry greater
weight with them, when you can show that
you nave it in your power to do service or to
do hurt.” 41 am satisfied, father,” said he,
“that you are right in all this, both for other
reasons, as well as particularly because there

| are none of the soldiers that will pay me thanks

for what they are now to receive; for they
know on what terms Cyaxares takes them as
his allies: but whatever any of them shall re-
ceive over and above what is agreed, this they
will reckon favour, and will pay the greatest
gratitude to the bestower of it. And indeed
for one who has a force, by whose means he
may receive advantages in return of service
done to friends, and may endeavour to make
conquests on enemies ; for such a one to be
careless in securing himself supplies, can one
think this,” said he, “to be less reproachful,
than it would be in a man who had lands, and
had servants to cultivate them, and who, after
all, should let those lands lie fallow and use-
less ? Depend on it, therefore,” said he, “that,
both in the territory of friends and of enemies,
I will not be sparing of my care to supply my
men with all things fitting.”

“ Well, child,” said he, ‘‘and do you remember
certain other things that we heretofore agreed
it was necessary not to neglect?” ‘ Yes,” said
he; “for I remember, that when I came to
you for money to give a man, who pretended
to have taught me the art of commanding an
army, as you gave me the money you asked me.
‘ Child, said you, ‘did this man, that ycu

16

carry this reward to, ever, amongst the arts
and business of a general, mention any thing
of economy to you? for soldiers in an army
are not less in want of things necessary than
are domestics in a family :’ and when, telling
you the truth, I said that he had not made the
least mention of it, you asked me again—
« Whether he had spoken to me concerning the
health and strength of my men? As that a
general ought to mind these things, as well as
the leading and managing of them in action:’
when I told you no, you again asked me—
‘ Whether he had taught me how to take care
to make my men the most able at all warlike
exercises ?? and when I denied this too, you
inquired again—‘ Whether he had given me any
instruction how I might raise spirit and courage
in an army? for,’ you said, ‘that in every ac-
tion, there were vast odds between an army’s
being in spirit and out of heart.” When I de-
nied this too, you inquired again—‘ Whether
he held any discourse to teach me how one
might best bring an army to ready obedience ?’
When you found that this had not been in the
least spoken of, you at last inquired—‘ What it
was he had taught me then, that he could say
he had taught me the art of commanding an
army?’ Here 1 replied, and told you the tac-
tics, or the art of forming and moving in order.
You, laughing at this, ran over each particular ;
asking me what use there was in generalship
of tactics without necessaries; what without
health ; what without skill in the arts that
have been invented for the use of war; what
without obedience. So you made it evident to
me that this tactic art was but a small part of
generalship. And when I asked you, whether
you were able to teach me any of these matters,
you bid me go my ways, and discourse with
men that were reputed knowing in military
affairs, and inquire from them how these mat-
ters stood. Onthis I conversed with suchas I
had heard were most knowing in these matters.
And with respect to health, having heard and
observed that cities that want health get phy-
sicians ; and that commanders, for the sake of
their men, take physicians with them ; so when
I was placed in this station I presently took
care of this: and I believe, father,” said he,
‘that I have men with me who are very able in
the art of physic.” To this the father replied :
“ But, child,” said he, “these men that you
speak of are like menders of torn clothes; so

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK I.

when people are sick, physicians cure them:
but your care of health is to be of a nobler
kind: to prevent the army’s becoming sickly
is what you ought to take care of.”

«“ And which way, father,” said he, “shall I
be able to do this?” “‘ Why, if you are to stay
some time in a place, you ought not to be care-
less in your choice of a healthy camp: and in
this you will not be deceived, provided you are
but careful ; for men are continually talking of
healthy and unhealthy places, and on the places

themselves there are sure witnesses to give _-
their testimony either way, both by their per-

sons and complexions. But then it will not
suffice you to consider places only, but pray re-
collect what course you have taken yourself,

in your endeavours to preserve your health.” ἡ

Cyrus then said: “ In the first place, I endea-
vour not to over-fill myself, for it is a very bur-
densome thing ; and then what I take down I
work off by exercise. By this means I think
that I preserve health and acquire vigour.” “ In
the same manner, therefore, child,” said he,
“ἐ you must take care of others.” “ And shall
we have leisure,” said he, ‘‘ father, to exercise
the soldiers in this manner?” “ You will not
only have leisure,” said the father, “ but neces-
sity will oblige you to it; for an army that will
do its duty must never be at rest, but employ-
ed either in distressing the enemy or making
advantage to themselves. It is a difficult mat-
ter for a single man to be maintained idle, and
yet more difficult for a family; but most diffi-
cult of all to maintain an army idle: for in an
army, from the lowest to the highest, there are
many mouths, and what they get they spend
very lavishly ; so that it is never fit for an army
to be idle.” “* You seem to me, father,” said he,
“ to say, that as an idle husbandman is good for
nothing, so is an idle general good for nothing.
But, unless some god blast my endeavours, I
take it on me to show you a diligent and ac-
tive general, and soldiers well supplied with all
things necessary, and to take care that their bo-
dies shall be in the best condition. But with
respect to the several military arts, father,” said
he, “in my opinion, he that should establish
games in the several kinds, and propose certain
rewards to such as should excel in them, would
make them be best practised, so as to have
them ready foruse on occasion.” “ Child,” said
he, “you say very well; for by doing this you
will see the several orders and divisions of your

(
|
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INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

men, like sets of dancers, always performing
their proper parts.”

« But then,” said Cyrus, “ with respect to the
raising of courage and spirit amongst the sol-
diers ; I think nothing more effectual than to
give the men great hopes of advantage.” ‘ But,
child,” said he, “ this expedient is just as if any
one in hunting should always encourage the
dogs in the same manner that is used when the
beast is in yiew; for one that should do thus
would have thein very eager and ready at his
encouragement at first, but, if he often deceiv-
ed them, they would at last give no attention

. to his encouragement when the beast was

really in his view. It is the same with respect
to these hopes; if any one should balk men
often, after having raised them to mighty ex-
pectations, he would not at last be able to pre-
vail with them, though he talked to them of
hopes ever so real and well grounded. But,
child,” said he, “ you must be very cautious in
saying any thing that you do not very well
know; the same thing, sometimes, said by
others, may do the business; your own en-

couragement you must with the utmost care

preserve in credit for the greatest occasions.”
* Indeed, father,” said Cyrus, ‘in my opinion
you say perfectly well, and this way is to me
much the more agreeable.

« But, in the matter of rendering the soldiers
obedient, I take myself, father, not to be un-
skilled ; for presently, from a boy, you took
me under discipline, and obliged me to be obe-
dient to you; then you gave me up to my
teachers, and they did the same thing. Then,
again, when I became one of the youth, our
ruler took effectual care in this matter; and
there are many laws that, in my opinion, tend
chiefly to the teaching of these two things, how
to govern, and how to obey; and, on consider-
ing them, J think J find that the most proper
means to enforce obedience is to praise and re-
compense the obedient, and to disgrace and
punish the disobedient.” ‘ Indeed, child,”
said he, “‘ to a forced obedience this is the way ;
but to a willing obedience, which is much the
better, there is another way, and a readier ; for,
whoever men take to be more knowing than
themselves in what is for their interest and ad-
vantage, such a one they obey with pleasure.
This you may know to be true in many other
cases, as well as particularly in that of sick
people, who are mighty ready and zealous in
sending for such as may prescribe what is fit for

17

them to do: so at sea, the people that are on
board are very ready and zealous to obey their
pilots; and travellers are extremely averse to
part with such as they think know the roads
better than themselves : but when men think
that they shall be injured by their obedience,
they will neither yield to punishments nor be
raised by rewards ; for no one willingly takes a
reward to his own prejudice.” ‘ You say,

father,” said he, “ that nothing more effectually

procures one obedience than to appear to have
more wisdom and knowledge than those that
one rules.” ‘ Ido say so,” said he. “ And
how, father,” said he, “ shall one be best able
to raise such an opinion of one’s self?” “ Child,”
said he, “ there isno readier way to appear wise
and knowing in things wherein you desire to
appear so, than to be in reality knowing in
those things ; and considering the things in par-
ticular, you will find that what I say is true:
for if you would appear a good husbandman, a
good horseman, a good physician, a good player
on the flute, or any other artist whatever, when
you really are not so, consider how many con-
trivances you must use in order to appear so.
And if you can prevail with. a great many
people to commend you, that you may gain a
reputation, and if you purchase fine instruments,
and furniture belonging to each of the arts, you
are then an impostor. And soon after, when
you come to give proof of your skill, you
would be convicted, and would appear an arro-
gant boaster. But with respect to future time,
and to what may or may not turn to advantage
in the consequence, what is the way to make
one’s self in this really wise and knowing ? It is
plain, child,” said he, ‘ by learning every thing
that one can acquire the knowledge of by
learning, as you have learnt the tactic art ; but
with respect to what is not to be learnt from
men, nor attained to by human foresight, con-
sulting the gods in such cases, by divination,
you will make yourself more knowing than
others : and what you find most proper to be
done, you are to take care that it be done; for
to see to the execution of what is proper is more
the part of a man of prudence than to neglect
its

« But then,” said Cyrus, “as to the being
beloved by those that one rules, which is
amongst the things that I take to be of the
greatest importance, it is evident that the way
is the same as it is to gain the love of friends:
for I know very wel that one ought to be seen

18
doing them service.” ‘ But, child,” said he,
“ it is a matter of great difficulty to be always
able to serve those that one has a mind to
serve ; but to be observed to rejoice with them
when any good fortune befalls them, and to
grieve with them when any thing ill ; to appear
zealous to assist them in their distresses ; afraid
lest they should miscarry in any thing ; and to
endeavour to prevent this by care and circum-
spection ; these are things that you ought rather
to concur with them in.
action, the commander ought to be observed to
undergo more heat in the summer, and in the
winter more cold, and in great fatigues more
labour and pain than others; for all these
things contribute to the being beloved by those
that are under one’s government.” ‘ You say,
father,” said he, “‘ that a commander cught, in
all respects, to undergo more than those that
he commands.” “61 do say it,” said he ; “and
be of good courage, child; for be assured that
bedies being alike, the same labours do not fall
equally heavy on the commander and the pri-
vate man : for glory makes those labours lighter
to the commander, and the being conscious to
himself that, in whatever he does, he does not
lie concealed.”

“ But then, father, when the soldiers are
supplied with all things necessary ; when they
are in health and able to undergo labour ; when
they are skilful and well exercised in all the
military arts ; when they are ambitious to ap-
pear brave men; when obedience is more
pleasing to them than the contrary ; would you
not think a man wise who should then desire,
on the first opportunity, to bring them to an
engagement with the enemy?” “ Yes, truly,”
said he, “ provided that he had the enemy at a
proper advantage : but if otherwise, “he better
I thought of myself, and the better I thought of
my men, the more on my guard would I be;
and, as in other things that we think of greatest
value to us, so in these we should endeavour to
have them secured in the strongest manner.”

« And what is the best way, father, to take
advantage of the enemy?” ‘ Truly, child,”
said he, “this is no contemptible nor simple
business that you inquire about. But be it
known to you, that he who is to de this must
be full of wiles, a dissembler, crafty, deceitful,
a thief, anda robber, and must take advantage
of his enemy in all manner of ways.” Cyrus,
laughing at this, cried out: “ O Hercules!
what a man, father, do you say that I must be !”

XENOPHON ON THE

And in point of.

[BOOK I.

“Such a one, child,” said he, “as may yet ἡ
have the strictest regard to law and justice.”
“«« Why, then,” said he, “ while we were boys,
and while we were youths, did you teach us the
direct contrary 2?” ‘And so truly we do still,”
said he, “ with respect to friends and fellow-
citizens. But do you not know, that in order
to injure enemies, you have learnt a great many
mischievous arts?” ‘“ Not I, father,” said he.
ἐς To what end then,” said he, “did you learn.
the use of the bow, and to throw the javelin?
To what end did you learn to deceive wild
boars with toils and trenches, and stags with
snares and gins ?
your encountering lions, bears, and leopards,
you did not put yourself on an even footing
with them, but endeavour to take all advantages
in engaging them? Do you not know that
these are all mischievous artifices, deceits, sub-
tleties, and takings of advantage?” ‘ Yes,
truly,” said Cyrus, “against beasts; but if I
was discovered intending to deceive a man, I
got a good many stripes for it.” ‘‘ Nor did
we, I think,” said he, ‘allow you to-shoot
with the bow, or shoot a javelin at a man ; but
we taught you to throw at a mark, that you
might not, at that time, do mischief to your
friends, but that in case of war, you might be
able to take your aim at men. And we in.
structed you to practise deceits, and to take ad-
vantages, not of men, but of beasts, that you
might not hurt your friends by these means, but
that in case a war should happen you might not
be unpractised in them.” “ὁ Therefore,” said
he, ““ father, if it be of use to know, both how
to do men good, and how to do them harm, it
ought to have been taught us how to practise
both on men.” “ Child,” said he, “in the time
of our forefathers, there is said to have been a
certain teacher of youth, who, just as you de-
sire, taught the boys both to deal justly and
unjustly ; to be true and to be false ; to deceive
and not to deceive; to practise calumny and
not to practise it; to take advantage and not
to take advantage. And he distinguished what
was to be practised towards friends, and what
towards enemies ; and proceeding yet farther,
he taught that it was just even to deceive
friends, if it were done for their good ; and just
to play the thief, and to steal from friends what
belonged to them, if it were done for their
good. And this teacher was obliged to exer-
cise the boys one against another in the prac-
tice of these things, as they say the Greeks

What is the reason that in .

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 19

teach to deceive in wrestling, and exercise the
boys in it one against another, that they may
know how to put it in practice. Some there-
fore having so natural an aptness to deceive
and take advantage, and perhaps no unnatural
unaptness to make profit and advantage to
themselves, did not refrain from using their
endeavours to take advantages of friends.
On this, therefore, a decree was made, which
is yet in force among us, to teach the boys,
simply and directly, as we teach our servants in
their behaviour towards us, to tell truth, not to
deceive, not to steal, not to take advantage ;
and if they transgress in these things, to punish
them, that being so accustomed to these man-
ners, they might become more mild and tract-
able citizens. But when they come to the age
that you now are at, to teach them what is law-
ful with respect to enemies seemed what might
be done securely ; for it did not seem probable
that being bred together with a reverence for
each other, you should afterwards break out so
as to become wild and savage citizens ; just as
‘we avoid discoursing concerning the affairs of
the beautiful goddess before very young people,
lest a freedom from restraint being added to a
vehement desire, they should fall into great ex-
cess in their dealing that way.” ““ To me,
therefore,” said he, ‘‘ father, as being a very late
learner of these artifices, do not refuse to teach
them, if you know any, that I may take advyan-
tage of the enemy.” “ Do all, then,” said he,
“that is in your power, with your own men in
the best order, to take the enemy in disorder ;
the enemy unarmed, with your own men arm-
ed; the enemy sleeping, with your own men
waking ; the enemy open and exposed to you,
yourself being concealed and in the dark to
them ; to fall on them while engaged in diffi-
cult places, yourself being master of a place of
strength.” “ And how,” said he, “can one
possibly catch the enemy making such mistakes
as these?” ‘ Because, child,” said he, “ both
the enemy and yourselves are obliged, by neces-
sity, to-undergo many things of this kind : for
you must both get provisions ; you must both
necessarily have rest; and in your marches you
must make use of such roads as you find,
whatever they are: considering all these things,
in whatever part you know yourself to be the
‘weakest, in that you must be the most watch-
ful ; and in whatever part you observe the ene-
my to be most exposed, in that you must at-
tack him.”

_ “Js it in these things only,” said Cyrus, “ that

advantages are to be taken, or may it be done
in others ?” ““ It may be done in others, child,”
said he, “and more effectually; for in these
cases men for the most: part place strong guards,
knowing full well that they are necessary.
They that would deceive the enemy may pos-.

sibly, by raising in them a confidence and 56-

curity, surprise them unguarded ; or, by letting
themselves be pursued, may bring the enemy in-
to disorder, and enticing them on by their flight
into a disadvantageous post, may there attack
them. But you, child, who are fond of skill
in all these affairs, must not make use of such
things only as you have been informed of; you
must be yourself the contriver of some strata-
gems to put in practice against the enemy: for
as musicians do not only deal in such songs as
they have been taught, but endeavour to com-
pose others; and as in music such pieces as
are new, and as one may say in flower, meet
with success and approbation, so, in affairs of
war, new contrivances are best approved, for
they are most capable of deceiving the enemy.
But, child,” said he, ““ if you do no more than
transfer to men those contrivances that you
have used to ensnare little animals, do you not
think,” said he, “ you will go a great way in the
art of taking advantage of your enemy ? for, in
order to catch birds, you used to rise and go out
in the night, in the hardest winter, and before
the birds were stirring you had your nets ready
laid for them ; and a moveable foundation was
disguised, and made like an immoveable one ;
you had birds ready taught to serve your ends,
and to deceive those of their own kind; you
yourself lay hid, but so as to see them, and not
to be seen by them; and you watched your op-
portunity to draw your nets, and to prevent the
birds escaping. ‘Then, with respect to the
hare, because she feeds in the dusk, and makes
away to her form by day, you keep dogs; some
of them to find her by the scent; and because
she takes to her heels as soon as she is dis-
covered, you have other dogs that are proper to
take her at her course ; andif she escapes these,

then, having before discovered the meshes, and _

to what part the hare chooses to run, in these
places you lay nets that are hardly to be seen,
that in the eagerness of her course, throw-
ing herself into the net, she may be ham-
pered ; and that she may not escape this snare,
you set people to watch what passes; and
these, from some places near, are presently on

No

her ; you yourself follow her, you astonish and
amaze her with clamour and noise, that never
quits her, so that in this distraction she is taken;
and you make those that are set to’ watch lie
concealed, with instructions beforehand to be
perfectly still and silent. As I said before,
therefore, if you would form some such contri-
vances against men, I do not know that you
would leave one enemy alive. But if there
is a necessity to fight on even terms with re-
spect to situation, openly, and both parties pre-
pared and armed, in such a case, child, those
advantages that you have been long before pro-
vided with are of great weight ; I mean those
when the bodies of your men are duly exercised,
their minds keen, and all the soldiers’ arts well
practised. Besides, it is very necessary that
you should know, that whoever they are that
you desire should be obedient to you, they, on
their part, will desire you to be provident and
careful of them ; therefore never be remiss, but
consider at night what your men shall do when
it is day; and consider in the day how matters
may be on the best footing with respect to the
passing of the night. But as to the forming
your army for battle; the marching them,
either by day or by night, through narrow or
through open ways, through mountains or
plains ; how to encamp; how to place your
guards and watches both by night and day;
how to lead towards the enemy ; how to retreat
from them ; how to march by a city belonging
to the enemy; how to march up to a rampart,
and to retreat from it; how to pass woods or
rivers ; how to be on the guard, either against
horse or against men armed with javelin or bow:
and if, when you are marching by way of either
wing, the enemy should appear, how to form a
front against them ; and if you are marching by
your front, and that the enemy appear in another
part and not in front; how to lead against
them ; how to get the best intelligence of the
enemy’s affairs, and how best to conceal your
own from them. In all these matters, what
can Isay to you? You have often heard from
me all that I knew of them ; and, besides, who-

0 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

’ [Book 1.

ever you have thought knowing in any of these
affairs, you have not neglected to take their in-
formation, nor are you unskilled in them;
therefore, according to the several occurrences,
you must always make use of these things as
they appear to be to your advantage And take
my instruction, child,” said he, “likewise in
these things, and which are of the greatest im-
portance: Never engage either yourself or the
army in any thing contrary to the sacrifices and
auguries ; reflecting how men have chosen to
engage in certain actions at hazard, and without _
knowing at all on which side of the choice they
should meet with their advantage. This you
may be convinced of by things that often hap-
pen: there are many instances of men, and
they such as have been thought the wisest, who
have persuaded some to begin a war against
others, who have destroyed those that had
been persuaded to be the aggressors. There
are instances of many who have raised both
cities and private men, and have suffered the
greatest misfortunes at the hand of those they
had so raised. There are instances of many
who, when they might have used others as
their friends in a mutual intercourse of good
offices, and who, choosing to hold them rather
as slaves than as friends, have met with revenge
and punishment at their hands. Many, who
not liking to live contentedly, possessing a part,
and affecting to be lords of all, have by this

-means lost what was their own: and many

who have acquired the much-wished-for metal,
gold, have been destroyed by it. So human
wisdom knows no more how to choose the best,
than one who should determine to act as chance
and the lot should decide. The gods, child,
who are eternal, know all things that have been,
all things that are, and all that shall happen in -
consequence of every thing; and when men
consult them, they signify to those that they are
propitious to what they ought to do, and what
not. And if they will not give advice to all,
it is nowise wonderful ; for they are not under
any necessity to take care of those of whom
they are not willing to take care.”

XENOPHON

ON THE

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

ee .-

BOOK II.

CONTENTS or BOOK II.

1. Cyrus arrives with his army in Media—His conversations with Cyaxares—Exercises his soldiers with new wea-
pons, and rouses their emulation by proposing proportionate rewards to them.—II, His plans for improving
the army adopted—Gives instruction to all, and weeds out such as are vicious and slothful—Invites those who
exercise well to supper—His agreeable manner of entertaining them.—lII. IV- Good effects of the plans of
Cyrus—His obedience to Cyaxares—disposes his army for the view of the Indian ambassadors—Tempts Cya-
xares to make war on Armenia, and is supplied with a force—Prepares for the expedition—His sacrifices, adora-

tion, and happy omens—Arrives on the Armenian borders—Disguises his designs by a hunt—His message to the

prince of Armenia, his march and orders to his soldiers. a

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

BOOK II.

I, Discourstne in this manner, they arriv-

ed at the borders of Persia, when an eagle
appearing to the right, led the way before them.

And when they had made their supplications

to the gods and heroes, guardians of Persia,

to dismiss them favourably and propitiously, !

they passed the borders. When they had pas-
sed them they again made supplication to the
gods, guardians of Media, to receive them
propitiously and favourably ; and having dene
this, and embraced each other, as usual, the
father returned into Persia, and Cyrus marched
on into Media to Cyaxares.'

When Cyrus came to Cyaxares in Media,
they first embraced each other, as usual, and
Cyaxares afterwards asked Cyrus, ‘ What
force he was to bring him.” He replied,
“ Thirty thousand of such as have been before
with you, and served for their pay; but there
are others coming, who have never yet served
out of their own country, and are of the order

of those that are free, and equally entitled to
. all honours.”

«“ And how many of these?”
said Cyaxares. ‘ The number of them,” re-
plied Cyrus, “ will not please you, when you
hear it: but consider,” said he, “that those
who are called the alike-honoured, though but
few, rule with ease the rest of the Persians,
who are very numerous. But,” said he, “are
you in any real want of these men, or are you
under a vain alarm, and the enemy not com-
ing?” “ Indeed they are,” said he, “and in

-

1 This was the second prince of that name, supposed
to be the same with the Darius of Scripture. He was
descended from Cyaxares the First, king of Media and
Persia, in whose reign the Scythians, who had held
possession of a great portion of his territories for thirty
years, were destroyed by stratagem. The Scythians
are said to have been invited to a feast, and slain when
in a state of intoxication. This latter prince also con-
quered and destroyed the city of Nineveh, in conjunction
with Nebuchadnezzar. Se

great numbers.” How does this appear?”
“* Why, a great many people who come from
thence, some by one means and some by
another, all say the same thing; then engage
with these men we must: we must of necessi-
ty,” saidhe. ‘ Well, then,” said Cyrus, “ why
do you not tell me whether you know what
these forces are that are coming on us, and

| what we have of our own, that being apprised

of both, we may afterwards consult how to
carry on the war in the best manner?” At-
tend, then,” said Cyaxares: “ Croesus, the
Lydian, is said to bring with him ten thousand
horse ; targeteers and archers upwards of forty
thousand. They say that Arsamas, who go-
verns the Greater Phrygia, brings eight thou-
sand horse ; targeteers and lance-men not less
than forty thousand. That Aribeus, king of
the Cappadocians, brings six thousand horse ;
archers and targeteers not less than thirty
thousand. The Arabian Maragdus, ten thou-
sand horse, one hundred chariots, and of sling-
ers a very considerable body. As to the
Greeks that are settled in Asia, there is nothing
said of certain whether they attend the expedi-
tion or no. They say that Gabeus, who
rules those that inhabit the country that ex-
tends from Phrygia on the Hellespont to the
plain of Cayster, contributes six thousand
horse, and ten thousand targeteers. The
Carians, Cilicians, and Paphlagonians, though
invited, they say do not attend the expedition.

_The Assyrians, who possess Babylon, and the

rest of Assyria, will, as I judge, bring no less
than twenty thousand horse; chariots, as I
know very well, not more than two hundred ;
but I believe a vast body of foot; for so he is
accustomed to do when he falls in on us.”
“The enemy then,” said Cyrus, “you say,
amount to sixty thousand horse, and to more
than two hundred thousand targeteers and

24

archers. To proceed, then, what do you say
is the number of your own forces?” “ The
Median horse are above ten thousand: and of
targeteers and archers there may be, perhaps,
in our own territories, about sixty thousand ;
and of the Armenians, our neighbours, we
shall have four thousand horse and twenty
thousand foot.” ‘ You say, then,” said Cyrus,
ἐς that we shall have in horse less than a third
part of the enemy’s force of that sort, and
scarce half the number of their foot.” “ What !”
said Cyaxares, “do you think those Persians,
that you say you bring, are but an inconsider-
able number?” ‘* We will take another time,”
said Cyrus, “to consider whether we want
men or no: at present, pray tell me what is
the method of fighting that is in use with those
several people.” ‘ They almost all,” said
Cyaxares, “use the same: some of their men,
as well as of our own, use the bow, and others
the javelin.” ‘‘ Then,” said Cyrus, “since
such are their arms, they must necessarily en-
gage at a distance.” ‘* Necessarily,” said
Cyaxares. ‘In this case, therefore,” said
Cyrus, “the victory falls to the greater num-
ber; for the few, wounded by those weapons,
are much sooner destroyed by the many, than
the many by the few.” ‘If it be so, Cyrus,”
said he, “‘ what way can one find better than to
send to the Persians, acquaint them that if the
Medes sustain any loss the misfortune will
reach to themselves, and, at the same time,
to require from them a greater force?” “ Be
assured,” said Cyrus, “ that if all the Persians
should come, we should not exceed the enemy
in numbers.” ‘ What have you in view then
that is better?” ‘ Why,” said Cyrus, “if I
were you, I would immediately make for all
the Persians that are coming such arms as
those men, that are called the alike-honoured,
come provided with; and these are, a corslet
about the breast, a shield for the left hand, and
a sword, or cutlass, for the right. If you pro-
vide these arms, you will make it the safest
way for us to come to close fight with the
enemy; and better for the enemy to fly than
to stand their ground. For our own station,”’
said he, “we appoint against those that stand
. their ground; and those that fly we allot to
you and to your horse, that they may not have
time to make their escape or to turn again.”
Thus Cyrus spoke. Cyaxares was of opinion
that he said very right, and he thought no long-
er of sending for more men, but applied him-

XENOPHON ON THE

[BooK Il.

self to the providing of the arms before men-
tioned ; and they were scarce got ready before
the Persian gentlemen, or alike-honoured, ar-
rived, bringing the Persian army with them.

On this Cyrus is said to-have called the gen-
tlemen together, and to have spoken to them
thus: “ Friends! I, who saw that your persons
were armed, and your minds prepared for close
fight with your enemy, and knew that the Per-
sians who attend you were armed in such man-
ner as to engage only at a distance, was afraid
that, being but few in number, and destitute
of others to support you, when you fell in with ᾿
the great number of the enemy, you might come
by some misfortune. Now, therefore,” said
he, “that you are come, and bring with you
men whose bodies are not contemptible, and
who are to be supplied with arms like our own,
to raise their minds is now your part. For it
is the business of a commander not only to be
himself brave, but to take such care of those
that he rules, that they may be made as brave
as is possible.” Thus he said.

They were all much pleased, imagining they
should now engage the enemy with more to
assist and support them. And one of them
spoke to this effect: ‘‘ Perhaps,” said he, “1
shall be thought to talk strangely, if I advise
Cyrus, instead of us, to say something to these
men, who are to be our supports and fellow-
combatants, when they receive their arms ; for
I know,” said he, “that the words of those
who have the most power to do service or to
do hurt, sink deeper into the minds of the
hearers. And the presents that such men
make, though they happen to be less than what
men may receive from others like themselves,
yet the receivers value them more. So now,”
said he, “the Persians will be much more
pleased if they receive an exhortation from
Cyrus, than if they receive it from us. And
when they are placed in the degree of the alike-
honoured, they will think themselves more
strongly confirmed in it, if done by the son of
our king, and by our commander-in-chief, than
if they are introduced to it by us. Nor ought
our endeavours to be wanting; but we should
use all possible means to excite and raise the
courage of these men; for how much soever
they become braver and better men, it will be
so much the more to our advantage.”

So Cyrus, setting down the arms in a place
exposed to view, and calling together all the
Persian soldiers spoke to this effect: “ Men

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

of Persia! you were born and bred in the same
‘country that we were; you have bodies that
are nowise inferior to ours, and you ought to
have souls too not inferior to ours. And yet,
though such you are in yourselves, in our own
country you were not on an equal footing with
us. .Not that you were excluded from it by
us, but by the necessity you were under of
providing yourselves with necessaries. Now,
with the help of the gods, it shall be my care
that you shall be supplied with these. And
even though you may be in any sort inferior to
us, yet by accepting these arms, that are such
as we have ourselves, it is in your power, if
you will, to run the same hazards with us;
and, if any thing great and advantageous happen
to us on it, to be thought worthy of like ad-
vantages with ourselves. Heretofore you have
used the bow and the javelin; we have done
the same: and if you are inferior to us in the
practice of these, it is not at all wonderful ; for
you have not had the leisure that we have had
to exercise yourselves in them. But, in this
sort of arms, we have no advantage above you,
for every one will have a corslet fitted to his
breast, for the left hand a shield which you
are all accustomed to wear; and, for the right,
a sword or cutlass, which you are to use against
the enemy; not needing to be mindful of any
thing but how not to miss your blow. Under
these arms, therefore, what difference can there
be between one and another amongst us, unless
it be in boldness, in which you ought not to be
inferior to us? How should it be our part
more than yours to be desirous of victory, by
which all things great and advantageous are ac-
quired and preserved? How can superiority
of arms be less necessary to you than to us,
when it is by this that.all the conquered possess
becomes yielded to the victors?” In conclu-
sion, he said: “ You have heard all these
_ things; you, all of you, see your arms ; he that
thinks fit, let him take them, and enlist him-
self under his officer into the same order and
degree with us. He that thinks it enough for
him to be in the station of a mercenary, let
him continue under servile arms.” Thus he
said. ‘The Persians who heard him were of
opinion, that if, when they were invited to an
equal share of all advantages, by sharing in
like labours, they should not agree to it, they
should then justly pass all their days in a mean
and low condition. So they were all enlisted,
and all took the arms.

25

During the time that the enemy was said to
be approaching, but did not actually come, Cy-
rus endeavoured to exercise the bodies of his
men, in order to give them strength, and vigour ;
to teach them how to form themselves, and to
move in proper order, and to raise their minds _
to warlike affairs. And, in the first place,
being supplied with servants by Cyaxares, he
ordered them to supply all the soldiers with
every thing, ready-made, that they wanted.
And having provided for this, he left them
nothing to do but to practise such things as
related to war, seeming to have learned this
maxim, that those men were best at any thing
who, taking off their minds from application
to many things, apply themselves to one busi-
ness singly. And of affairs that relate to war,

cutting them off from the practice of the bow

and javelin, he left them only this one thing to
do, which was to fight with sword, shield, and
corslet. So that he presently brought their
minds to this state, that they found they were

-either to engage their enemy hand to hand, or

to confess that they were very worthless sup-
ports and fellow-combatants. And this was a
difficult thing to be owned by such as knew they
were maintained for nothing else but to fight
for those that maintained them. Besides, hay-
ing considered that, whatever the things are
wherein men are raised to an emulation one
against another, those are the things they are
most willing to exercise themselves in, he ap-
pointed them to contend and vie with each
other in all those kinds of things that he knew
were fit to be exercised and practised by the
soldiers.

The things he so appointed were these: to
the private man, to make himself a good sol-
dier, obedient to his commanders; ready to
undergo labour ; to be enterprising in dangers,
but consistently with good order; to be skilful
in the military exercises ; fond of having his
arms beautiful and in good condition; and in
all such matters desirous of praise. To the
leader of five, to make himself such as it be-
came the private man to be; and to do his ut-
most to make his five likewise such. To the
leader of ten, to make his ten such. To the
captain to do the same for his company; the
colonel for his regiment ; and in the same man-
ner, to the rest of the commanding officers, to
render themselves unexceptionable and blame.
less; and to take care that those who were
under their command should, in their several

D

26

stations, make those under them ready to do
their duties. The rewards he proposed in this
contention were these: to the colonels, who,
by their care, appeared to have made themselves
the best regiments, to be made commanders of
a thousand; to the captains, who appeared to
have made themselves the best companies, to
be made colonels ; to the leaders of ten, that
approved themselves the best, to be advanced
to the degree of captains; and to the leaders
of five, in like manner to be advanced to the
degree of leaders of ten: and to the private
men that behaved best, to be advanced to the
degree of leaders of five. In the first place,
therefore, all these officers were well served by

. those they commanded, and then all those.

other honours, suitable to every one, attended
them. He likewise gave greater hopes to those
who deserved praise, in case any more than
ordinary advantage should on occasion fall in
their way. He proposed also certain rewards
of victory to whole regiments and companies.
So likewise to whole tens and fives, if they
appeared to be the most obedient to their com-
manders, and to perform the things before-
mentioned with the greatest ardour and readi-
ness; and the rewards to these were such as
were the most proper to be bestowed in com-
mon on a number of men. These were the
things that were proposed to the army, and
exercised amongst them.

Tents he likewise provided for them, as

many in number as were the colonels, and of

a size such as was sufficient for each regiment ;
and a regiment consisted of a hundred men.
Thus they were quartered in tents by regi-
ments. And it seemed to him to be of use to
his men, in the war that was coming on, that,
by thus inhabiting together, they saw each
other maintained alike ; and there was no pre-
tence of lying under a disadvantage, so as to
allow any one to be remiss, or one to be worse
than another, in acting against the enemy. It
seemed to him likewise that this joint habita-
tion was of use to them with respect to their
knowing one another; for, by being known,
he thought that a sense of shame and reproach
took more place on all; for they who are un-
known seem to act with less caution and re-
straint, as men do who are in the dark. And
this cohabitation seemed to him to be of great
service to his men with respect to exactness in
their orders; for thus the colonels had their
several regiments in order under them in their

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book II.

sleep, just as when a regiment is in a body on
the march; so the captains their companies ;
the commanders of tens their tens; and the
commanders of five their five: and this exact-
ness in their orders seemed to him to be of
great service, both to prevent their being put
into disorder, and, if disordered, to settle them-
selves more readily into order again : just as in
the case of stones and pieces of wood that are

to be fitted together, which, if they have certain

marks to make it evident to what place each of
them belongs, one may with ease fit together
again, into whatever irregular form they may
have been thrown. And their being thus main-
tained together, he thought, was of service to
them, in order to make them less ready to de-
sert each other; because he observed that
beasts that had their maintenance together were
in great pain if separated by any one.

Cyrus also took care that they should never
go to their dinner or supper without a sweat ;
for he either led them out to hunt, and gave
them a sweat that way, or he contrived such
sports for them as would put them into one;
or if any business happened that was to be
done, he so managed it that they should not
return without sweating ; for this he judged to
be of service, in order to make them eat with
pleasure, and to make them healthy, and to
make them able to undergo labour : and labour
he judged to be of use in making them more
gentle one towards another, because even
horses, that labour jointly together, stand like-
wise more gently and tamely together. And

they, who are conscious to themselves of being

duly exercised, are inspired with more bravery
and courage against the enemy.

Cyrus likewise provided himself with a tent
sufficient to contain those that he invited to
sup with him: he invited, for the most part,
such of the colonels as he thought proper ; but
he sometimes invited some of the captains,
some of the commanders of ten, and some of
the commanders of five; sometimes some of
the soldiers, and sometimes a whole five, a
whole ten, a whole company, or a whole regi-
ment together. He invited them likewise, and
rewarded those that he saw practise any such
thing as he desired all the others should imitate.
And the things that were set before himself,
and before those that he invited to supper were
always alike. He always made the servants of
the army likewise equal sharers in all things ;
for he thought it was not less becoming him to

ὧς ὥιδων ee ee ee

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

reward those who served in the concerns of the
army, than to reward heralds and ambassadors;
for he was of opinion that they ought to be
faithful, skilled in military affairs, and intelli-
gent, as well as zealous in their business, quick
of despatch, diligent, and orderly. Besides,
whatever good quality they had, who were ac-
counted the better sort, that Cyrus thought the
servants ought to be possessed of ; and that it
was their duty to bring themselves, by practice,
to refuse no work, but to think it becoming
them to do all things whatever that their com-
manders should enjoin.

11. And Cyrus always took care that while
he entertained any of them in his tent, the most
agreeable subjects of discourse, and such as
might excite them to good, should be thrown
in amongst them. On a certain occasion,
therefore, he began this discourse: ‘ Friends !”
said he, “are other men, think you, any ways
inferior to us, by reason of their not being dis-
ciplined in the same manner as we are ? or will
they prove not to differ from us at all, either
in their converse with each other, or in action
against the enemy?” Hystaspes, in answer to
him, said: ‘“ What they may prove to be in
action against the enemy I do not yet know;
but, by the gods! some of them seem already
to be very perverse and churlish in their con-
versation ; for yesterday,” said he, ἐς Cyaxares
sent certain victims to every regiment ; and we
had every one of us three portions or more,
that were carried and distributed around. Our
cook began his first distribution by me, when
the person who was to make the second distri-
bution entered ; I bade him begin with the last
man, and carry round the contrary way. One,
therefore, from the middle of the circle of sol-
diers as they lay, cried out: ‘ By Jove !* said
he, ‘there’s no manner of equality or fairness
in this, unless somebody begin from us here in
the middle.’ 1, hearing this, was uneasy that
any of them should think they lay under a dis-
advantage, and I presently bade him come to
me ; in this he, ina very orderly manner, obey-
ed me: but when the portions that were dis-
tributing came to us, who were to take last,
they were the least that were left; he then
plainly discovered himself to be very much af-
flicted, and said to himself, ‘ Oh, ill fortune !
that I should happen to be called hither !’ I
then said to him, ‘ Do not be disturbed ; it will
begin presently by us, and you shall take first
the biggest portion.’ At the third going about,

27

which was the last turn, he took the next after
me; but as soon as the third person had taken,
he fancied that this man had taken a larger
portion than himself, and he threw back that
that he had taken, intending to take another ;
but the cook, thinking that he wanted no more
meat, moved on, distributing around, before he
took another portion. Here he bore so ill the
misfortune of losing the portion he had taken,
that being struck and in wrath at his ill fortune,
he misplaced and overturned some sauce he had
remaining. A captain who was the nearest us,
seeing this, clapped his hands, and laughed out,
much delighted ; I,” said Hystaspes, “ made as
if I coughed, for I was not able to hold from
laughing. Cyrus,” said he, “such a one do I
show you one of our companions to be.” On
this, as was natural, they laughed.

Another of the colonelsthen spoke. ‘ Cyrus,”
said he, “this Hystaspes, it seems, has met
with one of avery perverse temper ; but as you
instructed us in the order and discipline we
were to observe, and dismissed us with com-
mands to instruct every one his regiment in
the things he had learned from you; so I, as
others did, came toa certain company, and was
teaching them ; and placing the captain first,
and then a young man in order after him, and
so the rest, as I thought proper; and then,
standing before them, and‘ looking on the com-
pany, when I thought it proper time, I gave
the command to advance. ‘This young man,
advancing before the captain, marched first ; I,
seeing him do thus, said to him: ‘ Friend,
what are you doing ?? The man said: ‘ Why, I
advance as you command me.’ ‘ But,’ said I,
‘ I did not command only you to advance, but
all ;? then, turning to his companions: ‘ Do not
you hear,’ said he, ‘ that the colonel commands
you all to advance ?? Then all of them passing
the captain by, came up to me ; but when the
captain made them retire back they were of-
fended, and said, ‘ Whom are we to obey? for
now one bids us to advance, and another will
not suffer us to do it.’ Bearing all this con-
tentedly, and placing them as at first, I told
them that none of those behind should move
till he that was before him led the way, but
that they should all mind only to follow their
leading man. In the meantime there came to
me a certain person that was going to Persia,
and he bade me give him the letter I had writ-
ten home; now the captain knew where the
letter lay ; I bade him therefore run and fetch

28

this letter. He ran his way: the young man,
armed as he was, with corslet and sword, fol-
lowed after his captain; the rest of his com-
pany, seeing him run, ran off with him ; and all
of them came back again, and brought me the
letter. Thus,” said he, “is this company of
mine mighty exact in executing all the instruc-
tions they receive from you.” The rest, as was
natural, laughed at this guard and attendance
on the letter: but Cyrus said: ‘‘ O Jove, and
all you gods! what men have we for our com-
panions! They are so easily served, that many
of them might be made one’s friends for a little
portion of meat ; and they are so obedient, that
they obey before they understand what they are
ordered todo. For my part, Ido not know
what sort of men we should wish the soldiers
to be, unless it be just such!” And Cyrus
thus, in laughing, praised the soldiers.

There happened at that time to be in the
tent acertain colonel, his name was Aglaitadas,
a churlish and austere sort of man in his man-
ners ; and he spoke thus : “ Do you think, now,
Cyrus,” said he, “that these men tell you the
truth?” “ Why, what end,” said Cyrus, “have
they in lying?’ ‘* What else,” said he, “but
to make you laugh? and, for this reason, they
tell you these stories in a vain arrogant way.”
“ Good words, pray!” said Cyrus: “do not
say that they are vain and arrogant; for the
word arrogant seems to me to lie on such as
feign themselves richer or braver than they
really are, and pretend to do what they are not
able to do; and that plainly act thus, in order
to get something, and make profit to them-
selves. They that move their companions to
laughter, and do it neither for their own gain
nor to the hearer’s prejudice, nor with intent to
do any manner of harm, why may not such be
called polite and agreeable, much rather than
arrogant???” Thus did Cyrus apologise for
such as afforded matter of laughter. The
colonel, then, who had told the pleasant story
of the company of soldiers, said: “‘ If we en-
deavoured, Aglaitadas, to make you ery, would
you not blame us very much ? as there are some
who, in songs and discourses, uttering certain
melancholy notes and things, endeavour to move
people by tears. But now, though you your-
self know that we are desirous to give you
pleasure, and not in the least to hurt you, yet
you hold us thus in great disgrace!” “By
Jove !” said Aglaitadas, « I do, and justly ; be-
cause, in my opinion, he that makes his friend

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book 11.

laugh does a much more worthless and insigni-
ficant thing than he who makes him ery: and
you will find, if you reckon right, that I say
true. Fathers bring their sons to a discreet
and modest temper of mind, and teachers their
youth to all good learning, by tears ; and it is
by affliction and tears that the laws influence
citizens to justice in their conduct. But can
you possibly say that your movers of laughter
either do any service to the bodies of men, or
form their minds to a better sense of their

duty, with respect to their private families, or -

to the public?” On this, Hystaspes spoke in
this manner: “ Aglaitadas,” said he, “if you
will follow my advice, you shall boldly lay out

this very valuable thing on our enemies, and _

you shall endeavour to set them crying; but
that worthless thing, laughter, you shall spend
on us,” said he, “ here, amongst your friends.
I know you have a great deal of it that lies by
you in store; for you neither use nor spend it
yourself, nor do you willingly afford laughter
either to your friends or to strangers: so that
you have no manner of pretence to refuse be-
stowing it on us.” “ Then,” said Aglaitadas,
«do you endeavour to get it out of me.” And
the leader of the company said: “ By Jove,
then, he is a fool indeed ! for I believe one may
strike fire out of you more easily than draw
laughter from you.” At this the others laugh-
ed, knowing the temper of the man; and Ag-
laitadas himself smiled at it: Cyrus, seeing
him pleased, said. “ Indeed, captain, you are
in the wrong to corrupt the most serious man
we have, by tempting him to laugh ; and, to do
this,” said he, “ to one who is so great an ene-
my to laughter!” Here ended this subject of
discourse.

After this Chrysantas spoke thus: “ But,
Cyrus,” said he, “I, and all that are here
present, consider that there are come hither
with us men, who have some of them more
merit and some less; and, if any advantage
fall in our way, they will all think themselves
entitled to an equal share of it: but, for my
part, I do not think that any thing can be more
unequal amongst men, than that the good and
the bad should be entitled to equal advantages.”
Cyrus to this said: ‘“ By the gods, then,
friends! it were best for us to give this out,
and propose it to be debated in the army, whe-
ther they think it proper, if in consequence of
our labours the gods give us any advantage,
that all should share alike in it; or that, ex-

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

amining the actions of every one, we should
give to each rewards preportionable?” “ But
why,” said Chrysantas, “‘ should you give this
out to be discoursed on, and not declare that
you will have it so? Did not you declare,”
said he, “ what the soldiers should contend and
vie with each other in, and what the rewards of
the contention should be?” “ But, by Jove !”
said Cyrus, “these matters and those are not
alike: for what they shall acquire by their ser-
vice, that, I believe, they will reckon common
to all; but the command of the army they take
to be mine, even from the first setting out: so
that in appointing officers, I believe, they think
Ido them no wrong.” “ And do you think,” said
Chrysantas, “that the multitude assembled
will ever decree that every one shall not have
his equal share, but that the best shall have the
advantage in profits and honours?” “1 do
think it,” said Cyrus; “ partly because of your
assistance in it, and partly because it is infa-
mous to assert, that he who labours most for the
public, and does it most service, is not entitled
to the greatest rewards ; and, I believe, that

‘the very worst of our men will think it of ser-

vice to them that the best should have the ad-

. vantage.”’.

Cyrus had a mind that this should be pub-
licly decreed, even on account of the alike-
honoured ; for he thought that they would be
yet better men, if they knew that they them-
selves were to be judged by their actions, and
rewarded accordingly. 'This therefore seemed
to him to be the proper opportunity to put it
to the vote, whilst the alike-honoured were dis-
satisfied with the claim of the multitude to
equality of shares. So it was the current opi-
nion of those in the tent to give out the dis-
course on the subject ; and they said that every
one who thought it his part to act like a man
ought to give his assistance in it. On this one
of the colonels laughed, and said: ““ I know,”
said he, ‘‘a man, one of the common people,
who will help to justify this opinion, that this
equality of shares, without distinction, ought
not to be.” Another asked him, ““ Whom he
meant?” He replied: “ Truly, he is one of
my own tent, and is on every occasion seeking
to get the advantage and upper hand of others.”
Another then asked: “ And does he seek itin
labour and taking pains?” “No, by Jove!”
said he, “not in that; but here you have

‘caught me in alie, for, with respect to labour
and things of that kind, he always contentedly |

29

allows any one to get the upper hand of him
that will.”

“ς Friends,” said Cyrus, “ my judgment. is,
that such men as this person speaks of ought
to be weeded out of the army, if we inteud to
preserve it in its virtue and vigour, and to ren-
der the soldiers obedient; for the soldiers seem
to me to be such as will follow where any one
shall lead them the way: good and excellent
men certainly endeavour to lead to things good
and excellent, vicious men to things vicious,
and corrupt men have often more abettors than
the sober and industrious : for vice, that takes
its course through present pleasures, has these
pleasures to assist in persuading the multitude
to abet it; but virtue, that moves upwards, has
not strength enough in present occasions to draw
men without distinction after it, especially if
there are others in opposition to it that exhort
men to follow the prone and easy track. They
therefore who are faulty on account of sloth and
indolence, these I reckon, like drones, are bur-
densome to their companions only by the ex-
pense of maintaining them ; but active associ-
ates in vice, who prosecute their interest with
industry and impudence, these are the leaders
of men to vicious courses ; for they often have
it in their power to show them that vice will
be serviceable to their interest ; so that such
men must be entirely weeded out. Then, pray,
do not consider how to recruit your regiments
with your own countrymen ; but, as in horses,
you look for those that are the best, and not for
those that are of your own country, so of men,
take such as you think will most contribute to
your strength and good order. And that it
will be to our advantage to do so, this will bear
me testimony, that neither is a chariot swift, if
it have but slow horses ; nor is it true, if joined
to vicious and unmanageable ones: nor can a
family be well regulated that uses vicious ser-
vants ; but a family that wants servants is less
injured than one that is confounded by unjust
ones. And be it known to you, friends, that
the turning out of the vicious will not only be
of advantage to you in their being out of the
way, but of those that remain ; they who have
had vice instilled into them will discharge them-
selves of it again; and the good, seeing the
vicious punished, will adhere to virtue with
much more warmth and zeal.” Thus he said.
All his friends were of opinion with him, and
did accordingly.

After this Cyrus began again to set jest and

90

merriment on foot; for observing that one of
the captains had brought with him a fellow-
guest, and had placed him next to himself,
that the man was excessively rough and hairy,
and very ugly, he called the captain by his
name, and spoke thus; ““ Sambaulas,” said he,
“that young man that lies next to you, do you
carry him about with you, according to the
Greek custom, because he is handsome ?”
“No, by Jove!” said Sambaulas; “ but I am
pleased with his conversation, and even with
looking at him.” They that were present in
the tent, on hearing this, looked at the man,
and when they saw that his face was excessive-
ly ugly, they all laughed; and one of them
said: “ In the name of all the gods, Sambaulas,
by what piece of service has this man so tied
himself to you?” He said: “By Jove!
friends, I will tell you: whenever I have cal-
led on him, either by night or by day, he never
pretended want of leisure, never obeyed lazily,
but always ran to his business with the utmost
despatch : as often as I have ordered him to do
a thing, I never saw him execute it without
putting himself into a heat ; aud he has made
the whole twelve such as himself, not showing
them in word, but in action, what they ought
to be.” Then somebody said: “ Since he is
such an extraordinary man, do you not embrace
him as you do relations?” And to this the
* homely person replied: “ No, by Jove !” said
he, “for he is not one of those that are fond
of labour and pains ; and to embrace me would
be as much to him as if he underwent the
greatest toil.”

III. Such kind of discourse and things,
both merry and serious, passed amongst them
in the tent. And having at last performed
the third libation, and made their prayers to the
gods for their blessings, they broke up their
company in the tent, in order to go to rest.

The next day Cyrus assembled all the sol-
diers, and spoke to them to this effect:
“Friends! the conflict is at hand, for the
enemies are approaching ; the rewards of our
victory, if we conquer, it is evident, are our
enemies themselves, and their fortunes. On
the other hand, if we are conquered (for this
ought always to be mentioned,) thus likewise
do the fortunes of the conquered stand exposed
as the rewards of the conquerors. Therefore,
thus,” said he, “ you ought to determine with
yourselves, that when men are united as asso-
ciates in war, if every one within himself

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book I.

makes account that nothing will be as it ought
to be, unless every one be inspired with zeal
and ardour, they then presently perform things
great and noble ; for nothing of what is proper
to be done is, in this case, neglected. But
when every one imagines that another is to

‘fight and act, though he himself play the drone,

be it known to you,” said he, ‘ that with such
the success of things will be unhappy to them
all. The gods have so established it; to those
who will not impose on themselves the task
of labouring for their own advantage, they ὃ
give other task-masters. Now, therefore,”
said he, “‘let some one stand up, and speak to
this point; whether he think that virtue will
be the better practised amongst us, if he, who
chooses to undergo the greatest toil and run
the greatest hazards, obtain the greatest re-
wards ? or if we all see that the worthless man
lies under no disadvantage, but that all of us
are to share alike ?”

Here Chrysantas, one of the alike-honoured,
one who was neither tall in his person, nor
whose looks bespoke either courage or spirit, but
a man of excellent understanding, rose up and
spoke thus: “In truth, Cyrus,” said he,
‘“my opinion is, that you do not propose this
to our debate, as judging it fit that the worth-
less should stand on a footing of equal advan.
tage with the deserving; but to try whether
there be such a man amongst us, that will
venture to discover himself to be of opinion,
that he who performs nothing that is great
and noble should share equally of those ad-
vantages that are gained by the virtue and
bravery of others. I am,” said he, “ neither
swift of foot, nor have I great strength and
vigour in my hands and arms; and by what I
can perform with my person, I reckon I can-
not be judged to be the first man, nor yet the
second, I believe not the thousandth; perhaps
not the ten thousandth; but this I very well

-know, that if'they who are men of strength

set their hands vigorously to the work, I shall
have my share in some advantage or other,
and as much as is justly due to me; but if
mean and worthless men shall do nothing, and
men of bravery and vigour shall be quite out
of heart, I am afraid 1 shall have my share in
something else rather than advantage, and-such
a share as will be greater than I desire.”
Thus spoke Chrysantas.

After him rose Pheraulas, a Persian, one of
the common people; a man intimately known

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

to Cyrus, and much in his favour whilst they
were yet in Persia, one whose person was not
uncomely, and who, with respect to his mind,
was not like one of the mean and ignoble ; and
he spoke to this effect: “1, Cyrus,” said he,
“and all the Persians here present, reckon
ourselves now entered in the lists of virtue, and
setting forward in its career on an equal foot-
ing ; for I see that our bodies are all exercised
alike, and nourished with like food; that like
company and conversation is vouchsafed to us
all; and that the same honourable actions lie
before us: for obedience to our commanders
lies before us in common, and whoever is found
sincerely to practise it, that man, I see, obtains
rewards and honours at the hands of Cyrus:
then to act with bravery against the enemy is
not a thing that is becoming to one, and is
otherwise to another, but stands recommended
as great and noble to us all. And I take on
me to say, that our method of fighting is now
plainly taught us. I see that all men naturally
know it ; as every other animal naturally knows
a certain method of fighting, and this without
learning it from any other than from nature ;
as the bull attacks with his horn, the horse with
his hoof, the deg with his mouth, the boar with
his tooth; and all of them know,” said he, ‘by
what means best to defend themselves against
the attack of others ; and these things proceed
not from the instruction of any master in these
arts. I understood presently, from a child,
how to interpose something between myself
and the person who offered to strike me; and
if I had nothing else, I endeavoured, as well as
I was able, by holding up my hands, to hinder
and oppose the person that assaulted me; and
this I did not only without being taught it, but
even though I were beaten for defending my-
self. When I was a child, wherever I saw a
sword, I presently seized it; nor was I taught
how to handle it by any one, but, as I say, by
nature. This therefore I did, not only untaught,
but even crossed and hindered in it; as there
are many other things that I have been neces-
sarily prompted by nature to do, though con-
trolled and checked in them both by my father
and mother. Then, by Jove! with this sword
I hacked and hewed whatever came in my way,
when I could do it privately and unseen; for
it was not only natural to me, like walking and
running, but, besides its being natural, I thought
it a pleasure to doit. Since, therefore,” said
he, “that fighting is the thing now left us to

91

do, and that it is a work that requires courage
rather than art, how can it be other than a
pleasure to us to enter the lists with these
noble persons the alike-honoured, when the
rewards of virtue lie equally before us, and we
of the people do not run an equal risk? ‘They
have at stake a life of honour, which is the
most agreeable, and the only one that can be
called a life; we only a laborious and ignoble
one, which in my opinion is but painful and
unhappy. ‘Then this, friends, greatly animates
me to enter the lists against these men—that

Cyrus is to be our judge: he who judges not

partially and invidiously, but, I aver, and swear
it by the gods, that I think Cyrus loves those
that he finds to be deserving not less than he
does himself. Accordingly, I observe that he
bestows what he has on such men with more
pleasure than he takes in his own possession
of it. Besides,” said he, ‘‘ these men are greatly
elevated with their having been disciplined to
bear hunger, thirst, and cold ; not knowing that
we have been disciplined in the same things,
under a much abler teacher than they have
been ; for there is none a more effectual teacher
of these things than necessity, that has taught
them us in the completest manner. These
men have exercised themselves in the labour
of bearing arms, that have been so contrived
by all men as to be worn with the greatest
ease ; but we,” said he, “ have been obliged, by
necessity, to walk and run under heavy bur-
dens ; so that the arms we now bear seem to
me not to be like burdens, but rather like
wings. So count on me,’ said he, “ Cyrus,
as one that will engage in this dispute, and
who desires, whatever degree I am in, to be
rewarded according to my desert. And I ex-
hort you, my friends. of the people, to embark
in this military contention, against these men
of discipline ; for they are now drawn in, and
caught in this popular dispute.” So spoke
Pheraulas; and many others stood up to sup-
port them both in their opinions. It was
thought therefore that every one should be
rewarded according to his desert, and that Cy-
rus should be the judge.

Thus did these things proceed; and Cyrus
took an occasion to invite an entire regiment,
together with their colonel, to sup with him.
This he did, on having seen the man forming
half the men of his regiment against the other
half, in order to attack each other: they had
all of them their corslets on, and in their left

32

hands thelr shields: but to one half he had
given good large sticks for their right hands,
and the others he had ordered to gather clods to
throw. When they stood thus, ready prepar-
ed, he gave them the signal to engage: then
these fell on with their clods; some chanced to
fall on the corslets of the opposite party; some
on their shields: some hit a thigh, some a leg:
but, when they came to close, they who had the
sticks applied their blows on the thighs, hands,
and legs of their adversaries, as well as on the
necks and backs of such as stooped for their
clods; and, at last, they that were armed with the
sticks put the others to the rout, laying them on
with much laughter and diversion. ‘Then the
others, in their turn, taking the sticks, did the
same thing to those who took their turn in throw-
ing the clods. Cyrus was much taken with these
things ; both with the contrivance of the officer,
the obedience of the men, that they were at the
same time both exercised and diverted, and
that those men gained the victory who were
armed in the manner that resembled the Per-
sians. Being pleased with these things, he in-
vited them to supper; and observing some of
them with their shins bound up, and some with
their hands in the same condition, he asked
them what harm they had got. They said they
had been struck with the clods. He then ask-
ed them again, whether it was when they were
close together, or while they were at a distance.
They said, while they were at a distance ; but
that, when they closed it was the finest sport
imaginable for those that were armed with the
sticks; but then, again, they that were wound-
ed by the sticks cried out they did not at all
think it a diversion to be threshed in that close
way. They showed the blows they received
from those that held the sticks, both on their
hands and neck, and some in their faces: and
then, as was natural, they laughed at one an-
other. The next day the whole field was full of
people imitating these men; and whenever
they had nothing of more serious business to
do, they made use of this diversion.

And Cyrus observing another colonel on a
certain occasion leading his men from the river,
one by one, to their dinner; and when he
thought it proper, ordering the second, third,
and fourth company to advance in front; and
when the captains were all in front, ordering
each company to double their files, on which
the commanders of tens advanced in front ; and
that then, when he thought proper, he ordered

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book 11.

each company to bring themselves to be four in”
front; thus the commanders of five advanced,
that the company might march four in front ;
and that, when they arrived at the door of the
tent, commanding them to enter, one by one,
he introduced the first company, ordering the
second to follow them in the rear, and the third
and fourth in like manner, and so led them all
in: and that, introducing them in this manner,
he sat them all down to their meat, in the or-
der as they entered: he, being much taken with
this man for his good temper, instruction, and
care, invited the whole regiment to sup with ©
him, together with the colonel. But another
colonel, who had not been invited, being
present at the time, spoke thus: “ But my
regiment, Cyrus,” said he, *‘ you do not invite
to your tent ; yet when they go to their dinner,
they perform all these things; and when the
business in the tent is over, the rear leader of
the last company leads out that company with
the last men ranged first in order for battle:
then the rear leader of the next company fol-
lows after these ; so the third and fourth in the
same manner; that when it is proper to lead
off from the enemy, they may know how to
retreat. And when we get into the course,
we there move about ; when we march to the
east, I lead the way, and the first company
moves first, the second in its order; so the
third and fourth, and the tens and fives of the
several companies, in the proper course, as long
as I give orders accordingly: but,” said he,
ἐς when we march to the west, the rear leader
and the last man lead the way, and yet obey
me who march last, that they may be accustom-
ed both to follow and to lead with equal obe-
dience.” <‘ And do you always do thus ?” said
Cyrus. “ As often,” said he, “as we take our
meals.” ‘I willinvite you, therefore,” said he,
«because you practise your exercise both in
advancing and retreating, by day and night, and
both exercise your bodies by the motion, and
profit your minds by the discipline. And since
you do all these things double, it is but just that
I should give you double good entertainment.”
«“ By Jove!” said the colonel, “not in one day,
unless you give us doutle stomachs too!” Thus
they made an end of that conversation in the
tent. And the next day Cyrus invited this
regiment, as he said he would, and did the same
again the day following; the rest, perceiving
this, all imitated those men for the future.

IV. But as Cyrus, on a certain occasion,

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

was making a general muster and review of
his men under arms, there came a messenger
from Cyaxares, acquainting him that an Indian
embassy was arrived. “ Cyaxares,” said the
messenger, “ desires that you will come as soon
as possible, and from him I bring you a beauti-
ful robe; for he has a mind that you should
appear in the handsomest and most splendid
manner, the Indians being to see the manner of
your approach.” Cyrus hearing this, gave com -
mand to the colonel who stood first in order to
place himself in front, bringing his men into one
line behind him, and to keep himself to the
right. He commarded him to transmit the
same orders to the second, and so to deliver
them down through the whole. These men,
in obedience to Cyrus, presently delivered down
the orders, and put them in execution. In a
very little time they formed a front of three
hundred, for that was the number of the colo-
nels, and they were a hundred in depth. When
they stood thus, he commanded them to follow
as he should lead them, and, beginning present-
ly to run, he led them the way. But when he
perceived the avenue that led to the palace
straiter than to allow them all to move on in
line, he commanded the first thousand to fol-
low in the situation and order they were in,

and the next to follow in the rear of this, and |

so in like manner throughout the whole. He
himself led on without stopping. The other
thousands followed, each in the rear of those
that went before. And he sent two servants
to the opening of the avenue, to give informa-
tion of what was to be done, in case any should
be ignorant of it. When they came to Cyax-
ares’ gates, he commanded the first colonel to
form his regiment to twelve in depth, and to
range the commanders of twelves in front
around the palace: he commanded him like-
wise to transmit these orders to the second,
and so throughout the whole. They did ac-
cordingly. He himself went in to Cyaxares,
in a plain Persian robe, undisguised with fo-
reign ornaments. Cyaxares seeing him, was
pleased with his despatch, but offended at the
meanness of his robe, and said: ““ παῖ have
you done, Cyrus, in appearing thus before the
Indians? J had a mind,” said he, “that you
should appear in the most splendid manner;
and it had been an ornament to me, for you,
who are my sister’s son, to have appeared the
most magnificent that was possible.” Cyrus to
this said: “* Which way, Cyaxares, had I been

33

the greater ornament to you; whether, if
clothing myself in purple, putting on bracelets,
and encompassing my neck with a collar, I had
obeyed you in a loitering manner ? or now that,
with so great and so good a force, I obey you
with such despatch, having in honour of you
adorned myself with diligence, and adorning
you, by showing the rest to be so obedient to -
your orders?” Cyrus thus spoke.

Cyaxares, judging that he said right, gave
orders to introduce the Indians. The Indians,
having come in, said: ‘‘ That the king of the
Indians had sent them, and had commanded
them to ask what was the cause of the war be-
tween the Medes and Assyrians? and, when
we had heard you,” said they, ‘“‘ he commanded
us to go to the Assyrian, and ask him the same
question ; and, in the end, to tell you both that
the king of the Indians does declare that, after
having informed himself of the justice of the
cause, he will take part with the injured.”
Cyaxares to this said: “‘ You hear me there-
fore declare that we have done no injury to the
Assyrians ; go then and inquire from him what
he says to it.” Cyrus being present, asked
Cyaxares this question: “‘ And may I,” said
he, “say what I think proper on this occasion ?”
Cyaxares bade him do so. ‘ Do you there-
fore,” said he, “acquaint the king of the In-
dians thus (unless Cyaxares judge otherwise) :
that if the Assyrian say he has been any-wise
injured by us, we declare that we choose the
king of the Indians himself to be our judge.”
These men hearing this went their way.

When the Indians were gone. Cyrus began ἃ
discourse with Cyaxares, to this effect: “1
came from home, Cyaxares, without having
abundance of treasure of my own; and, what-
ever it was, I have but very little of it left ; for
I have spent it,” said he, “on the soldiers.
This perhaps you will wonder at, since it is
you that maintain them. But be it known to
you,” said he, “ that it has gone in nothing else
but in rewards and gratifications to the soldiers,
whenever I have been pleased with any of
them. For, in my opinion,” said he, “it is a
much pleasanter thing to encourage all those
that one has a mind to make diligent and good
fellow-labourers with one in any business, of
whatever kind it be, by speaking them fair, and
doing them good, than to do it"by severe usage
and by force. But those that one would have
to be zealous fellow-labourers in the business
of war, these, I es ought absolutely to be

34 XENOPHON ON THE

Cyaxares, “some or other of them may the —

ccurted to it both by good words and good
deeds ; for such as are to be hearty and sincere
fellow-combatants, who shall neither envy their
commander in prosperity, nor betray him in
adversity, ought to be friends, and not enemies.
Having determined thus with myself in these
matters, I think myself in want of money. And
yet to have my eye on every occasion on you,
when I see you are already engaged in very

great expenses, seems to me unreasonable. But
_ I think it proper, that you and I should jointly
consider what means to use that treasure may
not fail you; for if you’ have plenty, I know
that I may take it whenever I want ; especially
if I take for such a purpose as will make it
more to your advantage that the treasure should
be so spent. I remember therefore on some
occasion lately to have heard you say, that the
Armenian is now grown to contemn you, be-
cause he hears that the enemy is coming on us ;

and, besides, that he neither sends you the

forces, nor pays you the tribute that is due.”
«Indeed, Cyrus,” said he, “these things he
really does, so that I am in doubt whether it be
better for me to make war on him, and force
him to comply, or whether it be most for our
interest to let it pass for the present, lest we
add him to the number of our enemies.” Cyrus

then asked: “ Are their habitations in places.

of strength, or in such as are accessible with
ease?’ Cyaxares said: ‘* Their habitations
are in places that are not very strong, for I was
not negligent in that affair; but there are
mountains, whether he may immediately retire,
and be in safety, so as neither to be himself ex-
posed, nor any thing else that may possibly be
carried off thither, unless one sit down and be-
siege him there, as my father once did.” On
this Cyrus said thus: “ But if yon will send
me with such a number of horse as may be
thought sufficient, I believe, with the assistance
of the gods, I can make him send you forces,
and pay you tribute. And besides, I even hope
that he will be yet more our friend than he is
now.” Cyaxares then said: “ And I have
hopes that he will sooner come to you than he
will to us: for I have heard that some of his
children were your fellow-huntsmen ; so that
perhaps they may come to you again. And if
some of them once come to be in our power,
every thing will succeed to our desire.” ““ Is it
not your opinion, then,” said Cyrus, “ that it
will be for our advantage to conceal this con-
trivance between us?” “ By this means,” said

[BOOK II.

more easily fall into our hands ; or if one fall
on them, they may be taken the more unpre-
pared.” Hear, then,” said Cyrus, “if you
think what I am going to say may be of any
moment: I have often hunted on the borders
of your territory and that of the Armenians,
with all the Persians that were with me; and
I went thither, taking likewise from hence se-

veral horsemen from amongst my companions |

here.” ‘ Therefore,” said Cyaxares, “by do-
ing just the same things now, you may pass un-

suspected ; but if a much greater force should

appear than what you used to have with you in
hunting, this would presently give suspicion.”
“« But,” said Cyrus, “one may frame a very
plausible pretence in this case: and that is, if
care be taken that somebody give them an ac-
count yonder, in Armenia, that I intend to
undertake a great hunt; then,” said he, “1
would openly desire from you a body of horse.”
*« You say very well,” said Cyaxares; “but I
shall consent to give you but a few, as intend-
ing to march myself to our garrisons that lie
towards Assyria. And in reality,” said he, « I
do intend to go thither, in order to strengthen
them as much as possible. But when you are
got before with the force you have, and have
hunted for a day or two following, I may send
you a sufficient force, both of horse and foot,
out of those that have rendezvoused under me.
With these you may immediately fall on, and I
with the other forces may endeavour to keep

not far from you, that if there be occasion I

may likewise appear.”

Accordingly, Cyaxares presently formed a
body of horse at the garrisons, and sent wag-
gons with provisions before by the road that
led that way. Cyrus presently made a sacrifice
for his intended march ; and at the same time
sent and begged of Cyaxares some of his caval-
ry, and such as were of the younger sort. He,
though there were multitudes that would have
attended Cyrus, granted him not very many.
Cyaxares being now gone before with forces,
both horse and foot, on the road towards the
garrisons, it happened that Cyrus’ sacrifice, on
his design against the Armenian, succeeded
happily ; sc he set forward as prepared for a
hunt. As he was marching, a hare started im-
mediately in the first field, and an eagle of
happy omen flying towards them, caught sight
of the hare as it ran, and, bearing down on it,
struck it ; then, snatching it up, raised it aloft

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 35

and bearing it away to an eminence not far off,
did there what it thought fit with its prey.
Cyrus therefore seeing this signal, paid his
adoration to Jove, sovereign of the gods, and
said to those that were present; “ Friends,
our hunt, if it please the gods, will be a noble
one [=

When they came to the borders, he hunted
after his usual manner. The greater number
of his horse and foot opened themselves in
front, in order to rouse the beasts as they
moved down on them. The best of his men,
both horse and foot, stood here and there dis-
persed, received the beasts as they were roused,
and pursued them; and they took abundance
both of swine, stags, goats, and wild asses;
for there are yet abundance of wild asses in
those parts at this day. When they had fin-
ished the hunt, and he had brought them close
up to the Armenian borders, he ordered them
to supper; and the next day hunted again, ad-
vancing to those mountains that he had desired
to be master of. And when he had again end-
ed his sport he took his supper. But as soon
as he found that the forces from Cyaxares were
advancing, he sent privately to them, and or-
dered them to take their supper at about the
distance of two parasangs from him, foreseeing
that this would contribute to the concealing the
affair. When they had supped, he ordered their
commander to march and join him. After
supper was over, he summoned the colonels to
him, and when they were come he spoke to
them thus :

ἐς Friends! the Armenian has been hereto-
fore both an ally and subject of Cyaxares ;
but now that he finds the enemy coming on
him, he contemns him, and neither sends him
forces nor pays him tribute. It is he there-
fore that we must now hunt, and catch if we
can. ‘Thus, therefore,” said he, “in my opin-
ion we must do. Do you, Chrysantas, when
you have had a little time to sleep, take half
the Persians that are with us, march by the
hill, and make yourself master of those moun-
tains, whither they say the Armenian flies
when he finds himself in danger, and I will
give you guides. They say these mountains
are full of woods, so that there are hopes you
will not be discovered. However, if you send
before the rest of your army some light men
equipped for expedition, who, both by their
number and habit, may look like plunderers,
these men, if they meet with any of the Ar-

menians, will prevent those that they can take
from giving an account of things; and, by
driving away those they cannot take, will hin-
der them from seeing the whole army, and
will make them provide for themselves only
as against a band of thieves.” Do you, said he,
“ἀρ thus: I, at break of day, with half the
foot and all the horse will march directly to the
palace of the Armenian by the plain. If he
make head against us, it is plain we must fight :
if he retire, and quit the plain, it is evident we
must hasten after in pursuit of him. If he fly
to the mountains, then?’ said he, “ it is your
business not to allow any of those that come
to escape you; but reckon, as in hunting, that
we are to be the finders, and that you stand at
the nets. Remember, therefore, this—that
the passages must be first stopped before the
beast is roused; and that they who are ap-
pointed to that station ought to keep concealed,
if they have not a mind to turn off every thing
that. takes its course towards them. And do
not act now,” said he, ““ Chrysantas, as tlhe
love of hunting has sometimes made you do;
for you have often been employed the whole
night, and have not slept at all; but you should
now allow your men to lie down a while, that
they may get a little sleep, And because you
used to wander through the mountains without
taking men for your guides, but pursued
wherever the beasts led the way, do not march
therefore now through such difficult places,
but bid your guides lead you the easiest way,
unless there be one that is abundantly the
shorter; for to an army the easiest way is the
quickest. And because you used to pass the
mountains running, do not therefore now lead
on at full speed, but with middling despatch,
in such sort that the army may follow you.
And it is of great use that some of the most
vigorous and hearty should halt sometimes,
and encourage the rest; and when the whole
wing is passed, it animates the others’ despatch
to see these running beside them, and passing
them- by as they themselves move on in their
gentle pace.”

Chrysantas hearing this, and being trans-
ported with the orders Cyrus had given him,
took his guides and went his way ; and, having
given the proper directions to those that were
to attend in his march, he went to rest. When
they had had a moderate time for rest, he march-
ed to the mountains.

Cyrus, as soon as it was day, despatched a

36

messenger to the Armenian, and bade him
say thus: “ Prince of Armenia, Cyrus sends
you these directions, that you would come
away as soon as possible, and bring with you
your tribute and your forces. If he asks you
where 1 am, tell him the truth, that I am on
the borders. If he ask whether I am advanc-
ing towards him, tell him the truth here too,
that you do not know. If he inquire how
many we are in number, bid him send some-
body back with you to learn.” Having given

XENOPHON.,

the messenger these orders, he despatched him
away, thinking it more friendly to do thus than
to march without sending word. And having
formed his men into the best order, both for
despatch in marching and for engagement in
case of need, he began the march; first com-
manding his men to injure no one; and if any
of them met with an Armenian, to bid him be
of good heart ; and to order every one that had
a mind to sell either meat or drink to come and
make his market wherever they were.

[Book mm.

:ο el

XENOPHON

ON THE

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

———

BOOK III.

CONTENTS or BOOK III.

I, Cyrus conquers the Armenians—Sends a herald to the king, who submits—Tries him in the presence of his army
—B8rings him to confession of his crime—The lamentations of his wife and children—Tigranes becomes his advo-
cate—Cyrus, pleased with his proposal, takes the king into his favour, restores him to his family, and invites
them to supper—The Armenians highly extol his compassion and noble virtues —II. The Armenians join their
forces to those of Cyrus—The Chaldeans attacked and defeated—Cyrus retains possession of their heights, and
builds a fortress—Makes peace between the Armenians and Chaldeans—Keeps the heights in his own hands as
a guarantee—Good effects of the peace.—III. Cyrus highly honoured by the Armenians and Chaldeans— Refuses
treasure from the Armenian princess—Sends both army and treasure to Cyaxares—Returns to Media—His
liberality to his army—Inspires his men with ardour—Marches against the Assyrians—Arrives with Cyaxares in
the ensmies’ country—Defeat of the Assyrians, and death of their king.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

BOOK IIL.

I. Cyrus was taken up in these affairs; but
the Armenian, as soon as he heard from the
messenger what Cyrus sent to tell him, was
struck with it, considering that he had acted
unjustly, both in failing to pay his tribute, and
in not sending his forces. And the thing he
principally feared was, lest he should be dis-
covered to have begun fortifying the place of
his residence in such sort as to render it de-
fensible. Being at a loss on all these accounts,
he sent around to assemble his forces. At the
same time he sent his younger son Sabaris, his
own wife, his son’s wife, and his own daugh-
ters away to the mountains, and sent with them
all his most valuable apparel and furniture, ap-
pointing them a force to conduct them. And
at the same time he sent out scouts to discover
what Cyrus was doing, and mustered all the
Armenians he had present with him; when
immediately there arrived others, who told him
that Cyrus was just behind them; and not
having courage enough on this occasion to come
to action, he retired.

The Armenians, when they saw him act in
this manner, ran every one to their own affairs
with intent to put all their effects out of the
way. Cyrus, when he saw the whole country
full of people, running up and down, and driv-
ing all off, sent them word that he would be an
enemy to none that remained at home; but if
he caught any one making his escape, he de-
clared be would treat him as an enemy. So
the major part remained; some there were who
went off with the king.

“But when they who conducted the women
fell in among those who were in the mountains,
they presently set up a cry, and betaking them-
selves to flight, many of them were taken; and
at last the son of the Armenian, the two wives,

with them. As soon as the king perceived
what had passed, being at a loss which way to
turn himself, he fled to a certain eminence.
Cyrus seeing this, surrounded the eminence
with the army that he had with him, and send-
ing to Chrysantas, ordered him to leave a guard
on the mountains, and to come away. ‘The
army then joined under Cyrus; and he, sending
a herald to the Armenian, put the question to
him in this manner: “ Tell me,” said he,
*¢ Armenian, whether it is your choice, staying
there, to combat and struggle with thirst and
hunger, or to come down on fair ground and
fight us?” The Armenian answered, “‘ That
he did not choose to engage in either of these
ways.” Cyrus sending again to him, asked
him this question: ‘ Why then sit you there,
and do not come down?” “JI am at a loss,”
said he, “what I ought to do.” “ But you
ought not to be at a loss about it,” said Cyrus,
“ for you are at liberty to come down and have
your cause tried.” “4 And who,” said he, “shall
be the judge?” “ He, without doubt, to whom
the gods have given power to deal with you as
he pleases without a trial.” Here the Arme-
nian, seeing the necessity, came down; and
Cyrus taking him, and all that belonged to
him, into the midst of them, encamped around,
having his whole force with him.

Just at this time Tigranes, the eldest son of
the Armenian, returned from a journey he had
taken abroad; he who had been heretofore a
fellow-huntsman with Cyrus. When he heard
what had happened, he went directly to Cyrus,
just as he was, and when he saw his father and
mother, his brother, his sisters, and wife pri-
soners, he wept, as was natural for him to do,
Cyrus, on seeing him, gave him no other mark
of respect or friendship, but said to him, “ You

and the daughters, were likewise taken, as well| are come very opportunely, that you may be

as all the rich effects they were carrying off

present, and hear the trial and determination

40

of your father’s cause.” He then presently
summoned all the commanders of the Persians
aud Medes, and invited all such of the Arme-
nians there as were men of note and quality ;
and the women who were there present in their
chariots, he sent not away, but allowed them
to hear.

When all was ready and in order, he began
the discourse. ‘‘ Armenians,” said he, “ first
of all I advise you, in this trial of your cause,
to speak the truth, that you may be free from
one crime at least, which is a most hateful one:
for be assured, that to be found false is the
greatest bar that can lie in men’s way to the
obtaining of pardon. Then,” said he, “these
children and wives of yours, and all the Arme-
nians present, are apprised of all that you have
done; and if they perceive that you say things
contrary to what has passed, they will think,
if I discover the truth, that you condemn your-
self to the extremity of punishment.” ‘ Ask
me,” said he, “ Cyrus, what you will, as being
resolved to tell you truth, happen what will in
consequence of it.” ‘ Tell me then,” said he,
«did you some time ago make war with Asty-
ages, my mother’s father, and*with the rest of
the Medes?” ‘JI did,” said he. ‘And when
you were conquered by him, did you agree that
you would pay him tribute? that you would
join your forces to his wherever he should
direct? and that you would have no fortitica-
tions?” “These things were as you say.”
“«‘ Now, therefore, why have you neither brought
your tribute, nor sent your forces, but were
building your fortifications?” He replied: “1
was desirous of liberty; for I thought it a noble
thing, both to be free myself, and to leave
liberty to my children.” “ It is indeed noble,”
said Cyrus, “to fight, in order not to be made
a slave: but if a man be conquered in war, or
by other means be reduced to servitude, and be
found attempting to throw off his masters, do
you yourself first pronounce whether you re-
ward and honour such a one.as an honest man,
and as one that does noble things? or, if you
take him, do you punish him as one that acts
unjustly ?” ‘I punish him,” said he: “ you do
not suffer me to falsify.” ‘* Tell me therefore
plainly,” said Cyrus, “and in particular thus:
if a man be a governor and transgress, do you
suffer him to continue in his government, or
do you constitute another in his stead?” “I
constitute another,” said he. ‘ If he is a mas-
ter of great riches, do you suffer him to con-

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book Il.

tinue rich, or do you reduce him to poverty ὃ»
“41 take from him,” said he, “ all that he has.”
“ Tf you find him revolting to the enemy, what
do you do?” “11 put him to death,” said he;
‘for why should I die convicted of falsehood,
rather than die telling the truth.”

’ Here his son, as soon as he heard these
things, threw off his turban, and rent his clothes.
The women set up a lamentable cry, and tore
themselves as if their father had expired, and
themselves lost and undone. Cyrus bade-them
be silent, and again spoke.
nian, that these determinations of yours are just,
what do you advise us to do on it?” The
Armenian was silent, being at a loss whether
he should advise Cyrus to put him to death,
or direct him to act just contrary to what he
had said he would do himself.

His son Tigranes then asked Cyrus—“ Tell
me,” said he, “ Cyrus, since my father seems
to be at a loss whether I shall advise you what
I think best for you to do in this case?” And
Cyrus, well remembering that when Tigranes
used to hunt with him, there was a certain
sage, very conversant with him, and much ad-
mired by him, was very desirous to hear what
he would say, and joyfully bade him speak his
opinion: “* Then,” said Tigranes, “if you ap-
prove all the measures that my father has con-
certed, and all that he has done, I advise you
by all means to imitate him; but if you are of
opinion that he has transgressed in all, my ad-
vice is that you should not imitate him.”
« Then,” said Cyrus, “by doing justice, I shall
be the farthest from an imitation of the person
transgressing.” “It is so,” said he. “ Accord
ing to your own reasoning, then, your father
should be punished, if it be just to punish one
who acts unjustly.” ‘‘ But whether do you
think it best, Cyrus, to inflict your punishments
for your own advantage, or to your own preju-
dice?” ‘* Why, this way,” said he, “I should
punish myself.” And truly you would be
highly punished,” said Tigranes, “if you put
to death those that belonged to you at the time
that they would be of the greatest service to
you to preserve.” ‘But how,” said Cyrus,
“can men be so highly serviceable and useful
when found to haye acted unjustly?” “ Why,
truly, if they become considerate and humble ;
for in my judgment, Cyrus, things stand thus:
—there is no virtue useful and profitable with-
out a discreet and sober sense of things: for,”
said he, “ what use can be made of a man who

«“ Be it so, Arme-_

fe

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

has strength and bravery without discretion and
modesty? What use of one skilled in horse-
manship; or of one abounding in riches, or
powerful in his country? But with discretion
and modesty, every friend is useful, and every
servant good.” ‘ This therefore,” said he,
*‘you assert, that your father, from insolent
‘and haughty, is become discreet and humble,
in this one day’s time?” “1 do,” said he.
* Then this discreet and modest state of mind
you pronounce to be a passion of the soul, as
grief is; and not a matter of knowledge and
science? For if it be necessary that he who
becomes discreet and modest should be wise
and knowing, he cannot then, from insolent and
haughty, become in an instant discreet and mo-
dest.” “But, Cyrus,” said he, “did you never
observe a man, out of pride and insolence, at-
tempt fighting with another more powerful
than himself, and when conquered presently
fall from that insolence? Again,” said he,
‘have you never seen one city engaged in war
with another, and when conquered, imme-
diately, by this means, become willing to obey,
instead of continuing the war?” ‘And what
conquest over your father,” said Cyrus, “is this
you speak of, and that thus forcibly brings him
to a discreet and humble sense of things?”
‘Why, truly, the being conscious to himself,
that while he has affected liberty, he has be-
come yet more a slave than ever ; and that of
all the things he thought to have effected, by
privacy, by artifice, or by force, he has not been
able to effect one: but he has seen you deceive
him, in every thing you intended to deceive him
in, as effectually as one might deceive the blind,
or the deaf, or men of no understanding at all.
He knows you have kept yourself so concealed
from him, where you thought it proper so to
do, that the places he thought the most secure
to him, these, by concealed preparations, you
have made yourself master of; and you have
so far exceeded him in despatch, that you are
come on him with a very considerable army,
from afar, before he had assembled his forces,
that were just at hand.” “ Are you of opinion,
then,” said Cyrus, “that such a conquest is
sufficient to give men so much consideration
and modesty, as to think others better than
themselves?” ‘ Much more,” said Tigranes,
“than if a man were conquered in battle ; for
he who is subdued by force may think that by
exercising his body he may be enabled to renew
‘the combat ; and cities that have been taken,

41

imagine that by gaining allies they may renew
the war. But men often voluntarily submit to
those whom they judge better than themselves,
though under no necessity of doing it.” “ You
seem,” said he, “not to be of opinion that the
proud and insolent can have any sense that
there are any more modest and considerate than
themselves ; or thieves, that there are any who
are not thieves ; or false men, that there are any
observers of truth; or unjust men, that there
are any who act with justice. Do you not
know,” said he, “that your father has at this
time dealt falsely, and not stood to his agree-
ments with us, though he knew very well that
we had not transgressed in any sort what As-
tyages had stipulated?” “Nor do I say, that
the knowledge alone of others being better
than ourselves makes men considerate and mo-
dest, unless they receive punishment, at the
hands of those their betters, as my father has
now done.” But your father,” said Cyrus,
‘has yet suffered no sort of ill. I know very
well that he is afraid, indeed, of the highest
punishments.” “Do you think, therefore,”
said 'Tigranes, “ that any thing oppresses men
more than violent fear? Do you not know
that they who are oppressed with the sword,
which is reckoned the severest correction, will
recur again to arms against the same enemy ?
but those that they are thoroughly afraid of,
they are not able so much as to look at,
when they do but confer with them.” “Do
you say,” said he, “that fear is a heavier
punishment on men than real misfortune ?”
“You know yourself,” said he, “that what I
say is true: you know that they who are in
fear of being banished their country, or that
are in dread of being beaten in an approaching
engagement, are in a most dejected condition.
They that are at sea, and that dread shipwreck,
and they that fear servitude and chains, are
neither able to eat nor sleep for their fear ; but
they who are already under banishment, who are
already conquered and already slaves, are often
in a condition to eat and sleep better than the
fortunate themselves. And how great a burden
fear is, is yet more evident by this; that some,
in dread that death would follow their cap-
tivity, have died beforehand by means of that
dread; some throwing themselves headlong,
some hanging themselves, and some dying by
the sword. So that of all things terrible, fear
strikes deepest into the minds of men. In
what state of mind, then,” said he, “do you

42

take my father to be ; he who fears not only for
his own liberty, but for mine, for that of his wife,
and that of all his children ?” Then Cyrus said :
«It does not seem at all improbable to me that
your father is at this time affected in this man-
ner ; but it belongs to the same man to be in-
solent and injurious in prosperity, and when
broken in his fortune, to be dejected and sunk ;
and when re-established in his affairs, to be-
come insolent again, and again to create dis-
turbance.” “ Truly, Cyrus,” said he, “ our
transgressions give you cause to distrust us:
but you are at liberty to build fortresses, to
keep possession of our places of strength, and
to take whatever other pledge you please ; and
yet,” said he, *‘ you will not find us very un-
easy under these sufferings ; for we shall re-
member that we ourselves were the cause of
them. But if by giving up our government to

any of those who are free from guilt, you appear.

distrustful of us; look to it, lest at the same
time you should be a benefactor to them, they
shall think you no friend. And if, in cau-
tion against their enmity, you do not impose a
yoke on them to prevent their injuries ; look to
it, that you come not under a greater necessity
of reducing them to be considerate and humble,
than you are now under of acting that part to-
wards us.” ‘ By the gods!” said: he, “it is,
methinks, with displeasure that I make use of
such servants as I know serve me by necessity
and force ; but those that I judge to act their
parts in concert with me, out of friendship and
good-will, these, I think, I can more easily
bear with when they transgress, than with those
that hate me, and who by force discharge their
duty the most completely.” Tigranes to this
said: “ And with whom can you ever acquire
so great a friendship as you may with us?”
«¢ With those, as I take it, who have never been
so much at enmity with us, provided I would
be that friend and benefactor to them that you
now desire me to be to you.” “ And can you
possibly find, Cyrus,” said he, “ at this time
any one whom it is in your power to gratify in
so high a degree as you may my father ? First,”
said he, “Ἅ if you grant their lives to those who
never did you any injury, what thanks will they
pay you for it, think you? If you leayea man
his wife and children, who can have greater
friendship for you, on this score, than he who
thinks they may be justly taken from him? Do
you know any one that will be more afflicted
than ourselves if the kingdom of Armenia be

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK III.

not given them? And it is evident that he
who is most afflicted that he is not king, when
he receives the regal power will be the most
grateful to you for it. And in case,” said he,

“ you are any-wise concerned that things should

be left here in the least confusion and disorder,
when you quit us, consider whether things are
likely to be on a quieter footing under a new
government, than if the old-accustomed govern-
ment continue. If it be of any concern to you
to draw from hence the greatest number of
forces possible, who do you think will levy .
them better than he who has often made use of
them? And if you want money, who do you
reckon will better raise it than he who knows
all, and is in possession of all? Good Cyrus,”
said he, “be careful, lest by rejecting us, you
do yourself more mischief than my father has
been able to do you.” To this effect he spoke.
And Cyrus was extremely pleased to hear
him, thinking that he should be able to effect
all that he had promised Cyaxares to do; for he
remembered to have told him that he thought
he should make the Armenian yet more his
friend than before. On this, then, he inquired
thus of the Armenian: “ Andif I comply with
you in these things, tell me,” said he, “ what
force will you send with me; and what money
will you contribute to the war?” To this the
Armenian said: ‘* Cyrus,” said he, “I have
no reply to make more plain or more just than
to expose to you all the forces I have, that,
viewing the whole, you may take with you
whatever you will, and leave what you will for
the guard of the country. In like manner with
respect to our riches, it is just that I should
discover to you all that I have, that, being ap-
prised of all, you may carry off what you will
of it and leave what you please of it.” Then
Cyrus said: “ Proceed, then, and show me
what forces you have, and tell me what your
riches amount to.” Here the Armenian re-
plied: ‘‘ The horse of the Armenians are eight
thousand, and their foot forty thousand. Our
riches, including the treasure my father left and
reckoned in money, amount to more than three
thousaad talents.” Then Cyrus; without he-
sitation said: “ Since therefore,” said he,
“the Chaldeans that border on you are at war
with you, send me half of your forces ; and of
your treasure, instead of fifty talents, which
was the tribute you were to pay, give Cyaxares
double that sum for your defect in the pay-
ment. Then lend me,” said he, “a hundred

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

more; and I promise you, that if the gods
enable me, I will, in return of what you lend

49

have for them, and for this reason they treat
them as enemies. And I,” said he, ** bore

me, either do you such services as shall be of | hatred and ill-will to this man because Ithought

greater value; or, if I am able, will count you
down the money again ; if 1 am not able to do

it, I may then appear unable, but unjust I can-.
Then the Arme-.

not be justly accounted.”
nian said: ‘* I conjure you by the gods, Cyrus,
not to talk in that manner; if you do you will
afflict me; but rather reckon,” said he, “ that

what you leave behind is not less yours than,

what you carry off with you.” “ Be itso,” said
Cyrus; “but, to have your wife again, what
money will you give me?” ‘ All that I am
able,” said he. “ What for your children?”
ἐς And for these too,” said he, “all that I am
able.” ‘* Here is then,” said Cyrus, “ already
as much againas youhave. And you, Tigranes,”
said he, “at what rate would you purchase the
regaining of your wife?’ Now he happened
to be but lately married, and had a very great
love for his wife. ** Cyrus,” said he, “ to save
her from servitude I would ransom her at the
expense of my life.” ‘“ Take then your own
to yourself,” said he, “ I cannot reckon that
she is properly our captive; for you never fled
from us. And do you, Armenian, take your
wife and children without paying any thing for
them, that they may know they come free to
you. And now,” said he, “ pray take supper
with us; and when that is over, go your ways
wherever you please.” So they stayed.
While they were together in the tent, Cyrus
inquired thus : ** Tell me,” said he, “ Tigranes,
where is that man that used to hunt with us,
and that you seemed much to admire ?” “ Oh!”
said he, ‘‘and has not this father of mine put
him to death?” “ And what crime did he dis-
cover him committing?” “ He said that he
corrupted me: and yet, Cyrus, so good and so
excellent a man he was, that when he was go-
ing to die he sent for me and told me: “ Ti-
granes,” said he, “do not bear ill-will to your
father for putting me to death; for he does it
not out of malice, but out of ignorance. And
whatever errors men fall into by ignorance, I
reckon all such involuntary.” Cyrus on this said :
& Alas! good man!” The Armenian then
spoke thus: “ They, Cyrus, who find strangers
engaged in familiar commerce with their wives
do not put them to death, and charge them as
endeavouring to make their wives more discreet
and modest; but they are of opinion that these
men destroy that affection and love their wives

he made my son respect and admire him more
than myself.” Cyrus then said: “ By the
gods |!” said he, ““ Armenian, I think you faulty,
but in such a manner as human nature is often
liable to be. And do you, Tigranes, forgive
your father.” Having at that time discoursed
in this manner, and having treated each other
with great kindness and friendship, as is natural
on a reconciliation, they mounted their chariots
in company with the women, and drove away
well pleased.

When they came home one talked of Cyrus’
wisdom, another of his patience and resolution,
another of his mildness : one spoke of his beau-
ty and the tallness of his person; and on that
Tigranes asked his wife; “ And do you,” said
he, ““ Armenian dame, think Cyrus handsome ?”
“ Truly,” said she, “41 did not look at him.”
“¢ At whom then did you look ?” said Tigranes.
“« At him who said that, to save me from ser-
vitude, he would ransom me at the expense of
his own life.” And after some entertainment
of this kind, as was usual, they went together
to rest.

The next day the Armenian sent presents
of friendship to Cyrus, and to the whole army :
he sent orders to those of his people that were
to serve in this expedition to attend on the third
day ; and he paid down double the sum of

-money that Cyrus had mentioned. Cyrus, ac-

cepting the sum he had expressed, sent the rest
back, and asked ; ‘* Which of them would com-
mand the army, whether his son or himself?”
They both spoke together, and the father said :
ὁ Hither of us that you shall order.” The son
said: “41 assure you, Cyrus, that I will not
leave you, though I serve in the army as a
slave.” Cyrus, laughing at this, said : ““ What
would one give,” said he, “ that your wife heard
you were to carry baggage!” ‘ There is no
need,”’ said he, ‘‘ that she should hear, for I will
carry her with me; and by that means she may
see what J do.” “ But it is full time,” said he,
“that you had all things ready to attend us.”
“ Count on it,” said he, “that we will be pre-
sent at the time with all things ready that my
father affords us.” When the soldiers had been
all thus entertained, and treated as friends, they
went to rest.

II. The next day Cyrus, taking Tigranes
with him, and the best of the Median horse, to~

44
gether with as many of his own friends as he
thought proper, marched round, viewing the |
country, and examining where to build a for-
tress. When they came to a certain eminence
he asked Tigranes which were the mountains |
from whence the Chaldeans made their incur-
sions to plunder the country. Tigranes show-
ed them to him. He then inquired again:
** And are these mountains entirely desert ?” |
“ΝΟ, truly,” said he ; “ but they have always
certain scouts there, who give notice to the rest
of whatever they- observe.” ‘ And what do
they do,” said he, “when they have this no-
tice?” “ They all then run to the eminences
to defend themselves, every one as fast as he
can.” Cyrus gave attention to these things ;
and, viewing around, he observed a great part
of the Armenian territory to be desert and un-
cultivated by reason of the war. They then
retired to the camp; and, taking their supper,
went to rest.

The next day Tigranes, with all things ready
provided, joined him; having four thousand
horse, ten thousand archers, and as many tar-
geteers with bim. Cyrus at the time they
joined him made a sacrifice. When the vic-
tims appeared to portend things fortunate and
happy, he summoned the leaders of the Persians
and Medes ; and, when they were together, he
spoke to them to this effect: “ Friends ! those
mountains that we see belong to the Chaldeans ;
if we can seize them, and have a fortress on the
summit, both Armenians and Chaldeans will
be obliged to act with modesty and submission
towards us. Our sacrifice promises us suc-
cess ; and in the execution of a design nothing
favours the inclinations of men so much as des-
patch. If we prevent the enemy and gain the
mountains before they assemble, we may either
take the summit entirely without a blow, or
shall have but few and weak enemies to deal
with. Of all labours, therefore, there is none
more easy or more free from danger than reso-
lutely to bear the fatigue of despatch. Haste,
then, to arms! and do you, Medes, march on
our left ; and of you, Armenians, let half march
on our right, and the other half lead on in front
before us; and do you, the horse, follow in the
rear, exhorting us, and pushing us up before
you ; and if any one acts remissly, do not you
suffer him to do so.”

Cyrus having said this led on, drawing the
several companies into single files. The,
Chaldeans, as soon as they perceived that their ,

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Zt.

heights were going to be attacked, gave their
signal to their people, hallooed out to each
other, and ran together. Cyrus then gave out
orders in this manner; ‘‘ Men of Persia! they
give us the signal of despatch; if we prevent
them in gaining the heights, the efforts of the
enemy will be of no significance.” The Cnaal-
deans had every one his shield and two jave-
lins: they are said to be the most warlike
people of all in that part of the world. Where
they are wanted they serve for hire, being a
warlike people and poor; for their country is ™.
mountainous, and but little of it fertile and
rich. As Cyrus’ men approached the heights,
Tigranes, marching with Cyrus, spoke to him
thus: “- Cyrus,” said he, “ do you know that we
must presently come to action, and that the —
Armenians will not stand the attack of the
enemy?” Cyrus, telling him that he knew it,
made it presently be declared to the Persians
that they should hold themselves in readiness,
as being immediately to fall on; and to pur-
sue, as soon as the fying Armenians drew the
enemy down so as to be near them. So the
Armenians led on: the Chaldeans, who were
on the place, immediately on the approach of
the Armenians set up a cry ; and, according to
their custom, ran on them ; the Armenians, ac-
cording to their custom, did not stand to them.
When the pursuing Chaldeans saw swordsmen
fronting them, and marching up, they some of
them came up close, and were presently killed ;
some fied, and some were taken; and the
heights were immediately gained. As soon as
Cyrus’ men had gained the heights, they saw the
habitations of the Chaldeans, and perceived
them flying from such of those habitations as
were near. Cyrus, as soon as the army was
got together, ordered them to dinner. When
dinner was over, having got information of the
place where the Chaldeans planted their watch,
he undertook the building of a fortress, that
was very strong, and well supplied with water.
He ordered Tigranes to send to his father, and
bid him come away with all the carpenters and
builders he could get. The messenger went
his way to the Armenian. Cyrus applied him-
self to the building, with all the workmen he
had at that time with him.

Meanwhile they brought Cyrus the prisoners,
some bound, and some wounded. As soon as
he saw them he ordered those that were bound
to be loosed; and, sending for the physicians,
he ordered them to take care of the wounded.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

He then told the Chaldeans that he was not
come either with a desire to destroy them, or
with inclination to make war on them; but
with intention to make peace between the
Armenians and Chaldeans. ‘ Before we got
possession of your mountains, I know you had
no desire of peace: your own concerns were
in safety; the effects of the Armenians you
plundered at your pleasure. But now you see
the condition you are in. Those of you there-
fore that have been taken, I dismiss to your
homes, and allow you, together with the rest
of the Chaldeans, to consult amongst your-
selves, whether you incline to make war with
us, or to be our friends : if war be your choice,
come no more hither without arms, if you are
wise: if you think peace for your turn, come
without arms. And, if you are friends, it shall
be my care that your affairs shall be established
on the best footing.” ‘The Chaldeans having
heard these things, after many praises bestowed
on Cyrus, and many assurances of friendship
and trust given him, went home.

The Armenian, as soon as he heard what
Cyrus had done, and the request he made him,
took carpenters with him, and all things else
that he thought necessary, and came to Cyrus
with all possible despatch. As soon as he saw

_Cyrus he said to him: “Ὁ Cyrus! how few
things in futurity are men able to foresee! and
how many projects do we undertake! I have
endeavoured on this occasion to obtain liberty,
and I became more a slave than ever: and,
after having been made captive, and thinking
our destruction certain, we now again appear
to be in a condition of greater safety and se-
curity than ever: for these men never ceased
doing us all manner of mischief; and I now
find them just in the condition I wished. And
be it known to you,” said he, “ Cyrus, that to
have so driven the Chaldeans from these
heights, I would have given many times the
. money you received from me ; and the services
you promised to do us when you took the
money you have now so fully performed, that
We appear to be brought under new obligations
to you, which, if we are not very bad men, we
shall be ashamed not to discharge ; and what-
ever returns we make, we shall not be found
to have done so much as such a benefactor de-
serves.” Thus spoke the Armenian.

The Chaldeans came back, begging of Cyrus
to make peace with them. Then Cyrus asked
them: “ Chaldeans!” said he, “is it on any

45

other consideration that you desire peace, or 19
it only because you think you shall live with
more security in peace than if you continue
the war, since we ourselves told you so?”
‘“’ We have other considerations,” said the
Chaldeans. “And what,” said he, ‘‘if there are
still other advantages that may accrue to you by
peace?” * We shall be still the more pleased,”
said they. ‘Do you think, therefore,” said he,
“that your being a poor and needy people is
caused by any thing else but by the want of
good land.” ‘They agreed with him in this.
“ Well, then,” said Cyrus, “ would you will-
ingly be at liberty to cultivate as much of the
Armenian territory as you pleased, paying the
same for it that the Armenians do?” < Yes,” |
said they, “if we could be secure that we
should not be injured.” ‘ What say you, then,
Armenian ?” said he, “would you be willing
to have your waste land cultivated on terms
that the farmers of it shall pay you the settled
dues?” 'The Armenian said he would give a
great deal to have it so; for his revenue would
be much improved by it. ‘ And you,” said he,
‘Chaldeans, since you have mountains that are
fertile, would you consent that the Armenians
should use them for pasture, on condition that
they who make use of them shall pay what is
just and reasonable?” ‘The Chaldeans said
that they would ; for it would bea considerable
profit to them, without any labour. “And you,
Armenian,” said he, ‘ would you make use of
the pastures of these men, if by allowing a
small profit to the Chaldeans, you might make
a much greater profit by it yourselves ?” ‘‘Readi-
ly,” said he, “if I thought I might do it se-
curely.” ‘And securely you might do it,”
said he, “1 the summits were in the hands of
your friends.” The Armenian agreed: “ But,
truly,” said the Chaldeans, “‘ we should not be
able to cultivate securely, neither the lands of
these people, nor our own, if they are in pos-
session of the summits.” ‘ But suppose,” said
he, “the summits are possessed by such as are
friends to you.” “ Thus, indeed,” said they,
“ things might do very well.” ‘ But, indeed,”
said the Armenian, “things will not be well
with us if these men come to be again possessed
of the summits ; especially when they are for-
tified.” Then Cyrus said: “ Thus therefore I
will do: I will give up the summits to neither
of you, but we will keep them ourselves: and
if either of you injure the other, we will take
part with the injured.” When they heard this

46

they both of them gave their applause, and
said: ‘*Thus only can the peace be firm and
stable.” On this they gave and received, mu-
tually, assurances of friendship and trust, and
stipulated to be both of them free and inde-
pendent of each other ; to intermarry, to culti-
vate, and feed each other’s lands reciprocally,
and to be common allies and supporters of
each other against whosoever should injure
either of them. Thus were these matters
then transacted: and these agreements, then
made beween the Chaldeans and the possessor
of Armenia, subsist still to this day. When
the agreements were made they both presently
applied themselves with zeal to the building of
this fortress, as a common guard; and they
jointly furnished all things necessary towards
it.

When evening came on he took both parties
to sup with him, as being now friends. As
they were at supper, one of the Chaldeans
said: “ That these things were such as all the
rest of them wished for; but that there were
some of the Chaldeans who lived by plunder,
and who neither knew how to apply themselves
to work, nor were able to do it, being accus-
tomed to live by war: for they were always
employed on plunder, or hired out on some
service ; frequently to the king of the Indians ;
for he is one, said they, “that abounds in
gold; and frequently to Astyages.” Then
Cyrus said: “ And why do they not engage
themselves to me? for I will give them as much
as any other ever gave.” They consented,
and said: “ That there would be a great many
that would willingly engage in his service.”
These things were accordingly agreed.

Cyrus, as soon as he heard that the Chal-
deans frequently went to serve under the Indian,
and remembering that there were certain per-
sons that came from him to the Medes, to ap-
prise themselves of the Median affairs, and
went thence to the enemy, to get an insight
likewise into their affairs, he was desirous that
the Indian should be informed of what he had
done: he therefore began a discourse to this
effect: “ Tell me,” said he, “" Armenian, and
you, Chaldeans, if I should send one of my
people to the Indian, would you send with
him some of yours, who should direct him in
his way, and act in concert with him to obtain
from the Indian the things that I desire? for
I would procure some farther addition to my

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book Itt.

to discharge the pay of those to whom it be-
comes due, and to honour and reward such of
my fellow-soldiers as are deserving. On these
accounts I would have plenty of treasure; I
think I want it; and to spare you would be a
pleasure to me; for I now reckon you our
friends. But from the Indian I would gladly
accept something, if he would give it me. The
messenger therefore that I desire you to give
guides and assistants to, when he gets thither
shall say thus: ‘ Prince of India, Cyrus has.
sent me to you: he says that he is in want of
money, expecting another army from Persia
(and in reality I do expect it, said he): if you
send him therefore as much as you can con-
veniently, he assures you that, if the gods give
a happy issue to his affairs, he will do his
endeavours to make you think that you have
taken a happya step in gratifying him.’ This
he shall say from me. Do you on the other
hand send him word by your people that you
think it will be of advantage to you. And if
we get any thing from him,” said he, “ we shall
have all things in great plenty: if-we get
nothing, we shall know that we owe him no
thanks, and that as to him, we shall be at
liberty to regulate all-our affairs as best suits
our own interests.” Thus said Cyrus, count-
ing on it, that those of the Armenians and-
Chaldeans that went on this message would
say such things of him, as he himself desired
all men should say and hear concerning him.
Then at the proper time they broke up their
company in the tent, and went to rest.

III. The next day Cyrus sent away his
messenger, charging him with all that he had
before expressed. The Armenian and the
Chaldeans sent with him such men as they
judged most proper to act in concert with him,
and to relate such things concerning Cyrus as
were just and worthy of him. |

After this, Cyrus having supplied the fortress
with a sufficient garrison, and with all things
necessary, and leaving as governor a certain
Mede, one that he judged would be most
agreeable to Cyaxares, marched away, taking
with him both the army that he came with,
and that which he had from the Armenians as
well as the men he had from the Chaldeans,
who amounted to about four thousand, and
thought themselves better than all the rest.

When he came down into the inhabited
country, not one of the Armenians, neither

treasure, that I may have what will fully suffice | man nor woman, kept within doors, but atl

a

INSTITUTION OF

went out and met him, being overjoyed at the
peace, and running out with whatever they had
of greatest value. ‘The Armenian was not at

_ all uneasy at these things, thinking that Cyrus,
’ by means of these honours that were thus paid

- then encamped on the borders.

him by all, would be the better pleased. At
last, likewise, the wife of the Armenian met
him, having her daughters with her, and her
younger son ; and, together with other presents,
she brought that treasure that Cyrus had before
refused. Cyrus, when he saw her, said: “ You
shall not make me such a sort of man as to run
up and down the world bestowing my services
for money !—Go your ways, woman, and keep
all this treasure that you bring, and do not give
it to the Armenian again to bury; but equip
your son with it, in the handsomest manner,
and send him to the wars; and out of the
remainder supply yourself, your husband, your
daughters, and your sons, with every thing,
whether for use or ornament, that may make
you pass your days in the most agreeable and
handsome manner: let it suffice us to lay our
bodies under ground, every one of us when we
die.” Having said this he marched on; the
Armenian attended on him, as all the rest like-
wise did, calling him, aloud, ‘their benefactor,
and an excellent man!” Thus they did till
they had conducted him out of their territory.
The Armenian sent a greater force with him,
being now at peace at home. So Cyrus went
away, not only enriched with the treasure he
had received, but by means of his conduct he
had laid up a much greater store, and could
supply himself whenever he wanted. They
The next day
he sent the army and treasure to Cyaxares,
who was at hand, as he had said he would be.
He with Tigranes, and the principal Persians,
hunted where they met with game, and diverted
themselves. ,

When he came into Media he distributed
money to his centurions, as much as he thought
sufficient for each of them, and that they might
have wherewithal to reward such of their men
under them as they might happen to be parti-
cularly pleased with: for he thought that if
every one rendered his part of the army praise-
worthy, the whole would be set right to his
hands. And if he any where observed any
thing that might contribute to the beauty of
the army, he purchased it, and gave it to the
most deserving; reckoning that whatever his

CYRUS. 47
men were possessed of that was beautiful and
noble, it was all an ornament to himself.

When he had made a distribution amongst
them out of what he had received, then, in an
assembly of centurions, captains, and all others
that he particularly esteemed, he spoke to this
effect: “ Friends! a particular pleasure and
satisfaction seems now to attend us, both be-
cause we have plenty, and that we are in pos-
session of what enables us to bestow rewards
where we desire, and to be rewarded every one
according to his merit. But then we ought by
all means to remember what the things are
that have procured us these advantages, and on
examination you will find them to be these:
our being watchful on the proper occasions,
our being laborious, our despatch, and our not
giving way to the enemy. It is our part there-
fore to continue thus brave men for the future ;
determining with ourselves that obedience and
resolution, labours and hazard, on the proper
occasions, are things that produce great plea-
sures and great advantages.”

But Cyrus considering how well the bodies
of his men stood with respect to their being
able to undergo all military labours, how well
their minds were disposed with respect to a
contempt of the enemy, how skilful they were
in all things fitting, esch in their several sorts
of arms, and he saw that they were all well
disposed with respect to obedience to their
commanders ; from all this therefore he now
desired to come to action with the enemy,
knowing that by delay some part or other of a
noble preparation comes to change and fail in
the commander’s hands. And besides, observ-
ing that from a contention in things wherein
men are ambitious to exceed, the soldiers had

contracted envy and ill-will to each other; he

was for this reason desirous to lead them as
soon as possible out into the enemy’s country ;
knowing that common dangers make friends,
and fellow-combatants keep in a friendly dis-
position one towards another; and that in this
circumstance, they neither envy those that are
finely armed, nor those that are ambitious of
glory; but that even such men themselves rather
applaud and esteem others that are like them,
accounting them their fellow-labourers in the
public service. So, in the first place, he com-
pletely armed them all, and formed them into
the best and most beautiful order that was pos-
sible. He then summoned the commanders

48

of ten thousands, the commanders of thousands,
the centurions, and captains ; for these were
exempt from being reckoned of the number of
those that constituted the military rank ; and
when they were to execute any orders from the
commander-in-chief, or to transmit any parti-
cular directions to others ; yet thus there was
nothing left confused and without rule, but the
remainder of the men were preserved in order
by the commanders of twelves and sixes. When
the proper persons were assembled, he conduct-
ed them about with him, and showed them all
that was right and in proper order, and taught
them in what consisted the strength of every
ally. And when he had raised in these men a
desire of doing something, he bade them go to
their several distinct bodies, teach them what
he had taught themselves, and endeavour to
inspire them all with a desire of action, that
they might set forward with all possible ardour.
And he bade them in the morning attend at
Cyaxares’ door. They then retired, and did
as they were ordered.

The next morning, as soon as it was day,
the proper persons attended at the doors; and
Cyrus, entering in with them to Cyaxares, be-
gan a discourse to this effect: “I know, Cy-
axares,” said he, “that what I am going to say
is not less your opinion than it is our own, but
perhaps you may be unwilling to express it,
lest you should seem to put us in mind of
marching away, as if the maintaining of us
were burdensome and uneasy to you. ‘There-
fore, since you are silent, I will speak both for
you and for ourselves.—Since we are prepared
and ready, it is the opinion of us all, not to
delay engaging the enemy till after they have
broken in on your country, and not to sit down,
and wait here in the territory of our friends ;
but to march with all possible despatch into
the enemy’s country. For now that we are in
your territory, we are forced, against our wills,
to injure you many ways ; but if we march into
the enemy’s country, we shall, with pleasure, do
them mischief. Then it is you that now main-
tain us, and at a great expense. If we carry
the war abroad, we shall be maintained on the
enemy’s country. But then, indeed, if our
danger was to be greater there than it is here,
perhaps the safest course should be taken ; but
they will be the same men, whether we wait
here for them, or march into their own country,
and meet them. And we shall be the same,
whetber we receive them here, as they come

XENOPHON ON THE!

[ BOOK III.

on us, or march up to them and attack them.
But we shall have the minds of our men in ~
better condition, and more animated, if we
march to the enemy, and seem not to get sight
of them against our wills. They will havea
much greater terror of us when they shall hear
that we do not sit at home in dread, and terri-
fied with them; but that, as soon as we per-
ceive them advancing, we march and meet
them, in order to close with them as soon as
possible ; and that we do not wait till our own
country is distressed by them; but that wé-
prevent them, and lay their lands waste. And
then,” said he, “if we strike terror into them,
and raise courage in ourselves, I take this to
be a very great advantage tous. Thus I reckon
the danger to be much less to us, and much
greater to the enemy. And my father always
said, you yourself say, and all others agree, that
battles are decided rather by the courage and
spirits of men, than by the strength of their
bodies.” Thus he spoke, and Cyaxares re-
plied: “Ὁ Cyrus! and you the rest of the
Persians, do not imagine that the maintaining
you is burdensome and uneasy to me. But,
indeed, the marching into the enemy’s country
seems now to me to be the better course.”
«ς Since, therefore,” said Cyrus, “we agree in
opinion, let us make all things ready, and if our
sacred rites signify the approbation of the gods,
let us depart as soon as possible.”

On this, giving orders to the soldiers to make
all things ready, Cyrus made a sacrifice, first
to Regal Jove, then to the other deities; and
prayed that they would vouchsafe to be con-—
ductors to the army, good and gracious assis-
tants and friends, and direct them in all happy
courses! He invoked likewise the heroes,
inhabitants and guardians of the land of Me-
dia. When he had sacrificed happily, and the
whole army was formed on the borders, meet-
ing with happy auguries, he fell into the ene- —
my’s country. As soon as he had passed the
borders, he performed propitiatory rites to the
earth by libations, to the gods by sacrifice;
and implored the favour of the heroes, inhabi-
tants of Assyria. And having done this, he
again sacrificed to Paternal Jove; and whatever
other deity occurred to him, he neglected none.

When these things were duly performed,
making the foot advance at a small distance
forward, they encamped; and making excur-
sions around with the horse, they furnished —
themselves with great quantities of all kinds q

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

of booty. Then changing their encampments,
and being provided with all things necessary in
abundance, and laying the country waste, they
waited for the enemy. When they were said
to be advancing, and not to be at the distance
of above two days’ march, then Cyrus said:
“ Now, Cyaxares; is the time for us to march
and meet them, and not to appear, either to the
enemy or to our own people, afraid of advancing
against them; but.let us make it evident that
we do not come toa battle with them against
our wills.” When Cyaxares had agreed, they
advanced towards the enemy, keeping always
in order, and marching each day as far as they
thought it proper: they took their supper by
day-light, and made no fires in their camp by
night, but made them before the front of the
camp, that by means of these fires they might
perceive if any people approached in the night,
and might not be seen themselves by the ap-
proachers ; and they frequently made their fires
behind the camp, in order to deceive the ene-
my; so that the enemy’s people that were sent
out for intelligence sometimes fell in with the
advanced guards, thinking themselves to be still
at a distance from the camp, because the fires
were behind.

The Assyrians then, and those that attended
them, as soon as the armies were near to each
other, threw up an entrenchment round them-
selves ; a thing that the barbarian kings practise
to this day when they encamp, and they do it
with ease by means of their multitude of hands ;
for they know that an army of horse in the

49

reckoning that all things hostile that discover
themselves on a sudden, are the more terrible
to the opposite party. And both parties that
night, posting advanced guards, as was proper,
went to rest.

The next day the Assyrian, and Croesus, and
the other leaders, gave their armies rest in their
strong camp. Cyrus and Cyaxares waited in
order of battle, as intending to fight, if the
enemy advanced. When it appeared that the
enemy would not stir out of their entrench-
ment, nor come to a battle that day, Cyaxares
summoned Cyrus, and all the other’ proper
persons to him, and spoke to this effect: “ It
is my opinion, friends,” said he, ‘that we
should march, in the order we are in, up to the
entrenchment of these men, and show them
that we are desirous to come to a battle; for by
this means,” said he, “if they do not come out
to us, our men will act with the more courage
against them; and the enemy, observing our
boldness, will be the more terrified.” This
was his opinion: but Cyrus said: ‘ By the
gods! Cyaxares, we must by no means act in
this manner ; for if we now discover ourselves,
and march as you desire, the enemy will see us
advancing towards them, and will be in no
manner of fear of us, knowing themselves to be
in a situation secure from any danger; and
after having made this march, when we shall
retreat, then again, seeing our number much
inferior to theirs, they will have a contempt for
us, and to-morrow will march out with minds
more firm and resolute. But now,” said he,

night is confused and unwieldy, especially if | “that they know we are at hand, without see-

they are barbarian: for they have their horses
tied down to their mangers, and if they are at-
tacked, it is troublesome in the night to loose
the horses, to bridle them, and to put on them
their breastplates and other furniture; and
when they have mounted their horses, it is ab-
solutely impossible to march them through the
camp. On all these accounts, both they and
others of them throw up an entrenchment round
themselves ; and they imagine that their being
entrenched >uts it in their power, as long as
they please, to avoid fighting. And doing
thus, they approached each other. ἢ
When théy were advanced to about the dis-
tance of a parasang, the Assyrians encamped
in the manner before expressed, in a post en-
trenched, but exposed to view; Cyrus, in a
place the most concealed that was possible,
with villages and rising grounds before him,

ing us, be assured they do not contemn us, but
are solicitous to know how things stand; and
are, I know very well, continually taken up in
debating about us. But when they march out,
then ought we, at once, to make our appear-
ance, march instantly, and close with them,
taking them at the advantage we have hereto-
fore desired.” Cyrus having spoken thus,
Cyaxares and the rest agreed in opinion with
him. ‘Then, having taken their suppers, placed
“their guards, and made many fires in the front,
before those guards, they went to rest.

The next day, early in the morning, Cyrus,
with a crown on his head, made a sacrifice;
and ordered the rest of the alike-honoured to
attend the holy rites with crowns. When the
sacrifice was over Cyrus called them together,
and said: ‘ The gods, friends, as the diviners
say, and as I myself think, do foretell that there

G

' word, but by deed.”

50

will be a battle. They give us victory, and
promise us safety by the victims. I ought per-
haps to be ashamed to direct what sort of men
you ought to show yourselves on such an oc-
casion; for I know you understand those
things as well as I do; that you have practised
and learned, and continue to learn, all the same
things that I have done; so that you may just-
ly instruct others in them : but if, perhaps, you
may not have taken exact notice of them, pray
hear: Those men that we have lately admitted
as our fellow-combatants, and have endeavoured
to make like ourselves, it is your part to put
them in mind for what purposes we are all
maintained by Cyaxares ; what the things are
that we practise, and have invited them to, and
wherein they said they would joyfully be our
rivals : and put them in mind likewise of this,
that this day will show what every one de-
serves ; for, in things where men have been
late learners, it is no wonder that some of them
have need of a monitor. One ought to be con-
tented if they can make themselves good and
useful men on admonition ; then in doing this
you will make trial of yourselves ; for he that
on such an occasion is able to make others
better men, must be justly conscious of being
himself completely good. But he who bears
these things in mind to himself only, and rests
satisfied with that, should in justice account
himself but half complete. The reason why I
do not speak to these men myself, but bid you
do it, is, because they may endeavour to please
you; for you are immediately conversant with
them, every one of you in his particular part.
And be assured, that while you show yourselves
to be in courage and heart, you will teach cou-
rage to these men, and to many more, not by
In conclusion, he bade
them go, crowned as they were, to their din-
ners; and when they had performed their li-
bations to come crowned to their ranks.

When these men were gone, he summoned
the rear-leaders to him, and spoke to them to
this effect : “ You, likewise, men of Persia, are
become part of the alike-honoured; and have
been chosen, as men who appear to be equal,
in all other respects, to the bravest, but, by
your age, to excel in discretion. You have
therefore a station assigned you, which is not
less honourable than that of the file-leaders ;
for being placed in the rear, and observing the
brave and encouraging them, you make them
still the better men; and, if any one acts re-

XENOPHON ON THE

[BooK If.

missly, you do not suffer him to do so. If
victory be of advantage to any, it is so to you,
both by reason of your age and the weight of
your military habit. If they therefore who are
before, call out to you and exhort you to follow,
comply with them; and that you may not be
outdone by them in this, do you exhort them,
in return, to lead with more despatch to the
enemy. Go, then,” said he, “and when you
have taken your dinners, come crowned, with
the rest, to your ranks.” Cyrus’ men were thus
employed.
The Assyrians, when they had dined, march-
ed boldly out, and formed themselves with a
great deal of resolution. The king himself
formed them, driving round in his chariot ; and
he made them an exhortation in this manner :
“ Men of Assyria! now is the time for you to
be brave men, for now is your trial for your
lives, for the country where you were born, for
the houses where you were bred, for your
wives and children, and for all things valuable
that you possess. If you conquer, you will re-
main masters of all these as before ; if you are
defeated, be assured you give them all up to the
enemy. Therefore, as you value victory, stand
firm and fight; for it is folly for those that de-
sire conquest to turn the blind, unarmed, and
handless parts of their bodies to the enemy by
flight. He is a fool, who, for love of life,
should attempt flying, when he knows that the
conquerors are safe, and that run-aways meet
their death more certainly than they who stand
their ground. And he is a fool, who, out of
love to his money, submits to a defeat; for
who is there that does not know that conque-
rors save all that belongs to themselves, and
acquire, besides, all that belongs to the defeat.
ed enemy? but they who are defeated throw
both themselves and all that belongs to them
away.” Thus was the Assyrian employed.
But Cyaxares, sending to Cyrus, told him
that now was the opportunity of leading to the
enemy ; “ For,” said he, “if there are yet but
few that are got out of the entrenchment, by
the time we arrive there will be great numbers
of them. Therefore, let us not wait till they
are more numerous than ourselves ; but let us
march whilst we think we may yet easily
master them.” Cyrus replied: “ Unless those,
Cyaxares, that we shall defeat, amount to above
half the number of the enemy, be assured they
will say that we were afraid of their numbers,
and therefore attacked but a few of them.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 51

They will not take themselves to be defeated ;
and it will be necessary for you to come to
another battle, when perhaps they will contrive
better than they do now, that they give them-
selves up to us to parcel out and engage as
many of them as we please.” The messengers
having heard this went their way.

On this came Chrysantas the Persian, and
others of the alike-honoured, bringing with
them certain deserters. Cyrus, as usual, re-
quired from these deserters an account of the
enemy. They told him that they were already
marching out in arms ; that the king was come
out, and was forming them ; and that, continu-
ally, as they marched out, he made them many
warm and vigorous exhortations, as the hear-
ers, they said, reported. Here Chrysantas
spoke: ‘* Cyrus,” said he, ‘ what, therefore, if
you should call the soldiers together while you
are yet at liberty to make them an exhortation,
in order to make them braver and better men ?”
Then Cyrus said: “ O Chrysantas! let not
the exhortations of the Assyrians disturb you ;
for no exhortation whatever, though ever so
noble, can, at the instant, make the hearers
brave if they were not so before ; nor can it
make them skilful at the bow, unless they have
before practised it; nor skilful at the javelin,
nor horsemen; nor can it give them bodies
capable of labour unless they have been before
inured to it.” Chrysantas then said: “ But it
is enough, if you can make their minds better
by your exhortation.” And can a word,”
said Cyrus, ‘‘ spoken at the instant inspire the
minds of the hearers with a sense of shame, or
hinder them from doing things mean and base ?
Can it influence them effectually to undergo all
labours, and run all hazards, to gain praise ?
Can it establish this sentiment firmly in their
minds, that to die fighting is rather to be
chosen than to be saved by flying? And if
such sentiments,” said he, “are to be instilled
into men, and to be made lasting, ought there
not, in the first place, to be such laws estab-
lished whereby a life with honour and liberty
should be provided for the brave? and such a
course of life traced out and laid before the
vicious, as should be abject and painful, and
not worth living out? Then there ought to be
teachers and governors in these affairs, who
should direct men right, should teach and ac-
custom them to practise these things, till
they come to determine with themselves, that
the brave and the renowned are, in reality, the

happiest of all; and to judge that the vicious
and the infamous are of all the most miser-
able; for thus ought those to stand affected
who are to make their institution and disci-
pline overrule their fear of the enemy. But if,
just at the time that men are marching in arms
to the enemy, when many are hurried out oi
all their former learning and knowledge, it
were in any one’s power, by putting together a
set form of words, to make men in the instant
soldiers, then were it the easiest thing in the
world both to learn and to teach the greatest
virtue that belongs to men. Nor could I be
secure that the men we now have, and that
have been exercised under us, would remain
firm, unless I saw you here present with them,
who will be examples to them in their be-
haviour, and will be able to remind them if
they are at a loss in any thing. I should very
much wonder,” said he, “ Chrysantas, if a
discourse, ever so finely spoken, should be

able to teach bravery to men wholly undis-

ciplined in virtue, any more than a song well
sung could teach music to such as were wholly
uninstructed in it.” In this manner they dis-
coursed.

And Cyaxares sent word again to Cyrus,
that he was much in the wrong to spend time,
and not march immediately to the enemy.
Cyrus made answer to the messengers: ‘ Let
him be assured,” said he, “that there are not
yet come out so many of them as there ought
to be; and tell him this, openly, before all;
but since it is his opinion, I will lead out this

instant.” Having said this, and having made

his supplications to the gods, he led the army
out. As soon as he began to put forward
with more despatch, he led the way, and they
followed; and they did it in a very orderly
manner, because they understood how to march
in order, and had been exercised in it; they
did it with vigour and resolution, by means of
their emulation of each other, by having inured.
their bodies to labour, and having all their
officers at the head of them; and they did it
with pleasure, because they were wise; for
they knew, and had long since learned, that it
was their safest and easiest course to close with
the enemy, especially when consisting of ar-
chers, of men armed with javelins, and of
horse. While they were yet out of reach of
the enemy’s weapons, Cyrus gave out the
word, which was this, “ Jove, our assistant
and leader!” When the word came about to

52 XENOPHON.

him again, he began the usual hymn to the
youths of Jove, Castor and Pollux. They all,
with great devotion, accompanied him, with a
loud voice ; for, in such a circumstance, they
who fear the deities are the less in fear of men.
When the hymn was over, the alike-honoured,
marching with alacrity and perfect good dis-
cipline, and at the same time looking round at
each other, calling by their names those that
were on each hand of them, and those that
were the next behind them, and frequently
crying out, ““ Come on, friends! come on,
brave men !” they exhorted each other to fol-
low: they that were behind, hearing this, ex-
horted the foremost, in return, to lead on with
vigour and resolution. And Cyrus had an
army full of spirit and of ardour in the pursuit
of honour; full of vigour, boldness, mutual
exhortation, discretion, and obedience, which I
think the most terrible to an enemy.

Those of the Assyrians who fought from
their chariots, in front, before the rest, as soon
as the Persian body was near, and ready to

close in with them, mounted their chariots,

and retreated to their own body. ‘Their ar-
chers, and their men armed with the javelin,
and their slingers, made the discharge of their
weapons a good while before they could reach
their enemy. As soon as the Persians came
up on these weapons that had been thus dis-
charged, Cyrus cried aloud, “ Now, my brave
men, let somebody distinguish himself, and
march quicker on, and transmit this order to
the rest.” They accordingly transmitted it;
“and some, out of zeal and ardour, and out of
desire to close with the enemy, began to run.
The whole phalanx followed running; Cyrus
himself, forgetting his slower pace, led them
on running, and cried out at the same time,
“Who follows ? who is brave? who will first
prostrate his man?” They, hearing this, cried
out in the same manner; and as he first gave
it out, so it ran through them all, “ Who will
follow? who is braye2” In this disposition
did the Persians close with the enemy.

The enemy were no longer able to stand
them, but turned and fled to the intrench-
ment: the Persians, following up to the en-

[Book 111.

trances of the intrenchment, laid many of them
on the ground, as they were pressing on each ~
other, and leaping in after those that fellinto —
the ditch, they killed them, both men and ~

horses, promiscuously ; forsome of the chariots |

of the enemy were forced on, in their flight, —
and fell in amongst the rest. The Median —
horse, observing these things, charged the ene-
my’s horse; and they gave way before them. —
Then followed a pursuit of both horses and

men, and a mighty slaughter of both. They
who were within the Syrian intrenchment, and’

were posted at the top of it, by reason of the |

dreadful spectacle before them, and of their
terror, had neither ability nor skill to do exe-
cution with their arrows and javelins on those
that were making destruction of their people. —
And learning, presently after, that some of the
Persians had cut their way through at the —
entrances of the intrenchment, they turned ~
away and fled from the top of it. The Assy- —
rian women, and those of their allies, some of —
them, such as had children, and some that were ~
of the younger sort, seeing that they already ~
began to fly in the camp, set up a clamour, and
ran up and down in consternation, rending their
clothes and tearing themselves, and begging of
every one they met not to fly and abandon
them, but to stand by their children, by them,
and by each other. Here the princes them-
selves, with those they chiefly confided in,
standing at the entrances of the intrenchment,
and mounting to the top of it, fought them-
selves, and encouraged the rest. As soon as
Cyrus knew how things stood, being afraid
lest, being but few, they should be but ill treated
by the great multitude of the enemy, if they
forced their way in, he gave out orders to re-
treat out of the reach of the enemy’s weapons,
and required their obedience in so doing. Here
one might distinguish the alike-honoured, and
such as were formed to due discipline ; for they
instantly obeyed, and transmitted the orders to
the rest. When they were out of the reach
of the enemy’s weapons they stood in their
several stations, much more regularly than a
set of dancers; every one knowing with cost
exactness where he was to be.

XENOPHON

ON THE

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

Sey

BOOK IV.

CONTENTS ofr BOOK IV.

1. -Cyrus addresses his army ; signalises and rewards Chrysantas ; congratulates Cyaxares—Pursues the enemy
with as many Medes as would attend him voluntarily.—II. The Hyreanians revolt, and send messengers to
Cyrus—His policy and encouragement to his army—Engages with the enemy and obtains a victory—Entertains
his army, and uses Persian abstinence as to treasures and provisions.—IIL Cyrus acknowledges the superior
skill of the Medes and Hyrcanians in horsemanship—Proposes its establishment among the Persians by the law
of reputation.—IV. V. Cyrus makes friends of such of the enemy as were taken prisoners—His vigilance and
orders during the time of feasting of the allies—Receives an angry message from Cyaxares—His politic be-
haviour to the messenger—Sends an expostulatory letter to Cyaxares—Solicits from the Persians an increase
of his army—Orders the arms of the enemy to be burnt, and distributes their effects among the allies.—
VI. Revolt and arrival of Gobryas—His address to Cyrus augmenting his grievances and the reply—Gebryas
received as an ally.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

BOOK IV.

I. Cyrus, waiting there for some considerable | cerning them. Chrysantas I now reward with
time with the army, and having made it appear | the command of a thousand, as a man vigorous
that they were ready to fight, if any would come | in action, prudent, and able both to obey and
out against them, since nobody stirred, led off |}command. And when the gods shall grant ts
to the distance he thought proper, and they en- | any farther advantage, neither will I then for-
camped. get him.’ And I am desirous too,” said he,

Then having placed his guards, and sent out | “‘to give you all an advice; that you would
his scouts, he placed himself in the midst, and | never lose the remembrance and the consider-
calling his soldiers together, he spoke to this | ation of what you now see by this battle; that
effect: ‘Men of Persia! I do, in the first | you may always have it settled in your minds,
place, give all possible praise to the gods; I be- | whether it is flight, or virtue rather, that pre-
lieve you all do the same ; for we have obtained | serves the lives of men; whether they who
conquest and safety. Out of what we possess | readily engage in action come off the better, or
therefore it is our duty to make the gods our | they who are backward and unwilling; and
presents of gratitude and thanks, in return for | that you may judge how great a pleasure it is
chese things. After this, I give praise to you | that victory affords. You may now the better
all ; for the action that is passed has been per- | make a judgment of these things, having had
formed by you all. When I have made my in- | experience of them, and the affair having been
quiry from the proper persons what each man | so lately transacted. And,” said he, “by
deserves, I will endeavour, both in word and | having the consideration of these things always
in deed, to pay every man his due. With re-| present in your minds, you will become the

' spect to Chrysantas, indeed, who was the near- | better men. . Now, like discreet and worthy

est centurion to me, I need not inquire of others, | men, favoured of heaven, take your suppers,
but I know myself how well he behaved; for | make your libations to the gods, begin your
he performed all those other acts that I believed hymn, and be observant of the word of com-
you all did; and when I gave out orders to re- | mand.”

treat, calling on him particularly by name, he,| This said, he mounted on his horse and rode
who had his sword held up to give his enemy ἃ off. Then coming to Cyaxares, and having
stroke, obeyed me in the instant, and, forbear- | congratulated with him, as was proper, having
ing to do what he was about, performed my | seen how things stood there, and having in-
command. For he retreated himself, and trans- | quired whether Cyaxares had any farther need
mitted the order with the greatest despatch ἴο ' of him, he rode back to his own army. Cyrus’
others; so that he got his century out of, men, having taken their suppers and placed
weapon’s cast before the enemy perceived that | their guards, as was proper, went to rest.

~ that we were retreating, before they extended | The Assyrians, on their prince being killed,

their bows, or threw their javelins ; so that he | and together with him all the bravest of their
was himself unhurt, and kept his men unhurt , men, were all in a desponding condition, and
by this obedience. But there are others,” said many of them fled from the camp in the night.

he, “ that I see wounded ; and when I have ex- | On seeing these things, Croesus, and their
amined at what time it was that they were other allies, lost all courage, for they were

“wounded, I will then declare my opinion con-| surrounded with difficulties on all sides. And

06

what chiefly sunk the courage of them all, was,
that the principal nation of all that were in the
army were entirely confounded in their opinions.
So they quitted the camp, and went off in the
night.

As soon as it was day, and that the camp ap-
peared to be entirely abandoned, Cyrus imme-
diately made the Persians march first into it.
Great numbers of sheep and oxen had been left
there by the enemy, and many waggons full of
abundance of valuable things. After this, the
Medes with Cyaxares marched in, and there
took their dinners. When they had dined,
: Cyrus called his centurions together, and spoke
to this effect: “ Friends! how many valuable
things have we, in my opinion, perfectly thrown
away, when the gods had delivered them into
our hands! for you yourselyes see that the
enemy are flying for fear of us. And how can
any body think that they who, when possessed
of an intrenched post, quitted it and fled, can
stand and look us in the face on fair ground ?
They who did not stand before they had made
trial of us, how should such men stand after
they are beaten, and have been so ill treated by
us? How should the worst of those men in-
cline to fight us, of whom the best have been
destroyed?” On this somebody said: “ Why
do we not immediately pursue, when the ad-
vantages we have are so evident?” Cyrus re-
plied: “‘ Why, because we want. horse. And
the best of the enemy, and such as it is most
for our purpose to take or to destroy, are re-
tiring on horseback. And those that, with the
help of the gods, we are able to put to flight,
we are not able to take in the pursuit.” “ Why,
then,” said they, “do you not go to Cyaxares
and tell him these things?” To this he said:
“«« Come therefore all of you along with me,
that he may see we are all of us of this opinion.”
On this they all followed him, and said what
they thought was proper concerning the things
they desired, _

Cyaxares, partly out of a sort of envy, because
they had begun the discourse on the subject,
and partly, perhaps, because he thought it best
for him not to hazard.another battle, for he was
indulging himself in pleasure, and observed
that many of the Medes were doing the same
thing, spoke therefore in this manner: “ I am
conyinced, Cyrus, by the testimony both of my
eyes and ears, that you Persians, of all man-
kind, study the most how to keep yourselves
from being impotent and insatiable in any kind

XENOPHON ΟΝ THE...

[BOOK Iv.

of pleasure : but my opinion is, that it is by
much the most advantageous thing to be: master

of one’s self in the greatest pleasure ‘of all.

And what is there that gives men ‘greater plea-
sure than the good fortune that has now ‘be-
fallen us? Therefore, since we have that good
fortune, if we take care to preserve it with dis-
cretion and temper, perhaps we may, without
hazard, grow old in happiness. But if we use
it greedily and insatiably, and endeavour to
pursue one piece of good fortune after another,

take care lest we suffer the same fate that they-

say many people do at sea, who, by means of
their haying been once fortunate, will never
cease repeating their voyages till they are lost.

And as they say many do, who, having obtained _

one victory, and aiming at more, have lost. the
first. If, indeed, the enemy who are fled were
fewer than we, perhaps we might pursue those
with safety ; but consider what part of them
it was that our whole number fought and con-
quered, the rest were out of the action, and un-
less we force them to fight, are going their
ways, meanly and ignorantly, without knowing
their own strength or ours. If they shall find
that they are not less in danger in retreating
than they are in standing to us, how can it hap-
pen otherwise than that we shall force them,
even against their will, to be brave? for be
assured, that you are not more desirous to seize
their wives and children than they are to pre-
serye them. ‘And consider eyen swine, that
they, though many in number, betake them-

selves to flight, together with their young, as

soon as they are discovered; but if any man
pursue one of their little ones, the sow, though
she be single, does not continue her flight, but
attacks the pursuer that attempts to take it.
Now these men, on this late occasion, had shut
themselves up in an intrenchment, and let
themselves be parcelled out by us in such a
manner, as put it into our power to engage as
many of them as we pleased. Butif we march
up to them in an open country, and they shall
have learned to divide and extend themselves, so
that part of them shall oppose us in front, part
on one wing, and part on another, and some in
our rear ; do you then take care lest we, every
one of us, stand in need of many more hands
and arms than we haye. . Besides,” said he,
“ now that I observe the Medes to be enjoy-
ing themselyes, I should be very unwilling to
rouse them from their pleasures, and compel
them to throw themselves into danger.”

--- «ὧδ «5.5 (yy oe “αὶ

~~ ee ee per ee

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

“Then Cyrus in reply said : “ You shall com.

» pel no one: do but allow those to follow me

that are willing to do it. Perhaps we may
come back, and bring you, and every one of
these friends of yours, what you will all be
pleased with. We will not pursue the main
body of the enemy ; for how should we be able
to lay our hands on them? But if we meet with
any thing siraggling from the rest of the army,
or left behind, we will come and bring it to you.
Consider then,” said he, “ that when you want -
ed us, we came a long journey to do you plea-
sure ; it were but just therefore that you should
gratify us in return, that we may go home pos-
sessed of something, and not all of us have our
eye to your treasure.” Here Cyaxares said:
“ If any one, indeed, would attend you of his
own accord, J should think myself obliged to
you.” “Send with me then one of these
credible persons who shall tell your message.”
“ Come,” said he, “take which of them you
please.” And there happened to be that person

present who had called himself his relation, and

that he had kissed; Cyrus therefore immedi-
ately said: ‘‘ 1am contented with this man.”
“Let him therefore,” said he, “attend you;
and do you,” said he, “declare that any one
who is willing may go with Cyrus.” So, tak-
ing this man with him, he went out. As soon
as he came out, Cyrus presently said to him,
“ Now you will make it appear whether you
spoke truth, when you said you were delighted
with the sight of me.” ‘ When you propose
this matter,” said the Mede, “1 will not aban-
don you.” ‘ And will you not,” said Cyrus,
“ yourself espouse it, and propose it to others ?”
Then, with an oath, “ By Jove!” said he, “I

will; and that till I make you delighted with

the sight of me.” Then did this messenger of
Cyaxares discharge himself with zeal, in all re-
spects, by declaring his message to the Medes ;
and added this of himself: ‘ That, for his part,
he would not desert this best and most excellent
of men ; and, what was above all, this man who
derived his origin from the gods !”

II. While Cyrus was transacting these affairs
there came messengers from the Hyrcanians, as
if by divine appointment. The Hyrcanians
are borderers on the Assyrians; they are no
great nation, and therefore subject to the As-
syrians ; they at that time, it seems, consisted
of horse, and do so at this day: the Assyrians
therefore used them as the Lacedemonians do
the people of Sciros, not sparing them in

57

fatigues and dangers; and they at that time
had commanded them to make the rear-guard,
being a thousand horse, that in case any danger
pressed on them in the rear, these men might
have it fall on them before it reached them-
selves. The Hyrcanians, being to march be-
hind all, had their waggons and domestics in
the rear: for most of the inhabitants of Asia
are attended in their military expeditions by
those that they live with at home. And the
Hyrcanians at that time attended the service in
that manner. Considering therefore with
themselves what they suffered under the As-
syrians; that their prince was now dead, and
they beaten ; that the army was now under great
terror; that their allies were in a desponding
condition, and were quitting them; on these
considerations, this appeared to them to be a
noble opportunity to revolt, if Cyrus’ men
would but fall on the enemy in conjunction.
with them. Accordingly, they sent messen-
gers to Cyrus; for, since the battle, his fame
was grown to the greatest height.

The men that were sent told Cyrus—“ That
they had a just hatred to the Assyrians ; that
if he would now march up to them, they them-
selves would be his assistants, and lead him the
way.” ‘They gave him likewise accounts of the
circumstances of the enemy, as men who were >
extremely desirous to animate him to this ex-
pedition. Then Cyrus asked them—‘ Do you
think,” said he, “‘ that we can get up with them
before they get into their fortresses? For,”
said he, “we take it to be a very great misfor-
tune that they fled without our knowledge.”
This he said with intention to raise in them
the greatest confidence possible in himself and
his people. They replied, ‘‘ That if he and
his men, setting out early in the morning,
marched with expedition, they might come up
with them, even the next day; for by reason
of their multitude, and the number of their
carriages, they marched very slowly. And be-
sides,” said they, “ having had no rest the night
before, they marched but a little way, and are
now encamped.” Then Cyrus said: “ Have you
any pledge therefore to give us of the truth of
what you say?” ‘ We will go,” said they,
ἐς this instant, and bring you hostages to-night.
Do you only give us the security of your taking
the gods to witness on your part, and give us
your right hand, that what we ourselves thus
receive from you we may carry to the rest of
our people.” On ὋΣ he gave them the testi-

58

monials of his faith, that “1 they accomplished
what they said, he would treat them as faithful
men and friends ; and that they should not be
of less consideration with him than the Per-
sians or Medes.” And at this day it may be
observed, that the Hyreanians are employed in
considerable trusts, and are possessed of go-
vernments, as those of the Persians and Medes
are that appear worthy of them.

- When they had supped he led out the army,
while it was yet day, and he ordered the Hyr-
canians to stay, that they might go with him.
All the Persians, as one may naturally sup-
pose, were immediately out. Tigranes, like-
wise, with his army, was the same. But of
the Medes, some marched out, because, while
they were yet boys, they had been friends to
Cyrus while a boy; some because, by convers-
ing with him in his huntings, they were much
taken with his temper and manners ; some out
of gratitude, because they thought him the man
who had relieved them when they were under
very great terror; some, by his appearing al-
ready to be a man of great dignity and worth,
had hopes that he would still grow farther so,
as tobe prodigiously fortunate and great ; some,
because they were desirous to return him that
friendship and service that he had done them
while he lived among the Medes ;
his good-nature he had performed several ser-
vices with his grandfather for many of them :
but most part of them, when theysaw the Hyr-
canians, aud that it was discoursed abroad that
they were to lead the way to mighty advantages,
marched out in order to get something. So
almost all the Medes marched, except those
that were in the tent with Cyaxares. These
remained, and the men that were under their
command. The rest hastened out with zeal
and pleasure, as not going by restraint, but vo-
luntarily, and with design to oblige.
they were out he went to the Medes. He first
commended them, and prayed—‘* That the
gods, being propitious both to them, to him-
self, and to his people, would vouchsafe to con-
duct them ! and then that he himself might be
enabled to make them grateful returns for this
their zeal!” In the last place, he told them
that the foot should lead the way, and bade
them follow with their horse ; and wherever
they rested, or suspended their march, he or-
dered them to send off some people to him, that

XENOPHON ON THE ΓῈ
nians to lead the way, and they asked him this |

for out of

When

OOK Iv. |

question: “ Why,” said they, ‘do you not stay
till we bring our hostages,

He is said to have replied thus :

of your fidelity in our own hearts and hands ;
tor we take ourselves to be so well provided,

that if you tell us truth, we are in a condition

to do you service ; and if you deceive us, we

reckon that we stand on such a footing as not —
to be ourselves in your power, but rather, if”

the gods so please, that you will be in ours.

Since then,” said he, “ O Hyrcanians ! you say _

that your people march the hindermost, as soon

as you see them signify to us that they are your -
The Hyr-

people, that we may spare them.”
canians, hearing these things, led the way as he
ordered. They admired his firmness of mind,
and were no longer in fear either of Assyrians,
the Lydians, or their allies; but only lest Cy-
rus should be convinced that, whether they
were present or absent, they were of little sig-
nificance.

While they were on the march, and night was
come on, a clear light from heaven is said to
have appeared to Cyrus and to the army; so
that all were seized with a shivering at the di-
vine appearance, but inspired with boldness
against the enemy. As they marched without
incumbrance and with despatch, they probably
moved over much ground, and at the dawn of
day they were near the Hyrcanian army. As
soon as the messengers discovered them, they
told Cyrus that these were their people: they
said ‘“ They knew them by their being the hin-
dermost, and by their multitude of fires.” On
this he sent one of the two messengers to
them, ordering him to tell them: “ If they
were friends, immediately to meet him, holding
out their right hands.” He sent some of his
own people with them, and bade them tell the
Hyrcanians: “ That when he and his people
saw them advancing, they themselyes would do
the same thing.” So one of the messengers
stayed with Cyrus, the other rode off to the
Hyreanians. While Cyrus was observing what
the Hyrcanians would do, he made the army
halt ; and the chief of the Medes and Tigranes
rode up to him, and asked him what they were
todo. He told them thus: “ This body that
is near us is that of the Hyrcanians. One of

they might be informed of what was proper on } their messengers is going to them, and some of
every occasion. On this he ordered the Hyrca- | our people with him, to tell them, if they are

that you may march ~
with the pledges of our fidelity in your hands ? Ὁ» ,
«“ Why,” said
he, “ I consider that we have all of us pledges

a

fight.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

fiiends, to meet us with their right hands held
out ; therefore if they come in this manner,
do you, every one in your several stations, re-
ceive them with your right hands as they come,
and encourage them. If they take to their
arms, or attempt to fly, do you endeavour to
let none of those that we first meet with
escape.” He gave these orders ; and the Hyr-
canians having heard the report of the messen-
gers, were in great joy, and mounting their
horses at a leap, came up, as was told them,
with their right hands extended. The Medes
and Persians, on their side, received them with
their right hands, and encouraged them. On
this Cyrus said: “ Hyrcanians, we now trust
to you. It is your part to be in the same dis-
position towards us: but, in the first place,”
said he, “ tell us this—how far from hence is
the place where the enemy’s commanders are,
and their main body?” ‘They said, in answer,
«That it was little more than a parasang.”
On this occasion Cyrus said: “ Come on,
then,” said he, “men of Persia, Medes, and
you, Hyrcanians, for to you I now speak, as to
confederates and sharers with us in all things.
You ought now all to-be assured, that we are
in such a circumstance as must bring on us the
greatest severities of fortune, if we act in it
remissly and faintly ; for the enemy know for
what purposes we come. If we march to the
enemy with vigour and spirit, and charge home,
you will see them like slaves that have run
away and are discovered, some supplicating for
mercy, some flying, and some without presence
of mind enough to do either; for, beaten as
they are, they will see us come on them, and
thinking of our coming, will be surprised,
without order, and without being prepared to
If therefore we desire, henceforward,
to take our meals, to pass our nights, and to
spend the rest of our lives with pleasure, do
not let us give them leisure to contrive or exe-
cute any thing that may be for their own ser-

vice ; norto know so muchas that we are men; |

but let them fancy that all is shields, swords,
cutlasses, and blows that fallonthem. And
do you, Hyrcanians,” said he, “ extending your-
selves in front before us, march first, that by
the appearance of your arms we may keep con-
cealed as long as possible. When I get up
with the enemy’s army, do you, each of you,
leave with me a troop of horse that I may
make use of them, in case of need, remaining
in thecamp. Do you, commanders, and your

59

men of most years, if you are wise, march to-
gether in close order, lest, meeting perhaps

with a close body, you be repulsed. Send out
your younger men to pursue ; let these despatch
the enemy, for it is our safest course at this
time to leave as few of the enemy alive as we
can. But lest, what has happened to many
victors, a turn of fortune befall us, we ought
strictly to guard against turning to plunder ;

and as he that does it can no longer be reck-

oned a man, but a mere bearer of baggage, so

any one that will, is free to use him as a slave.

You ought to be sensible that there is nothing.
more gainful than victory, for the victcz sweeps

all away with him, both men, women, and trea-

sure, together with the whole country. Keep,
your eye therefore intent only on the preserva-

tion of victory, for even the plunderer himself.
is comprehended in it. And remember this

too, in your pursuit, that you return again to

me while it is yet day; for after it is dark we

will give admittance to none.”

Having said this, he dismissed them, every
one to his own century, and ordered them with-
al to go their ways, and signify these things,
every one to his chiefs of ten; for the chiefs.
of tens were all in front, so as to be able to
hear; and he bade them order the chiefs of.
tens to give these directions, each to his own
ten. On this the Hyrcanians led the way:
he himself marched with the Persians in the
centre, and formed the horse, as usual, on each
wing. As-soon as his army appeared, some —
of the enemy were astonished at the sight ;
some already discovered what it was ; some told
it about ; some set up a clamour ; some loosed
their horses; some packed up their effects ;
some threw the arms from off the beasts of
burden, and some armed themselves; some
mounted their horses; some bridled them;
some helped the women up on the waggons;,
some laid hold of what they had of greatest
value to save it; and some were found burying
such kind of things; but most of them bhetook
themselves to flight. It must needs be thought
that they were taken up with these things, and
many more of various kinds, excepting only
that nobody fought, but that they were destroy-
ed without making any opposition. Croesus,
the king of the Lydians, it being the summer
season, had sent away his women in the night,
in chariots, before, that they might travel with
the more ease in the cool, and he himself with
his horse had followed after. The Phrygian,

60

they say, who was’ prince of that Phrygia that
lies on the Hellespont, did the same. But as
soon as they perceived the runaways, and that
some of them came up-with them, having got
information of what had happened, they fled in
the utmost. haste... The kings of the Cappa-
docians, and of the. Arabians that were at
hand, and without their corslets, thinking
themselves secure, the Hyrcanians killed.—
But. the greatest number of those that died
on this occasion were Assyrians and Arabs;
for being in their own country, they were most
remiss in marching off. The Medes and Hyr-
canians performed such things in the pursuit
as are usual for men that have gained the vic-
tory. But Cyrus ordered the horse, that had
been left with him, to ride round the camp,
and kill all such as they saw going off with
their arms; and to those that remained he
ordered it to be proclaimed, “‘ That all soldiers
of the enemy whatever, whether horsemen,
targeteers, or archers, should bring their arms,
all bound up together, away to bim, and leave
their horses at their tents; and that if any re-
fused to do thus, he should immediately lose
his head.” Some with their swords drawn
stood round in order; they who had arms
brought them away, and threw them down on
the place that he appointed them; and they
that he ordered for that service burnt them.
But Cyrus then reflecting that they were
come without either meat or drink, and that
without these it was impossible to carry on a
war, or do any thing else ; considering therefore
how. he might be supplied with these things
the soonest, and in the best manner, it came
into his mind that it was absolutely necessary
for all men that were engaged in military ser-
vice to have some certain person to take care
of the tent, and who should provide all things
necessary for the soldiers when they came in.
He judged therefore, that of all people in the
camp, these were the most likely to be left
behind, because of their being employed in
packing up the baggage; so he ordered procla-
mation to be made, that all the officers of this
kind should come to him, and where there was
no such officer, that the oldest man of that tent
should attend: he denounced all manner of
severity to him that should disobey. But they
all paid obedience instantly, having seen their
masters do it before them. When they were
present, he commanded all such as had neces-
saries i their tents for two months and up-

[Book iV.

wards to sit down. When he had observed
these, he again commanded all such as were
provided for one month to do the same. On
this almost all of them sat. When he found
this, he spoke to them thus: “Come, then,
good people, all those of you who would avoid
evil, and desire to obtain any good from us, do
you with readiness and zeal take eare that in
each tent there be prepared double the portion
of meat and drink that you used to provide
each day for your masters and their domestics ;

and have all things else ready that will contri--

bute to furnish out a handsome entertainment ;
taking it for granted that the party conquering
will be presently with you, and will require to

have all things necessary provided for them in~.

plenty. Know therefore that it may be of
service to you to receive these men in the most
unexceptionable manner.” Having heard these
things, they executed the orders with the great-
est diligence. And having called the centu-
rions together, he spoke to this effect :—

«“ We know, friends, that it is now in our
power to take our dinners first, before our
allies, who are absent, and to apply the most
exquisite meats and drinks to our own use;
but in my opinion this dinner will not do us so
much service as our making it appear that we
are careful of our allies. Nor will this good
entertainment add more to our own strength,
than we shall gain by making our confederates
zealous and hearty in our interest. If we ap-
pear so negligent of those that are pursuing and
destroying our enemies, and fighting in case
there are any that oppose them, that they find
we have dined before we know what they are
doing ; how can it happen otherwise, than that
we shall appear vile in their sight, and lose our
strength by losing our allies? But to be care-
ful that they who are engaged in fatigues and
dangers may have all necessaries ready for them
when they come in; this, I say, is the treat
that should more delight you than the present
gratification of your bellies.
said he, ‘that if we were to act without any
respect to our friends, yet to cram with meat
and drink is not at all proper with regard to
ourselves ; for we have a great many enemies
in the camp loose and unconfined; it is our
business to be on our guard against them, and
to keep a guard on them, that we may have
people to do all necessary things for us. . Our
horse are absent, and give us cause to be in
some concern and doubt where they are, whether

And consider,”

sche ta INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

ut PERV PR IA

_they are to,come,back to us, or whether they
are, to stay, So that, in my opinion, friends,
the theat and drink, the most for-our purpose
at present, ought to be what one can, imagine
of. Most use to preserve us from being drowsy
and. remiss. _ Yet farther, I know that there
ave great treasures in the camp; and I am not

‘ignorant that it is in our power to appropriate

to ‘ourselves what we please of these things,
‘that belong i in common to all that were jointly
concerned with us in taking them: but I am
of opinion, that our taking them to ourselves
cannot be a greater gain to us, than by making
ourselyes appear to these men to be just. and
honest, to purchase by that means still a‘greater
share i in their affection than we have yet ob-
tained. And Iam of opinion,” said he, ‘ to
give up ‘the distribution of these treasures to
the Medes, Hyrcanians, and. Tigranes, when
they come ; and eyen to reckon it an adyan-
tage, if they allot us the smallest share ; for
by means of their profit, they will with the
more pleasure remain with us. And the tak-
ing a present advantage may indeed afford. us
short-lived riches, but they that give up this,
acquire by it in return those things from
whence riches flow. And in my opinion this

may procure much more Jasting riches to us
and ours. It was for this end, I think, that
we practised at home that continence and com-
mand over ourselves in the concerns of the
belly, and in ‘matters of unseasonable profit,
that we might be able, when occasion served,
to make use of these qualities for our adyan-
tage. And on what greater occasion than the
present one we can show the virtue of our in-
stitution, I do not see.”

“Thus he spoke, and Hystaspes, a Persian,
and one of the alike-honoured, spoke in favour
of his opinion in this manner: “ It were in-
deed a sad | case, Cyrus, if in hunting we can
continually master ourselves, and abstain from
food i in order to get possession of some beast,
and perhaps _ of very little value; and, when
we are in ‘pursuit of all that is valuable in the
world, we should not think it yery unbecoming
us. to suffer ‘ourselves to be stopped in our
cow'se by any of those things that have the
command indeed of mean men, but are inferior
and subservient to the deserving. » Τῆι
spoke Hystaspes i in support of Cyrus’ opinion ;
the ‘rest approved it Then Cyrus said:
Well, then, since we agree in these matters,

61

andsuch as are the most’ diligent and careful,
let these march round, and those whom they
find. employed in providing the necessaries let
them: commend ; those whom they find negli-
gent, let them chastise, without sparing them,
any more than if they themselves were their
masters. ‘These men executed their orders.
111.. By this time some of the Medes
drove up several waggons that had set out
before from the camp, and that they had taken
and turned back, laden with things that the .
army was in want οἵ, Some of them brought
chariots that they had taken; some full of the
most, considerable women, who were some of
them of the legitimate sort; others of them
courtesans, that were conveyed up and down
by those people on account of their beauty ;
for to this day all the inhabitants of Asia in
time of war attend the service accompanied
with what they value the most: and say that
they fight the better when the things that are
most: dear to them are present: for they say
that. they must of necessity defend these with
zeal and ardour. © Perhaps indeed it’ is so;
but perhaps they do it only for their pleasure.
Cyrus, observing the things that were per-
formed by the Medes and Hyrcanians, was
almost: angry with himself and with those that
were with him; for the others seemed to out-
shine them at that time, and to be continually
making some advantage or other, while they
themselves stood quiet: in an idle station: for
they that brought the prizes, after showing
them to Cyrus, rode off again in pursuit of
others ; for they said that they were ordered
so to do by their commanders. Cyrus, though
nettled at this, yet ordered the things away to
a particular station; then calling the centu-
rions again. together, and standing in a place
where what he said might be heard, he spoke
thus: “1 believe, friends, we are all convinced
that if we had had the taking of these things
that have just now appeared before us, all the
Persians in general would have been great’
gainers, and we probably the greatest, who had
been personally concerned in the action. But
how we, who are not able of ourselves to ac-
quire these things, can possibly get them into
our possession, I do not yet see, unless the
Persians procure a body of horse of their own.
For you observe,” said he,” “that we Persians
are possessed of arms that are proper to repel
enemies that will close with us; but when

do you send out five men of each company ; | they ave once repulsed, what horsemen, archers,

62

targeteers, or dartsmen, while we are without
horse, can we possibly take or destroy in their
flight? who would fear to annoy us, whether
archers, dartsmen, or horse, when they know
very well that there is no more danger of re-
ceiving any hurt from us, than from trees that
grow fixed in the ground? 18 these things are
thus, is it not plain that the horsemen now
with us reckon all things that fall into our
hands not less theirs than ours? Nay, per-
haps, even more. On this footing therefore
do things now necessarily stand. But if we
get a body of horse not inferior to themselves,
is it not evident to you all that we shall be
able without them to perform the same things
against the enemy that we now do with them?
and that we shall have them in a more humble
disposition towards us ? for when they have a
mind either to go or stay, it will be of less
concern to us, if we are of ourselves sufficient
without them. But be this as it will, yet no
one, I believe, will be of a contrary opinion to
me in this, that for the Persians to have a
body of horse of their own, is not a matter
that is entirely indifferent. But then, perhaps,
you are considering how this can be brought
about, Supposing then that we incline to
constitute a body of horse, let us examine
what it is we have, and what it is we want.
Here are horses in great number that are left
in the camp, and there are bridles to manage
them, and all other things that are proper for
the use of such as keep horses ; and we have
likewise the things that are proper for the use
of a horseman himself; corslets for the defence
of his body, and lances, that we may either use
in throwing or by hand. What then remains?
It is plain we must have men; and these we
have more certainly than any thing, for there
is nothing so much belongs to us as we do to
ourselves. But perhaps somebody will say
that we do not understand it: nor, by Jove!
have any of those who understand it now at-
tained the skill before they learned it. But
they learned it, somebody may say, when they
were boys. And have boys the better faculty
to learn things that are told them, or shown
them; or have men? And when they have
once Jearned, which of them have bodies the
most able to undergo labour, boys or men?
Then we have that leisure for learning that
neither boys have, nor other men; for we have
neither the use of the bow to learn, as boys
have, for we know it already; nor throwing of

XENOPHON ON THE

[BooK Iv.

the javelin, for we know that too: nor have we
that continual employment that other men have;
some in agriculture, some in trades, and some
in other particular affairs. We have not only
leisure to practise military affairs, but we are
under a necessity of doing it. Nor is this, as

many other military matters are, a thing of diffi-_ .

culty, as well as of use ; for is it not pleasanter
on the road to be on horseback, than to travel
on foot? And where despatch is required, is
it not a pleasure to get quickly to a friend,
when there is occasion, or readily to overtake
either a man ora beast in the pursuit? And
is it not a convenience that whatsoever arms
are to be carried, the horse helps to carry them ?

for to have arms and to carry them is the same-_
thing. And as to what one may have most —

‘reason to fear, that we may perhaps be obliged

to come to action on horseback, before we are:

yet well skilled in the work, and that we may
become neither able footmen nor able horse-

men ; even this is not a difficulty that is uncon- ;

querable ; for whenever we please we are im-
mediately at liberty to fight on foot ; nor shall
we unlearn any thing of our skill as footmen
by learning to ride.”

Thus Cyrus spoke ; and Chrysantas, speak.

ing in favour of the same opinion, said thus:
“6 1 am,” said he, “so desirous of learning to

ride, that Ireckon, were I a horseman, I should

be a flying man. As matters now stand, were
I to run a race with a man, I should be con-
tented if I got but by the head before him; or

if I saw a beast running by, I would be con-

tented if on the stretch, I could contrive to

reach him with my bow or javelin before he

got at a great distance from me. But if I be-
come a horseman I shall be able to kill any
man, though at as great a distance as I can
see; and in the pursuit of beasts, some I shall
be able to come up with, and to strike them pyil
hand, others I shall be able to reach with my
javelin, as well as if they stood still ; forif two

creatures are swift alike, they continue as near ἡ
to each other as if they stood still. Of all |
creatures, they that I think raise my envy and —

emulation the most, are the centaurs, if there

ever were any ;—creatures that, with the un-—
derstanding of man, are capable of contrivance —
who with their hands can effect —
what is proper to be done, and have the swift- °
ness and strength of the horse, so as to over-—

and forecast ;

take what flies from them, and overturn what >
opposes them. So when I am a horseman, all

-

.

pi nrc ie a eee

τ
᾿

2

wi woan

these powers do I carry with me: I shall be
able to contrive things with my understanding,
as aman; my arms I shall carry in my hands ;
with my horse I shall pursue, and by my horse’s
strength overturn what opposesme. But then
I shall not be bound down and grow to him,
like the centaurs; and this is certainly better
than to be incorporated with him; for centaurs,
I fancy, must be at a loss both how to use se-
veral conveniences discovered by men, and how
to enjoy several pleasures natural to horses.
But I, when I have learned to ride, and am
mounted on horseback, shall perform the part
of a centaur; and when I dismount I shall
take my meals, clothe myself, and take my rest,
as. other men do. So that what am I but a
centaur, free and separable when I please ; and

then, when I please, of a piece again? Be-,

sides, I have this advantage over the centaur,”
said he, “that he saw but with two eyes and
heard but with two ears, but I shall see with
four eyes, and receive notices of things by
means of four ears ; for the horse they say dis-
covers. to men many things that he beforehand
sees with his own eyes, and gives them notice
of many things that he beforehand hears with
his own ears. Write me down therefore as one
of those that are desirous to serve on horse-
back.” “ And us too,” said all the others. On
this Cyrus said: “‘ Since, then,” said he, “we
are so much of this opinion, what if we should
make it a law, that it should be scandalous for
any of those amongst us that I furnish with
horses to be seen travelling on foot, let the way
he is to go be little or great, that men may
- imagine we are entirely centaurs?” This pro-
posal he made them, and they all gave their
consent. So that at this day the Persians still
put it in practice ; and none of the considerable
| men among the Persians are ever to be seen
travelling on foot of their own good-will.
IV. These men were employed in these dis-
courses; but when the middle of the day was
past, the Median horse and the Hyrcanians
rode up, and brought with them both horses
| and men that they had taken; for as many as
| delivered their arms they did not kill. When
| they rode up, Cyrus first asked them whether
| they were all come safe? When they said that
| they were, he then asked them what they had
done, and they related the things that they had
performed, and gave magnificent accounts how
manfully they had acted in .every particular.
He hearkened with pleasure to all that they had

|
OS ee

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

63

a mind to tell him, and then commended them
thus: “ It is apparent how well you have be-
haved, for you are now in appearance taller,
more beautiful, and more terrible than before.’
He then asked them how far they had gone,
and whether the country was inhabited. They
told him, “ They had gone a great way ; that
the whole country was inhabited, and full of
sheep, goats, oxen, and horses, corn, and all
valuable things.” ‘There are two things,
then,” said he, “that we are to take care of;
how to subject the people that are the posses-
sors of these things; and how to make them
remain on the place: for a country well inha-
bited is a very valuable acquisition; but one
destitute of men is destitute of every thing that
is good. All those that stood to their defence,”
said he, * I know you have killed ; and you did
right ; for this is of the greatest importance for
the maintaining of a victory. Those that de-
livered their arms you have taken; and if we
dismiss them, we should do what I say would
turn to our advantage ; for, first, we shall not
be under a necessity of being on our guard
against them, nor of keeping a guard on them,
nor of furnishing them with provisions; for
certainly we should not be for starving them.
Then, by dismissing them, we shall have the
greater number of captives ; for if we conquer
the country, all will be our captives that inhabit
it; and the rest, when they see these living and
set at liberty, will the more readily remain, and
rather choose tu submit than to continue in war.
This is my Judgment; but if any other person
sees what is better, let him say it.” But they,
having heard these things, agreed to act accord-
ingly.

So Cyrus, having called for the prisoners,
spoke thus: “Friends!” said he, “by your
present submission you have preserved your
lives ; and, for the future, if you behave in the
same manner, no ill whatever shall befall you,
unless it be that the same person will not go-
vern you that governed ‘you before; but you
shall inhabit the same houses, and you shall
cultivate the same territory; and you shall live
with the same wives, and you shall rule your
children as you do now; but you shall neither
make war on us, nor on any one else; and if
any other injure you, we will fight for you.
And that nobody may order you out on mili-
tary service, bring your arms to us. And to
those that bring them, peace! and what I pro-
mise shall be made good to them without fraud,

-

‘ a benefactor and a friend, not as ἃ slave.

ner that we are able.

64

But we will make war on those that refuse to
lay their arms aside. But then if any of you
shall come to us, and shall appear to do any
action, er to give any information, in friend-
ship and good-will to us, him will we treat as
Let
these things therefore be known to you, and do
you tell them to the rest. And if there are
any that will not comply with us in these things
that we require, do you lead us the way to
them, that we may make ourselves masters of
them, and they not masters of us.” Thus he
spoke. They paid him their adoration, and said
that they would perform what he enjoined them.

Y. When they were gone, Cyrus said: “ It
is time, O Medes and Armenians! for all of
us to take our suppers: and all things proper
have been made ready for you in the best man-
Go your ways, then,
and send us half the bread that has been made ;
for there has been enough made for us both:
but send us neither meat with it, nor any thing
to drink, for of these we have enough with us
already provided. And do you,” said he, “ O
Hyrcanians ! conduct them to the tents; the
commanders to the greatest, (for you know
which they are,) and the others as you think
most proper. And do you, likewise, take your
suppers where it is most agreeable to you; for
the tents are untouched, and all things are pro-
vided there for you, as well as for the others.
But let this be known to you both, that we
undertake to keep the night-watch without.
Do you look to what passes in the tents, and
place your arms within; for they who are in
the tents are not yet our frienis.”

The Medes then, and Tigranes’ people,
bathed themselves, (for all matters for that
purpose had been provided,) and, having
changed their clothes, took their suppers ; and
their horses were provided with all necessaries.
Half their bread they sent to the Persians, but
sent no meat with it, nor wine ; thinking that
Cyrus’ people were provided with those things,
because he had said that they had them in
plenty. But what Cyrus meant was, that the
meat they had with their bread was hunger,
and their drink was the water of a stream that
tau by. Cyrus therefore having given the Per-
sians their supper, sent many of them out, as
soon as it was dark, in fives and tens, and com-
manded them to march round the camp pri-
vately ; judging that they would be a guard to
it, if any enemy came on them from without ;

XENOPHON ON THE

dt

~
ee

J ro

(Book rv, |

«..-...-.

and that if any one ran off with treasure of F

any kind they might take him. And it hap-

pened so; for there were many that ran away, —

and many were taken. Cyrus allowed the trea~

sures to those that seized them, but ordered
So that afterwards, —

them to kill the men.
even though one desired it, one could not easily
meet with a man that was going any where in
the night. And thus the Persians employed
themselves; but the Medes drank and feasted,
entertained themselves with the music of flutes,
and indulged themselves in all kinds of delights
and pleasure ; for a multitude of things of that
sort had been taken.
on the watch were in no want of work.

But Cyaxares, king of the Medes, that night
that Cyrus marched away, was drunk himself, ©
as well as those that were of his company in
the tent, it being on an occasion of happy suc-
cess. And he thought that the rest of the

Medes, excepting only some few, were still re- -
maining in the camp, because he heard a mighty +
noise and uproar ; for the servants of the Medes,
on their masters being gone, drank without —
ceasing, and were very tumultuous: and the
more, because they had taken from the Assy- —
rian army great quantities of wine, and abun- —
As soon as the

day came, and that nobody attended at his |
doors, but they that had supped with him ; and —
that he heard that the camp was left empty by .

dance of other such things.

the Medes and by their horse; and that he

himself when he went out saw that this was ,
really the case ; he then broke out into a rage |

at their going away and leaving him destitute.

And as he is said to have been very violent and |
rash, he immediately commanded one of those |

about him to take some horse with him, and
march with the utmost despatch to the army
that was with Cyrus, and to say thus: “ I was

of opinion, Cyrus, that even you would not 4,
have engaged in councils so imprudent and bad |
for me ; or if Cyrus might have thought fit to —

do so, I did not think that you, Medes, would

have consented to leave me thus destitute. —
Now, therefore, whether Cyrus will or willnot, ,

do you come away to me with the utmost des-
patch.” This message he sent them; but he
that received these orders to march said: “ But
how, O sovereign, shall I be able to find
them ?”
“ find tnose that he marched after?” “ Truly
because,” said he, “as I hear, certain Hyrca-
nians who belonged to the enemy, and who had

So that they who were —

«« And how should Cyrus,” said he, .

>)

oY

1

f

4

:

| should belong to them.
| he, δ you’ who are the oldest man, and when

| my care to maintain.

Ἶ

γοδνοϊ το δηὰ came hither, went’ and led’ them |
the! way.” Cyaxares hearing this, was ἴηι ἃ

ψι 468

ἷ much greater rage at Cyrus’for not having told
itchim ;) and he sent in much more hasté to the

‘Medes that he might’ strip hint of his forces :

than-beforte, and with threats. The messenger
likewise he threatened, in case he did not dis-
charge” onendseh sic serine in’ ‘the serail of
> apes 914 vs

»/The. person that was thus sent: indvuniea with :

αἰθρίαν ‘a hundred of his own horse, and was

grieved» that: he himself had’ not ‘gone’ with

Cyrus:: As they proceeded ‘in ‘their march,
the roads dividing, they lost their way in a
beaten track, and could'not get to Cyrus’ army,
till meeting with some Assyrians that were re-
tiring; they forced them to be their guides ; and
by this means getting sight’ of their fires, they
got up’ with them about midnight.
were got'to the army, ‘the guards, as was order-
ed’ them sake “ip al ὑπὸ not agg = ce
a)

ἘΝ νιοὶ ἘΝ eased δρῥαϑρ reat to
him the magi, commanded them to choose out
what was due?to the gods’ on’ the occasion of

' such advantages’ as they had obtained. These

men “employed ‘themselves accordingly. He
having summoned the‘alike-honoured, spoke to
them thus : “My friends, the gods are pleased
to’ lay many “advantages before us: but we, O
Persians ! ‘are'at’present but few in number to
sectire 'to ourselves the possession of them ; for
the’things that we have already gained, unless

| we'secure them’ by’a guard, Will’ fall again into

the'power of ‘others ; and if we leave some ‘of
ourselves a8 guards to Secure the things that are
alréady'in our’ power, we shall immediately be
found to have no manner of strength remain-
ing.’ My opinion is, therefore, that some one
aiiong you should go as soon as possible to the
Persians, acquaint them with what I'say, and
bid them send an army as soon as they possibly

‘can; if the Persians desire that the dominion

of ‘Asia, and the revenues that arise from it,
Go therefore,” said

yea ‘arrive, say thus: that whatever soldiers
they send, ‘when they come to me, it shall be
You see all the advan-
tages that we have gained ; conceal no part of
them. What ‘part of these things it will be

RES ni ‘and just for me to send to the gods,

ashe! of ‘my father; what to the public, ask of

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

“When they”

65
the magistrates. © Let: ‘them send’ people’ to see
‘what we do, and’ to acquaint them with ‘what

we desire from them. Do you,” said he, is make

yourself ead and take your hi eg to ate

| tend you.”
hévordered them back: with more vehemence

After this he called the’ Medes, ‘and with
them Cyaxares’ messenger appeared, and before
all declared Cyaxares’ anger to Cyrus, and’ his
threats to’ the Medes’; and ‘in conclusion said :
“That ‘he ἐδρ πη θα the «Medes to come
away though Cyrus should’ incline ‘to stay. "
The Medes, on hearing the messenger,’ were
silent, not knowing how they should disobey his
summons, and yet in fear how they should yield
obedience to him on’ his’ ete de especially
knowing the violerice of the man. But Cyrus
then spoke: “1 40 not at all wonder,” said he,
“© messenger, and you Medes, that Cyaxares,
who had then seen a multitude of enemies, and
knew not what we were doing, should be under
concern both for us and for himself. But \ when

he knows that'a great many of the enemy are
destroyed, and that they are all driyen away be-
fore us, he will first cease to fear ; and will then
δε coriviided that κΘ δ "Wee aSociAlS Wy thas
time, when his friends are destroying his ene-
mnies.
/serve reproach for doing him ‘service, and that
not of our own heads neither? for I prevailed

But how is it possible that we can de-

with him to allow me to march, and to take you
with me. It was not you that, from any desire

of your own to march, begged his leave to do

it, and so came hither; but it was on orders

from himself to go, given to every one of you
‘that was not averse to it.

I'am therefore very
well satisfied that this anger of his will be al-
layed by our successes, and, when his fear
ceases, will quite vanish. Now therefore do
you messenger, take a little rest, since you have
undergone a great deal of fatigue. Let us, O
Persians! since we expect the enemy to be
with'us, either to fight or to submit themselves,
keep ourselves in the best order ; for while we
are observed to be so, it is probable we shall
succeed the better in what we desire. And do
you,” said he, prince of the Hyrcanians, at-
tend here, after you have ee the leaders
of your men to call them to arms.”

When the Hyrcanians had done this, and
came to him, Cyrus said: “ It is a pleasure to

me, O Hyrcanian! not only to perceive that
you attend here, after having given us marks of

your friendship, but that you appear to me tobe
aman of great ability. It is evident that the

I

66

same things are now alike advantageous to us
both; for the Assyrians are enemies to me,
and are now more at enmity with you than with
myself. We must both of us therefore consult
how to prevent any of our allies that are at
present with us from falling off from us, and
if we can, how to acquire others. You have
heard the Mede deliver his orders to recall
their cavalry. If they leave us, how can we
that are foot remain alone? ‘You and J there-
fore must contrive that this messenger who
recalls them shall himself desire to stay with
us. Do you therefore find out for him, and
give him a tent where he may pass his time in
the handsomest manner, and with all things
convenient about him. I will endeavour to
employ him on some business that will be more
agreeable to him to do, than it will be to leave
us. Do you discourse to him on the many ad-
vantages we hope all our friends will make, in
case we are well supplied with every thing
necessary. And when you have done this, come
again to me.” ‘The Hyrcanian went, and con-
ducted the Mede to a tent.

_ And he that was going to the Persians at-
tended ready prepared. Cyrus directed him to
tell the Persians the things he had before men-
tioned in his discourse to him, and to deliver
to Cyaxares a letter. “ But,” said he, “I have
a mind to read to you what I write, that being
apprised of the matter, you may own it, if any
body ask you about it.” The contents of the
letter were thus :

CYRUS TO CYAXARES.

.

“ Joy and happiness! We have neither left
you destitute, (for nobody, while they conquer.
their enemies, can be destitute of friends,) nor,
when we left you, did we imagine that we
brought you into danger;-but at the greater
distance we were from you, so much the more
security did we reckon we procured you; for
they that sit themselves down the nearest to
their friends are not the men that best afford
their friends security; but they that drive their
enemies to the greatest distance are the men
that put their friends the most out of danger.
Consider then what your conduct has been to
me, in return of what mine has been to you,
that you can yet blame me. I brought you
friends and allies; not as many as you could
persuade, but as many as I was able. You
gave me, while I was yet on friendly ground,
as many as I could persuade to follow me; and

XENOPHON ON THE

_ [BOOK Iv..

now that I am in the enemy’s territory, you
recall not every one that is willing to be gone,
but all. At that time, therefore, I thought
myself obliged both to yourself and them ; but
now you force me to leave you out, and to en-
deayour to make all my returns of gratitude
and thanks to those that followed me. And

to the Persians for an army, and give orders
that whatever numbers are sent me, if you
should be in any want of them before they reach
us, you are free to use them, not according to
their liking, but as you yourself please. And
though I am the younger man, yet I advise you
not to take away what you have once given,

lest you meet with ill-will instead of thanks; ὦ
and when you would have any one to come |

quickly to you, not to send for him with threats ;
and when you talk of being destitute, not to
threaten. a multitude, lest you teach them not
to mind ycu. We will endeavour to attend —
you, as soon as we have effected the things that
we judge to be of advantage both to you “ὧν
us.— Health attend you!”
“ Deliver him this letter, and whatever he

asks you on the subject of these affairs, do you —

answer conformable to what is here written;

for with respect to the Persians, I give you "

such orders as are expressed in the letter.”
Having said thus to him, and given him. the

letter, he dismissed him; enjoining him withal —

to use diligence ; as dite it for granted that

it would be of great advantage to him to be

quickly back again.

After this he observed all the Hyrcanians —
and Tigranes’ men already armed; and the
Persians were likewise armed ; at alias time,
some of the neighbouring enogle brought in
horses and arms. Such of the javelins as they

were not themselves in want of, he ordered Ὁ
them to throw on the place where he had or- *
dered others before; and those whose business —
it was, he ordered to burn them. But he com- ©
manded those who brought horses to stay and Ὁ
look to them till he signified his intentions to
them. Then calling to him the commanders —
of the horse and those of the Hyrcanians, he ὦ

spoke in this manner ; “ My friends and allies,

do not wonder,” said he, * that I call you fre- ©
quently together ; for our present circumstances _
are new to us; many things are yet in disor- —

der; and things that are in disorder must of

necessity give us trouble till they are settled a

their proper places. We have now in

i

yet I cannot act like you; but am now sending ~ |

a
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k

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i
:

ss

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δι

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

power many treasures, as well as men captive 5.
and by our not knowing which of these belong
to each of us, and by their not knowing who is
to each of them severally master, there are not
many of them that we see performing their
proper parts; but almost all of them are at a
loss what to do. That things therefore may
not continue thus, do you distribute them.
Whoever is in possession of a tent fully sup-
plied with provisions of meat and drink, with
_ servants, carpets, and apparel, and with all
other things that a tent well accommodated for
military service is furnished with; here there
is nothing farther necessary than that the pos-
sessor should understand that it is his part to
take care of these things as his own property.
But where any one is possessed of a tent,
where those things are wanting, after you have
discovered it, on examination, do you supply
what falls short; for I know there will be of
many things more than enough; because the
enemy was possessed of every thing in greater
proportion than suits our numbers. Besides,
there have been with me certain stewards be-
longing to the Assyrian king, and their other
great men, who have told me that they had by
them sums of gold in coin, arising, as they said,
from certain tributary payments. Make pro-
clamation therefore that these things be brought
to you where you sit: and denounce terror and
punishments to whosoever does not execute
what you command them. Do you receive
these things, and distribute them ; to the horse-
men, double payments; to the foot, single;
that in case you want any thing, you may have
wherewithal to buy. And have it presently
proclaimed that nobody injure the camp-mar-
ket; but that the sutlers and tradesmen sell
what each of them has for sale; and when
they have disposed of these, that they fetch
more, that the camp may be supplied.”

They immediately had these things proclaim-
ed. But the Medes and Hyrcanians spoke in
this manner; “ And how can we,” said they,
‘distribute these things without you and your
people?” Cyrus to this question replied thus :
“ Ts this then, friends,” said he, “ your opinion,
that whatever is to be done, we must all of us.
attend on it? and shall not I be thought suffi-
cient by you to transact any thing for you that
may be proper, nor you sufficient to transact
for us? By what other means can we possibly
create ourselves more trouble, and do less busi-
“ness than by acting thus? But you see,” said

67

he, “that we have been the guards that have
kept these things for you; and you have repos-
ed a confidence in us that they have been well
and faithfully guarded. Do you on the other
hand distribute these things, and we will repose
a confidence in you, that they have been well
and justly distributed. Andon other occa-
sions we will endeavour to perform some other
public service. And now, in the first place,
you observe how many horses we have at pre-
sent, and that others are continually brought to
us; if we leave these without riders, they will
be of no manner of use to us, and will give us
trouble to take care of them; but if we set
horsemen on them, we shall be freed from the
trouble, and shall add to our strength. If you
have others that you would give them to, with
whom it would be more pleasing to you to act
with on any occasion in war than with us, give
them the horses; but if you would rather have
us for supporters and assistants, give them to

-us; for when you pushed on before us in the

late service, without us, you put us under great
apprehension lest you should come by some
misfortune; and you made us ashamed that
we were not at hand wherever you were. But
if we once get horses we will follow you; and
if it be thought of most service to engage on
horseback, in concert with, you, we shall lose
nothing of our ardour and zeal; but if it be
thought most proper to support you on foot,
then to alight will be obvious and easy to us;
we shall be ready at your hands on foot, and
will contrive to find people to deliver our
horses to.”

Thus he spoke; and they replied: “ We
have neither men to mount on these horses,
nor, if we had, would we come to any other
determination, since you would have it thus.
Take, then,’ said they, “the horses, and
do as you think best.” ‘I receive them,”
said he, “and may good fortune attend on
our becoming horsemen! Do you divide the
things that are in common; but first take out for
the gods whatever the magi shall direct; and
then take such things for Cyaxares as you think
most acceptable to him.” They laughed, and,
said, that beautiful women, then, were what
should be chosen for him. ‘* Choose women,
then,” said he, “‘ and whatever else you think pro-
per: and when you have chosen for him, then do
you, Hyrcanians, do all you can to give entire
content to all these men that have voluntarily
followed me. And you, O Medes! reward

68

these, our first allies, in such a manner as may
convince them that they took a right resolution
when they became our friends. And out of
the whole, give a share to the messenger that
is come from Cyaxares, both to himself and the
men that are with him, and exhort him to stay
with us, as being my opinion, jointly with
yours, that by means of his being better inform-
ed of every particular he may represent to
Cyaxares a full state of things: for the Per-
sians,” said he, * that are with me, let what re-
mains over and above, after you are all well pro-
vided for, be sufficient ; for,” said he, ‘‘ we have
not been brought up in a nice delicate way, but
in a coarse, rustic manner ; so that perhaps you
’ may laugh at us, if there should happen to be
any thing fine and magnificent left for our
share: as I know very well,” said he, “we
shall give you a great deal of laughter and di-
version when we are set on horseback ; and so
we shall do, I believe,” said he, “ when we are
thrown from off our horses to the ground.”
On this they went their ways to the distribu-
tion, laughing heartily at this new body of
horse. ;

But he, calling the centurions to him, order-
ed them to take the horses, the horse-furniture,
and the men that were to take care of them;
and, after having numbered them, and drawn
lots by centuries, to take each of them a like
number. Cyrus himself ordered them to make
proclamation, that whatever slave there might
be, either in the Assyrian, Syrian, or Arabian
armies, whether he were Mede, Persian, Bac-
trian, Carian, Cilician, or Greek, or of any
other country, forced to serve, that he should
appear. These men, hearing the proclamation,
appeared joyfully before him in great numbers.
And he, having chosen from amongst them the
most personable and sightly men, told them
that they should now become free, and bear
such arms as he would give them. To supply
them with all necessaries, he said, should be

his care; and, bringing them immediately to-

the centurions, he put them under their care,
and commanded them to give them shields and
a smaller sort of swords, that being thus equip-
ped they might attend the horse; that they
should take all necessaries for these men as well
as for the Persians that were with him; that
they themselves, with their corslets and lances,
should always march on horseback ; and he be-
gan it himself: and that over the foot of the
alike-honoured they shouid, each of them, out

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK IV.-

of the number of the alike-honoured, appoint a _
commander in his own stead. In these affairs
were these men employed. .

VI. Meanwhile Gobryas, an Assyrian, and —
@ man in years, arrived on horseback, attended _
by some cavalry, consisting of his own depen- _
dents ; and they were all provided with arms
proper for horse. They that had been appoint- _
ed to receive the arms bade them deliver their —
lances that they might burn them, as they had
done others before ; but Gobryas said that he
desired first to see Cyrus. Then they thatat-
tended this service left the other horsemen
behind, and conducted Gobryas to Cyrus; and, —
as soon as he saw Cyrus, he spoke thus : “ My _
sovereign lord, I am by birth an Assyrian; I
have a strong fortress in my possession, and —
have the command of a large territory: I fur- —
nished the Assyrian king with a thousand
horse, and was very much his friend: but since
he, who was an excellent man, has lost his life —
in the war against you, and that his son, whois —
my greatest enemy, now possesses the govern- _
ment, I come and throw myself at your feet as _
a supplicant, and give myself to you as a servant —
and assistant in the war. I beg you to be my
revenger : I makeyou my son as far as it is pos-
sible. With respect to male issue, I am child. —
less ; for he, O sovereign! that was my only ~
one, an excellent youth, who loved and honour-
ed me to as great a degree as son could do to
make a father happy; him did the present
king (the late king, the father of the present,
having sent for my son, as intending to give him —
his daughter, and I sent him away, proud that —
I should see my son married to the daughter of ©
the king) invite to hunt with him, as a friend;
and, on a bear appearing in view, they both
pursued. The present king having thrown his
javelin, missed his aim. O that it had not
happened so! and my son making his throw—
unhappy thing!—brought the bear to the
ground. He was then enraged, but kept his —
envy concealed ; but then again a lion falling
in their way, he again missed; and that it
should happen so to him I do not think at all
wonderful ; but my son again hitting his mark,
killed the lion, and said, ‘ I have twice thrown
single javelins, and brought the beasts both
times to the ground.’ On this the impious
wretch contained his malice no longer, but, —
snatching a lanée from one of his followers,
struck it into his breast, and took away the life
of my dear and only son! Then I, miserable

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

man! brought him away a corpse instead of a
bridegroom ; and I, who am of these years, buri-
ed him, my excellent and beloved son, a youth
just bearded. His murderer, as if he had de-
stroyed an enemy, has never yet appeared to
have had any remorse ; nor has he, in amends
for the vile action, ever vouchsafed to pay any
honour to him, who is now under the ground.
His father, indeed, had compassion, and plainly
appeared to join in affliction with me at this
misfortune; therefore, had he lived, I had
never applied to you to his prejudice; for I
had received a great many instances of friend-
ship from him, and 1 served him. But since
the government has fallen to the murderer of
my son, I can never possibly bear him the least
good-will ; nor can he, I know very well, ever
reckon me his friend; for he knows how I
stand affected towards him ; how I, who lived
with that joy and satisfaction before, must now
stand in this destitute condition, passing my
old age in sorrow. If you receive me, there-
fore, and that I can have hopes of obtaining,
by your means, a revenge for my dear son, I
shall think I arise again to new life; I shall
neither be ashamed to live, nor, if I die, do I
think that I shall end my days with grief.”
Thus he spoke. And Cyrus replied: “If
you make it appear, Gobryas, that you really
are in that disposition towards us that you ex-
press, I receive you as our supplicant, and,
with the help of the gods, I promise to revenge
you on the murderer. But tell me,” said he,
‘if we effect these things for you, and allow
you to hold your fortress, your territory, and
your arms, and the power that you had before,
what service will you do for us in return for
these things?” He then said: “ My fortress
I will yield you for your habitation whenever
you please ; the same tribute for my territory,
that I used to pay to him, 1 will pay to you;
wherever you shall make war I γε] attend you
in the service, with the forces of my territory ;
and I have besides,” said he, “a maiden
daughter, that I tenderly love, just of an age
for marriage ; one that I formerly reckoned I
brought up as a wife for the person now reign-
ing ; but she herself has now begged me, with
many tears and sighs, not to give her to the
murderer of her brother; and I join with her

69

in opinion. I here give you leave to deal with
her as I appear to deal by you.” Then Cyrus
said: ‘ On these terms,” said he, * with truth
and sincerity do I give you my right hand, and
accept of yours. Let the gods be witnesses
between us!” When these things had passed,
he bade Gobryas go, and keep his arms: and
he asked him at what distance his habitation
was, it being his intention to go thither. He
then said ; “ If you march to-morrow morning
you may quarter with us the next day. So
Gobryas went away and left a guide.

The Medes then came, after having deliver-
ed to the magi such things as they had said
were to be chosen for the gods. And they
had chosen for Cyrus a most beautiful tent ; a
Susian woman, that was said to have been the
most beautiful woman of all Asia; and two
other women that were the finest singers.
And they chose the same things over again
for Cyaxares. They had fully supplied them-
selves with all such things as they wanted, that
they might be in want of nothing in the course
of their service in the war; for there were all
things in great abundance. The Hyrcanians
took likewise whatever they wanted ; and they
made Cyaxares’ messenger an equal sharer with
them. As many tents as were remaining over
and above, they gave to Cyrus, that the Persi-
ans might have them ; the money, they said,
they would divide as soon as it was collected ;
and they divided it accordingly. These things
did these men do and say: but Cyrus ordered
such men to take and keep the things that be.
longed to Cyaxares as he knew to be most in-
timate with him. “ And all that you give me,’
said he, “1 accept with pleasure; but he
among you,” said he, “ that is the most in want
of them shall have the use of them.” A cer-
tain Mede, who was a lover of music, then said,
“In the evening, Cyrus, I heard those singers
that you now have, and I heard them with
pleasure : if you would give me one of them, [
believe it will be a greater pleasure to me to
attend the service of the war than to stay at
home.” Then Cyrus said: “I give her to
you, and I think myself more obliged to you
for asking her of me, than you are to me for
having her; so very desirous am I to please
you all.” So he then took her away.

fins off Fadia

ib th

y
εκ

4

CONTENTS or BOOK V.

I II, Cyrus marches to Gobryas, who presents him with his daughter—His noble self-denial—Commendation of
his friends—Invites Gobryas to supper—Obtains information respecting the enemy.—III. Cyrus reaches the
boundaries of Gobryas’ territory— Arrives in the enemy’s country, and takes considerable booty—His distribution
of it —Marches toward Babylon—Sends a challenge to the Assyrian king, which is refused—Is complimented by the
.Hyrcanians—The Cadusians and Sacians become his zealous allies —IV. Cyrus enters the territory of Gadatas,
who offers him rich presents, which are modestly declined—The Cadusians make a private excursion from
Cyrus’ army, and are put to flight by the Assyrians—Cyrus’ care of the dead and revenge on the enemy, stipulates
for peace with the Assyrians— Assigns reasons for not advancing to the walls of Babylon.—V. Cyrus takes three
forts from the enemy—Sends to Cyaxares for advice—orders his tent to be furnished in the best manner—
Receives a reinforcement of forty thousand Persian archers—Interview between Cyaxares and Cyrus.

— ee

ιν αν

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

4 “Cyrus then calling to him Araspes the
1646, (he that had been his companion from

he himself put off when he left Astyages, and
departed for Persia,) commanded him to keep
the woman and tent for him. This woman
was wife of Abradatas, king of the Susians.
And when the camp of the Assyrians was taken,
her husband was not in the camp, but was gone
on an embassy to the king of the Bactrians.
The Assyrians had sent him to treat of an
alliance between them ; for he happened to have
contracted a friendship with the king of the
Bactrians. This woman therefore he ordered
Arespes to keep till such time as he took her
himself. But Araspes, having received his
command, asked him this question :
_ © Cyrus,” said he, “have you seen this wo-
man that you bid me keep?” “ No, by Jove!”
said he, “41 have not.” “ But I did,” said he,
when we chose her for you. Indeed, when
we first entered her tent we did not know her ;
for she was sitting on the ground, with all her
women servants round her, and was dressed in
the same manner as her servants were; but
when we looked around, being desirous to know
which was the mistress, she immediately ap-
peared to excel all the others, though she was
sitting with a veil over her, and looking down
on the ground. When we bade her rise, she,
and all the servants round her, rose. Here then
she excelled first in stature, then in strength,
and grace, and beautiful shape, though she was
standing in a dejected posture, and tears ap-
peared to have fallen from her eyes, some on
her clothes, and some at her feet. As soon as
the eldest among us had said to her, “ Take
courage, woman; we have heard that your hus-
band is indeed an excellent man, but we now
choose you out for a man that, be it known to
you, is not inferior to him, either in person, in

a boy, to whom he gave the Median robe, that |

BOOK V.

understanding, or in power: but, as we think;
if there be a man in the world that deserves
admiration, Cyrus does, and to him hencefor-
ward you shall belong.” As soon as the woman
heard this she tore down her robe, and set up
a lamentable cry, and her servants cried out at
the same time with her. On this most part of
her face discovered itself, and her neck and
hands appeared. And be it known to you,
Cyrus,” said he, “ that I, and the rest that saw
her, all thought that never yet was produced,
or born of mortals, such a woman, throughout
all Asia. And by all means,” said he, ‘you
likewise shall see her,”

Then Cyrus said: “‘ No, by Jove! not I;
and much the less, if she be such a one as you
say.” ‘ Why so?” said the young man. “ Be-
cause,” said he, “if on hearing now from you
that she is handsome, I am persuaded to go and
see her at a time that I have not much leisure,
I am afraid that she will much more easily per.
suade me to go and see her again; and after
that perhaps I may neglect what I am to do,
and sit gazing at her.” The young man then
laughed, and said: “‘ And do you think, Cyrus,
that the beauty of a human creature can neces-
sitate one against his will, to act contrary to
what is best?” ‘If this were naturally so,”
said he, “we should be all under the same ne-
cessity. You see how fire burns all people
alike; for such is the nature of it. But of
beauties, some inspire people with love, and
some do not; one loves one, and another an-
other ; for it is a voluntary thing, and every one
loves those that he pleases. A brother does
not fall in love with/a sister, but somebody else
does; nor is a father in love with a daughter,
but some other person is. Fear and the law
are a sufficient bar to love. If, indeed,” said
he, “the law should enjoin that they who did
not eat should not be hungry, and that they who

K

74

did not drink should not be thirsty ; that men
should not be cold in the winter, nor hot in
the summer ; no law in the world could make
men submit to these decisions, for by nature
they are subject to these things. But love is
a voluntary thing, and every one loves those
that suit him, just as he does his clothes or his
shoes.” ‘‘ How comes it to pass then,” said
Cyrus, “if to love be a voluntary thing, that
we cannot give it over when we will? For I
have seen people,” said he, “in tears for
grief, on account of love ; slaves to those they
were in love with, and yet thought slavery a
very great evil before they were in love; giy-
ing away many things that they were never
the better for parting with ; wishing to be rid
of love, as they would of any other distemper,
and yet not able to get rid of it; but bound
down by it, as by a stronger tie of necessity,
than if they were bound in iron chains! they
give themselves up therefore to those they
love, to serve them in many odd and unaccount-
able ways: yet, with all their sufferings, they
never attempt making their escape, but keep
continual watch on their loves, lest they should
escape from them.”

The young man to this said: ** There are
people, indeed, that do these things; but,”
said he, “they are miserable wretches; and
this I believe is the reason why they are al-
ways wishing themselves dead, as_ being
wretched and unhappy; and though there are
ten thousand ways of parting with life, yet they
do not part with it. Just such wretches as
these are they that attempt thefts, and will not
abstain from what belongs to others ; but when
they have plundered or stolen any thing, you
see,” said he, “that you are the first that ac-
cuse the thief and the plunderer, as reckon-
ing theft to be no such fatal necessary thing,
and you do not pardon, but punish it. So
people that are beautiful do not necessitate
others to love them, nor to covet what they
ought not; but mean wretched men are im-
potent, I know, in all their passions, and then
they accuse love. Men, excellent and wor-
thy, though they have inclinations both for
gold, fine horses, and beautiful women, can
yet with ease abstain from any of them, so as
not to touch them contrary to right: I, there-
fore,” said he, “‘who have seen this woman,
and think her very beautiful, yet I am here at-
tending on you, and I am abroad on horseback,
and in all other respects I discharge my duty.”

XENOPHON ON THE

** But, by Jove !” said Cyrus, “ perhaps you
retired before the time that love naturally lays
hold of aman. It is the nature of fire not
immediately to burn the man that touches it,
and wood does not immediately blaze out;
yet still I am not willing either to meddle
with fire, or to look at beautiful persons ; nor
do I advise you, Araspes, to let your eyes
dwell long on beauties, for as fire b
that touch it, beauties catch hold
look at them, though at a disté
them on fire with love.”

“ Be easy,” said he, “ Cyrus ; though
at her without ceasing, I will not be so
quered as to do any thing that I ought not.’
“ You speak,” said he, ‘very handsomely ;
guard her, therefore,” said he, “as I bid you,
and be careful of her ; for perhaps this woman
may be of service to us on some occasion or
other.” And having discoursed thus they
parted.

The young man, partly by seeing the woman
to be extremely beautiful, and being apprized
of her worth and goodness, partly by waiting
on her, and serving her, with intention to

please her, and partly by his finding her not to

be ungrateful in return, but that she took care
by her servants that all things convenient
should be provided for him when he came in,

[ΒΟΟΚ v.

and that he should want nothing when he was _

ill; by all these means he was made her cap-
tive in love: and perhaps what happened to
him in this case was what need not be wonder-
ed at.

Thus were these things transacted.

But Cyrus, designing that both the Medes
and allies should stay with him of their own
accord, summoned together all the proper per-
sons, and when they were met, spoke to this
effect ; ““ Medes, and all you that are here
present, I know very well that you came with
me, not out of any desire of getting money,
nor with the thonght of serving Cyaxares by
it, but. you were willing to oblige me by it,
and, in honour to me, you resolved to under-
take a march by night, and to embark your-
selves in dangers and hazards with me ; and if
I am not very unjust, I must acknowledge my-
self indebted to you for these things. But I
do not think I am yet able to make you a due
return for them: this I am not ashamed to
say. But that I will make you just returns if
you stay with me; this, be it known to you,

I should be ashamed to tell you; for I should ©

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

think that it would look as if I said this only
to make you the more willing to stay with me.
Instead of that, therefore, I say this; if you
now go away in obedience to Cyaxares, yet
will I endeavour, if I act with success, to deal
by you in such a manner as shall make you
applaud me. For my own part, I will not go;
and the Hyrcanians, to whom I have given
my oath and my right hand, I will stand by;
I will not be caught betraying them. And
for Gobryas, who delivers us up his fortress,
his territory, and his whole force, I will en-
deavour to bring it about that he shall not re-
pent of his journey to me; and, what is above
all, when the gods so evidently deliver all these
advantages into our hands, I ought to rever-
ence them, and be ashamed to make a rash
retreat and abandon all.
said he, “will I act; do you as you judge
proper, and tell me what your mindis.” Thus
he spoke.

And he who before had said that he was
related to Cyrus replied: “ As for me,” said
he, “O king! for you I take to be as much,
by birth and nature, my king, as the particular
bee in a hive is born the leader of the bees ;
for that one they willingly obey ; where that
remains, not one from thence departs; that
remove, not one of them is left behind, so

strong is the affection they are inspired with
to be governed by it: and men seem to me to be
almost exactly thus disposed towards you; for
when you left us, and went into Persia, what
Mede, either young or old, stayed behind, and
did not follow you, till Astyages made us
turn back? When you set out from Persia to
our assistance, we again saw almost all your
friends voluntarily following you; and when
you were desirous to undertake the expedition
hither, all the Medes willingly attended you ;
and we now stand so disposed, as that, with
you, though we are in an enemy’s country, we

_ have courage, and without you we are afraid
even to go home. Let the rest therefore speak
for themselves, and declare what they will do.
i, Cyrus, and they that are under my com-
mand, will remain with you, and, comforted
with the sight of you, and ‘supplied by your
bounty, we will undergo any thing, and bear
it with bravery.” .

On this Tigranes spoke thus: “ Do not at
all wonder,” said he,“ Cyrus, if Iam silent;
for my soul,” said he, “is not prepared for ad-

Thus, therefore,”

15

vising you, but for executing what: you com.
mand.”

Then the Hyrcanian said: “ For my part,
O Medes! if you now go away, I should say
it were the pleasure of some deity not to suffer
you to be highly fortunate and happy ; for what
human creature can determine for turning back
when the enemies are flying ? or when they de-
liver their arms, would refuse to accept them ?
or when they deliver up themselves, and all
that belongs to them, would refuse to receive
them ; especially when we have such a leader
as, in my opinion, and I swear it to you by all
the gods, is more pleased with doing us good
than with enriching himself?’ On this the
Medes all said thus: “ You, O Cyrus! have
led us out, and do you, when you think it pro-
per to retire, lead us back again with you.”

Cyrus, having heard these things, made this
prayer: ‘ But do thou, greatest Jove! I beg
thee, grant me to exceed in good offices those
that pay me such honour !”

On this he ordered the rest to place their
guards, and attend to the care of themselves.
But the Persians he ordered to take possession
of their tents ; the horsemen such as were pro-
per for them, and the foot such as were suffi-
cient for the foot; and he ordered things to be
so regulated, that they who were in the tents
despatching the business there, should bring
all necessaries to the Persians in their ranks,
and see that the horses were taken care of, that
the Persians might have no other work to do
but the business of war. This day they thus
passed.

II. And the next morning when they rose
they marched to join Gobryas. Cyrus march-
ed on horseback, as did also the Persian horse-
men, who were about two thousand. They
who held the shields and the swords of these
men followed after them, being equal to them
in number ; and the rest of the army marched
in order of battle. He ordered every one to
tell-their new servants, that whoever of them
should be seen either behind the rear-guard or
before the front, or should be caught on the
outside of those that were in their ranks on —
either wing, should be punished. On the se-
cond day, towards the evening, they reached the
habitation of Gobryas. ‘They saw it to be an
exceeding strong fortress, and that all things
were provided upon the walls proper for a vigo-
rous defence ; and they saw abundance of oxen

76

and sheep brought under the fortifications. Go-
bryas then, sending to Cyrus, bade him ride
round, and see where the access was most easy,
and send in to him some of those that he con-
fided in, who, having seen how things stood
within, might give him an account of them. So
Cyrus, desiring in reality to see if the fortress
might be taken on any side, or whether Gobry-
as might be discovered to be false, rode round
on every side, but saw every part too strong to
be approached. They that Cyrus sent in to
Gobryas brought him an account, that there
was such plenty of all good things within as
could not, as they thought, even in the age of
a man, come to fail the people that were there.
Cyrus was under concern about what all this
might mean. But Gobryas himself came out
to him, and brought out all his men; some car-
rying wine, some meal, and others driving oxen,
sheep, hogs, and goats, and of every thing that
was eatable ; they brought sufficient to furnish
a handsome supper for the whole army that was
with Cyrus. They that were appointed to this
service made distribution of all these things,
and they all supped. But Gobryas, when all
his men were come out, bade Cyrus enter in
the manner that he thought the most safe. Cy-
rus therefore, sending in before certain people
to view and search into things, and a force with
them, then entered himself; and when he was
got in, keeping the gates open, he summoned
all his friends and the commanders that had at-
tended him: and when they were come in, Go-
bryas, producing cups of gold, and vessels of
various kinds, all manner of furniture and ap-
parel, daricks without number, and magnificent
things of all kinds ; and at last bringing out his
daughter (who was astonishingly beautiful and
tall, but in affliction on the deuth of her bro-
ther), spoke thus :

“ς Cyrus, all these treasures I give you, and
this daughter of mine I intrust you with to dis-
pose of as you think fit: but we are both of us

your supplicants : I, before, that you would be
the revenger of my son; and she, now, that
you would be the revenger of her brother.”

Cyrus to this said: ““1 promised you, then,
that, if you were not false to us, I would re-
venge you to the utmost of my power; and
now that I find you true to us, I am under the
obligation of that promise. And I now pro-
mise her, with the help of the gods, to perform
it. These treasures,” said he, “ I accept, but
give them to this your daughter, and to the

XENOPHON ON THE.

[βοοκ ν᾿

man that shall marry her. But I go off

with one present from you, that I could not

go off with more pleasure with the treasures of
Babylon, where there are abundance ; nor even
with those of the whole world, were they to be

exchanged for this that you have new presented

me with.”

Gobryas, wondering what it should be, and
suspecting that he meant his daughter, asked
him thus: “Ὁ Cyrus !” said he, “ what is it 2”

Then Cyrus replied: ‘“ Gobryas,” said he,
“it is this. I believe there may be abundance
of men that would not be guilty either of im-
piety, injustice, or falsehood ; and yet, becausé
nobody will throw either treasures, or power,
or strong fortresses, or lovely children in their _
way, die before it comes to appear what they
were. But you, by having now put into my
hands both strong fortresses, and riches of all
kinds, your whole force, and your daughter, who
is so valuable a possession, have made me
clearly appear to all men to be one that would
neither be guilty of impiety towards friends that
receive and entertain me, nor of injustice for
the sake of treasure, nor willingly false to faith
in compacts. This therefore, be you assured, I
will not forget, while Iam a just man, and while
as such I receive the applause of men, but J will
endeavour to make you returns of honour in all
things great and noble : and do not be afraid of
wanting a husband for your daughter, and such
a one as shall be worthy of her; for I have
many excellent friends, and, amongst them,
whoever it is that marries her, whether he will
have either as much treasure as you have given, —
or a great deal more, I am not able to say ; but
be assured that there are some of them who, for
all the treasures you have bestowed, do not on
that account esteem you one jot the more. But
they are at this time my rivals ; they supplicate
all the gods that they may have an opportunity —
of showing themselves that they are not less —
faithful to their friends than Iam: that, while
alive, they will never yield to their enemies,
unless some god should blast their endeayours ;
and that for virtue and good reputation, they —
would not accept of all the treasures of the Sy-
rians and Assyrians added to yours. Such
men, be you assured, are sitting here.”

Gobryas, smiling at this—‘“ By the gods!”
said he, “ Cyrus, pray show me where these
men are, that I may beg one of them of you to
be my son.” “Do not trouble yourself,” said
he- “ it will not be at all necessary for you to ~

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

inquire that of me. — If you will but attend us,
you yourself will be able to show them every
one to any body else.”

_ And having said this, he took Gobryas by
the right hand, rose, went out, and brought out
all that were with him; and though Gobryas
repeatedly desired him to take his supper with-
in, yet he would not do it, but supped in the
camp, and took Gobryas to sup with him. Af-
ter he had laid himself down on a mattress, he
asked him thus: ‘“ Tell me,” said he, “ Gobry-
as, whether do you think that you, or we here,
have the greatest plenty of furniture for
couches?” He replied: “ By Jove! I know
very well that you have the furniture of this
kind in greatest abundance, and couches too in
greater number: and then your habitations are
much larger than mine; for you have heaven
and earth for a habitation, and couches you have
as many as there are places on the earth to lie
on: and for their furniture, you do not only
think that you have as much of it as there grows
of wool on the backs of sheep, but as much as
there is of stubble and brushwood that the
mountains and plains produce.”

But Gobryas then supping with him for the
first time, and observing the coarseness of the
meats that were set before them, thought that
they themselves lived in a much nobler man-
ner than these people. But he afterwards con-
sidered their great temperance ; for no disci-
plined Persian ever appeared struck with any
sort of meats or.drink, either by eagerness in

_his eyes, or by greediness, or by any such in-
tenseness of mind, as not to give the ‘same at-
tention to things as if he were not taken up in
eating ; but as good horsemen, by keeping them-
selves easy and undisturbed on horseback, are
able at the same time to see, to hear, and to
speak what is proper; so they think, that while
they are at their food, they ought to appear dis-
creet and temperate; and to be much moved
with any sort of meat or drink, they take to be
selfish and brutal. He considered likewise
their manner of converse, in asking each other
such questions as were more agreeable to be
asked than not; in jesting with each other in
such a manner as was more pleasing than if let
alone ; and of their sporting with each other,
but so as to keep at the greatest distance from
being abusive, or from doing any thing indecent
and ugly, and from giving one another offence.
But what seemed to him to be above all was,
that men engaged in military service should

77

think that none of those engaged in the same
dangers should be served with greater plenty
than others ; but they reckoned it their noblest
feast to provide in the best manner for those
that were to be their fellow-combatants. And
when Gobryas rose up to go to his house, he is
reported to have said :

“ὁ It is no longer a wonder to me, Cyrus, that
we possess these fine vessels, gold, and rich
habits, in greater abundance than you do, and
that we are much less deserving than you are ;
for we do our endeavours to obtain as many of
these things as we can, and your endeavours
are to make yourselves the most excellent
men.” Thus he spoke; and Cyrus said:
“Take care, Gobryas, to attend in the morn-
ing with your horse, ready in arms, that we
may see your force, and at the same time, that
you may conduct us through your territory, that
we may know what we are to reckon belonging
to our friends, and what to our enemies.”

And having thus discoursed, they parted,
each retiring to his proper business.

When day came, Gobryas attended with his
horse, and led them the way. But Cyrus, as
became a commander, was not only attentive
to his present march, but as he advanced, con-
sidered whether it was in his power, by any
means, to distress and weaken the enemy, and
to strengthen themselves. Calling, therefore,
the Hyrcanian and Gobryas to him, for he judg-
ed that these understood best the things that he
thought it necessary for him to be informed of
— My friends,” said he, “1 do not think that
J am in the wrong, when I consult with you on
the subject of this war, as with men that are
faithful and true; for I find that it is more
your business than mine to take care that the
Assyrian do not get the better of us: I, per.
haps, though I fail in my undertaking here, may
yet have a farther resource; but if he get the
better, I see that all is lost for you. He is, in-
deed, my enemy, but not out of any hatred he,
bears me, but because he thinks it a damage
to himself that we should be considerable, and
this was the reason he made war onus. But
you he hates, and by you he thinks himself un-
justly dealt with.” To this they both answer-
ed: ““ That he should proceed as he intended,
and as concluding that they were convinced of
what he said, and under the greatest care and
concern for the turn that the present state of
their affairs might take.” Here then he thus
began: “ Tellme,” said he, does the Assyrian

78

think that you are the only people at enmity
with him ? or do you know any body else that
is his enemy?” ‘“ Yes, by Jove!” said the
Hyrcanian, “ the Cadusians are his enemies in
the highest degree, and are a strong and numer-
ous people: the Sacians too, that are our bor-
derers, and who have undergone a great many
hardships under the Assyrian, for he endea-
voured to subdue them as he didus.’’ ‘ Do
not you think, therefore,” said he, “ that they
would both, with pleasure, fall on the Assy-
rian, in conjunction with us?” ‘ Witha great
deal of pleasure,” said they, “if they could
join us.” What is there then between,” said
he, “to hinder our joining?” ‘“ The Assy-

rians,” said they ; ““ the very nation that you are | and by imagining that it is our fear of them that ©

now marching through.”

After Cyrus had heard this—“ Well, Go-
bryas,” said he, “ do you not charge this young
man that-is now established as king with great
pride and insolence of temper?” ‘ Yes,” said
Gobryas, “for I have suffered by him accord-
ingly.” “ And has he then,” said Cyrus, “ been
so only to you? or has he been so to others
besides?” “ By Jove!” said Gobryas, “to
many others. But what need I mention the
wrongs he has done to the inconsiderable ?
There is one man abundantly more powerful
than myself, on whose son, being his compan-
ion, as mine was, and drinking with him at his
own house, he inflicted a most serious injury ;
because, as some say, his courtesan had com-
mended him as a handsome man, and pronounc-
ed that woman happy who was to be his wife.
But, as he himself now says, it was because he
had made advances to his courtesan. This
man, however, since the death of his father,
holds that government.” ‘ Do you not think,
therefore,”’ said he, ‘‘ that this man would see
us with pleasure if he thought we would sup-
port him?” * I know it very well,” said Go-
bryas: “but to come at the sight of him, Cy-
tus, is a dificult matter.” ‘* How so 2” said
Cyrus. ‘“ Because if any one has a mind to
join him, one must pass by Babylon itself.”
«And what difficulty then is there in this?”
“ The difficulty, by Jove!” said Gobryas, “is,
-that the forces that belong to that place alone,
I know to be much greater than those you have
at present with you; and be assured that the
Assyrians are now less forward than before to
bring you arms and horses; for this reason,
that your force appears to be but little to those
that have had a view of it; and the discourse

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK ν-

of this has been already much spread abroad
among them. So it seems to me,” said he, “to
be best for us to be on our guard, and cautious
to our march.”

Cyrus hearing this from Gobryas, spoke to
him in this manner :

“In my opinion, Gobryas, you say very well —

when you bid us take the safest course we can
with respect to our march: and therefore, on

— oe! Ue

consideration, I am not able to find that any |

other march is safer for us than that to Baby-
lon itself, if the principal strength of the enemy
lies there ; for you say they are very numerous;
and, if they are in spirit, then I say they will
be terrible to us. By not seeing us therefore,

keeps us from appearing ; be assured,” said he,
‘¢ that they will be released from the fear that
has been on them; courage will spring up in
its stead, and a courage that will be so much
the greater, as they are the longer without see-
ing us. If we march instantly up to them, we
shall find many of them lamenting for those
that we have killed, many still bound up by rea-
son of the wounds they received from our
people, and all of them still well remembering
the boldness of this army as well as their own

misfortune and flight. And be assured, Gobry- —

as, of this besides, that a multitude, when they
are in spirit, raise in themselves such a courage

as nothing can withstand; but when they are ~

in fear, they bring on themselves such a terror
as is the greater, and strikes on them so much
the more as they are the more in number: for

it falls on them, increased by numerous stories —

of misfortune, and gathers to a head from many
unhappy circumstances, and from multitudes

of dejected and astonished looks. So that it —

grows to such a height, that it is no easy mat-
ter either to suppress it by any discourse, or to
raise a spirit by leading to the enemy, or to
nurse up a courage by retreating ; but the more
you exhort them to confidence, they imagine
themselves to be in so much the more danger-
ous circumstances. And now let us examine
strictly into this particular farther. And in-
deed if victories from henceforward are acts to
be performed only by that party that can reckon
the greatest numbers, you are in the right to
fear for us, and we are in reality in dangerous
circumstances. But if engagements, as here-
tofore they have been, are still decided by good
combatants, you will not be at all in the wrong

to be of good heart ; for with the help of the ~

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

gods, you will find more amongst us that are |

forward to engage than amongst them. And
that you may be still more in spirit, consider
this: that the enemies are at this time much
»weaker than they were before they were beat-
‘en by us, and still weaker than when they fled
from us; but we are more in vigour since we
have been victorious, and stronger since you
have joined us: for do not still think con-
temptuously of your people, now that they are
with us; for be assured, Gobryas, that they
that attend the victorious, follow with confi-
dence: nor let this escape your notice,” said he,
“that the enemy is now at full liberty to see
us; but we cannot, by any means, make our
appearance with greater terror to them than by
our marching up to them: As this therefore
is my fixed opinion, do you lead us directly the
way to Babylon.”

III. So marching on, they reached the boun-
daries of Gobryas’ territory on the fourth day.
When he had got into the enemy’s country, he
took the foot to himself, and as many of the
horse as he thought proper, and formed them.
The rest of the horse he sent out on excur-
sions: he ordered them to kill those that were
in arms, but to bring the rest to him, together
with whatever sheep or cattle they should take.
He ordered out the Persians likewise on this
service with the others ; and many of them re-
turned; after having got falls from their horses ;
but many of them brought off considerable
booty. When the booty arrived, and that he
had called together the commanders of the
Medes and Hyrcanians, together with the
alike-honoured, he spoke thus :

«« Gobryas, my friends, has entertained us all
with good things in great abundance: there-
fore,” said he, ‘after having taken out what is
due to the gods, and what will be sufficient for
the army, if we should give the remainder of
the booty to him, we should do a handsome
thing, by making it immediately appear that
we endeavour in benefits to exceed our bene-
factors.”

When they had heard this they all commend-
ed and applauded it; and one of them spoke
thus ; “‘ This we will do, Cyrus,” said he, “ by
all means ; for I believe that Gobryas took us
for beggarly people, because we came not with
daricks in abundance, and do not drink out of
golden cups; but if we do this that you pro-
pose, he may then understand that it is possi-
ble to be generous, even without gold. Go,

79

then,” said he, ‘and having delivered to the
magi what is due to the gods, and taken what
is sufficient for the army, call Gobryas, and
give him the remainder.”

So these men, having taken as much as was
proper, gave the rest to Gobryas. On this he
marched on to Babylon itself, making the same
disposition as when he fought: and the As-
syrians declining to come out against him, Cy-
rus commanded Gobryas to ride on before, and
to declare that if the king were willing to come
out and fight for his territory, he would fight
him ; but if he would not defend his territory,
that then of necessity he was to submit to his
conquerors. Gobryas, riding on as far as it
was safe, notified these things. And the other
sent out one to return him an answer in. this
manner :

“ Gobryas, your sovereign says to you thus :
that I have killed your son, I do not repent ;
but I repent that I have not killed you like-
wise! If you would fight, come hither on the
thirtieth day from hence: we are at this time
not at leisure, for we are yet employed in our
preparations.”
Then Gobryas said: “ May that repentance
never quit you! for it is plain I am a torment
to you, from the moment that this repentance

| takes place.”

Gobryas brought back the message from the
Assyrian ; and Cyrus having heard it, drew off
the army ; and calling Gobryas to him—‘“ Tell
me,” said he, “ did you not say that you thought —
acertain person who had been seriously injured

by the Assyrian would take part with us ?” “1

think I know it very well,” said he; “for he

and I have often conferred together with great

freedom.” ‘ When you think it proper there-

fore do you go to him; and, in the first place,

you must manage so as to know what he says
on the subject ; and when you have conferred

with him, if you find him inclined to be our

friend, you must then contrive that his friend-

ship for us may be kept concealed ; for no one

can by any other means do greater service to

his friends in war, than by appearing to be their

enemy; nor can he by any other means do
greater mischief to his enemy than by appear-
ing to be their friend.’ ‘I know indeed,”

said Gobryas, ‘‘ that Gadatas would pay any

price to do some considerable mischief to the

| Assyrian king: but then we must consider

what it is that he can do.” ‘“ Tell me, then,”
said Cyrus, “that fortress that lies on the

80

frontiers of this country, and that you say was
built as a barrier and defence to it, in war
against the Hyrcanians and Sacians; do you
think,” said he, “that the commander of it
would admit Gadatas into it if he came thither
with his forces?” ‘ Certainly,” said Gobryas,
‘if he came unsuspected as he now is.”
ἐς Therefore,” said he, “he would stand the
clearest from all suspicion, if I should fall on
the places that are in his possession, as intend-
ing to make myself master of them, and he
should act with his forces against me; if I
should take something of his, and he on the
other side should take either some others of
our people, or some of those messengers that I
send to such people as you say are enemies to
the Assyrian; and if the people so taken de-
clare that they were going to get forces, and to
fetch ladders for the attack of the fortress ; and
if Gadatas then pretend, that on hearing these
things, he attended him with intention to give
him an account of them ig

Then Gobryas said, “ If these things are
thus transacted, I know very well that he
would admit him, and would beg him to stay
till you were gone.” “ And then,” said Cyrus,
“if he were once got in, could he not give up
the fortress into our hands?” ‘ Very pro-
bably,” said Gobryas, “if he prepared matters
within, and you brought a considerable strength
on them from without.” Go, then,” said he,
“and after you have given him your instruc-
tions and accomplished these matters, endea-
vour to be here with us again: but as for
his securities of our keeping faith with him, I
desire you would neither mention nor intimate
to him any greater than those that you yourself
received from us.” ΠΣ

On this Gobryas went his way. Gadatas
seeing him, with great pleasure consented in
every thing, and settled with him the things
that were proper to be done.

And when Gobryas brought back an account
that the whole business of his errand was firm-
ly settled and agreed with Gadatas, then the
next day Cyrus fell on him. He defended him-
self against the attack: the place that Cyrus
took was that that Gadatas had appointed: of
the messengers that Cyrus sent, directing them
beforehand which way they should go, some
Gadatas suffered to escape, that they might
bring forces and fetch ladders ; but those that
he took he put to the torture before a great
many people; and when he had heard what

XENOPHON ON THE

[βοὺκ v.

they declared to be the business they went

about, he immediately prepared all things, and —

marched in the night, as intending to go and
give an ccount of it: to conclude, he was
trusted, and he entered the fortress as an as-
sistant in defence of it: for a while he concur-
red with the governor in all preparations as far
as he was able; but when Cyrus came up he
seized the fortress, making the prisoners he had
taken from Cyrus his assistants in the work.
When this was accomplished, Gadatas, hay-

ing settled matters within, came out immedi-

ately to Cyrus, and having paid him his adora-
tion in the accustomed manner, he said :
« Happiness, O Cyrus, and joy to you!” “I
have it,” said he, “" already ; for, with the help

of the gods, you not only bespeak joy to me, —
but you oblige me to rejoice: for be assured,” —

said he, “ I take it to be a thing of great im-
portance to leave this place to my friends and
allies in these parts. Your having of children,

Gadatas, is what the Assyrian, it seems, has —
rendered hopeless ; but the power of acquiring —

friends he has not deprived you of; and be as-

sured that, by this action, you have made ~

friends of us, who will endeavour, if we are

able, to be as good supporters to you as if you —

had sons or posterity.” Thus he spoke.

On this the Hyrcanian, who had just got —

notice of what had happened, ran to Cyrus, and
taking him by the right hand, said: “« O how

great a blessing, Cyrus, are you to your —
friends! what adebt of gratitude and thanks ©
do you bring me under to the gods, for having —

united me to you!” “ Go then, presently,”

said Cyrus, “and take possession of the place —

you are so pleased with me for, and dispose of
it in such a manner as it may be of most ad-

vantage to your own nation and to our other :

allies ; but chiefly,” said he, “ to Gadatas, here,
who has taken it, and delivered it up to us.”
“ Therefore,” said the Hyrcanian, “ when the
Cadusians, the Sacians, and my countrymen
are come, shall we call in this man too, that all
we who are concerned may consult in common
how we may make use of this fortress to the
best advantage?” Cyrus applauded the pro-
posal ; and when all that were concerned in the
affair of this fortress were met, they jointly de-
termined that it should be kept by those who
had an advantage by its being in their interest,
that it might be a bulwark and defence to them,

and their rampart against the Assyrians. When )
this was done the Cadusians engaged with —

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

much more readiness and zeal in the service,
as did likewise the Sacians and Hyrcanians ;
and from that time there was formed an army
of Cadusians, consisting of twenty thousand
shield-men, and four thousand horse; of Sa-
cians, an army consisting of ten thousand bow-
men on foot, and two thousand on horseback.
The Hyrcanians sent out all the foot that they
were able, and filled up their horse to the num-
ber of two thousand ; for most of their horse
were at first left behind, because the Cadusians
and Sacians were enemies to the Assyrians.
And all the time that Cyrus lay employed
about the regulating this fortress, many of the
Assyrians in those parts brought horses, and
many brought arms, being afraid ofall their
neighbours. _

On this Gadatas comes to Cyrus, and tells
him that there were messengers arrived, who
told him that the Assyrian, when he was in-
formed of what had passed in the affair of the
fortress, was extremely incensed, and made
preparations to fall on his territory. There-
fore, Cyrus, if you would dismiss me, I would
endeavour to save my places of strength: of
the rest I make less account.” Then Cyrus
said: “1 you set out now, when shall you be
at home?” And Gadatas said: “I shall sup
in my own territory the third day.” “ And do
you think,” said he, “that you will find the
Assyrian already there ?” “1 know very well,”
said he, “that I shall; for he will make so
much the more haste, as he thinks you to be at
_the greater distance.” ‘ And in how many
days,” said Cyrus, “might I get thither with
the army?” To this Gadatas said: “ O my
sovereign! you have a very great army, and
you would not be able to reach my habitation
in less than six or seven days.” “Do you
then,” said Cyrus, “go your way as soon as
you can, and I will march with all possible
despatch.”

Gadatas then went his way, and Cyrus cal-
led together all the commanders of his allies ;
and he seemed now to haye a great many, and
full of courage ; and in their presence he spoke
to this effect: ““ Friends and allies! Gadatas
has performed such things as we all judge to be
of very great value to us, and this before he
has received the least advantage whatever at
our hands. It is reported that the Assyrian is
now fallen on his territory with design, it is
evident, both to be revenged of him, because he
thinks. himself to have been highly injured by

81

him, and perhaps he considers withal that if
they that revolt to us receive no hurt or damage
from. him, and if they that take part with him
are destroyed by us, he must probably very
soon have nobody that will stand by him; there-
fore, friends, we shall do in my opinion a very
handsome thing if we yield our assistance with
readiness and zeal to Gadatas, a man who has
been our benefactor; we should besides do an
act of justice, by discharging a debt of grati-
tude ; and in my opinion we should at the same
time do what would be of advantage to our:
selves: for if we make it appear that we en-
deavour to outdo in injuries those that are
injurious and hurtful to us, and to exceed our
benefactors in good services, it is probable that
by means of such conduct many will be willing
to be friends to us, and nobody will desire to be
our enemy ; but if we appear neglectful of Ga-
datas, in the name of all the gods, with what
arguments can we persuade others to do us any
kindnesses ? how can we dare to commend our-
selves ? and how can any of us possibly look
Gadatas in the face, if we are outdone by him
in good offices >—we, who are so many, by him
who is a single man, and a man in such cir-
cumstances ?”

Thus he spoke, and they all highly approved
it. “Come on, then,” said he, “since you
agree with me in opinion. Let every man of
us leave, with the carriages and with the beasts
of burden, those that are the most proper to
march with them, and let Gobryas command
and conduct them; for he is skilled in the
roads, and able in every other respect. Let us
march with the best of our men and horse, tak-
ing necessaries with us for three days; and
the lighter and more frugal provision we make,
the pleasanter shall we dine and sup, and the
pleasanter shall we sleep on the days that fol-
low after. Now let our march be in this man-
ner: let Chrysantas, in the first place, lead
those that wear corslets, with all the centurions
in front, since the way is level and open; and
let each century march one by one in a line;
for, by keeping in close order, we shall march
with the more despatch and the more safety.
And it is for this reason that I order those that
have corslets to lead, because they make the
heaviest part of the army; and when the hea-
viest lead the way, of necessity all the lighter
follow with ease; but when the lighter and
nimbler part leads in the night, it is not at all
to be wondered at that the forces disperse ; for

L

82

the body that is at the head runs off from the
rest. After these,” said he, “let Artabazus
lead the Persian shield-men and archers : after
these, let Andranicas the Mede lead the Me-
dian foot: after these, Embas the Armenian
foot: after these, Artuchas the Hyrcanians :
after these, Thambradas the Sacian foot : after
these, Damatas the Cadusians. Let all these
lead with their centurions in front, and with
their shield-men on the right, and their archers
on the left of their own oblong bodies ; for by
marching in this manner they are the more
ready for service. After these,” said he, “let
the baggage servants of the whole army follow.
Let their commanders take care of them all,
that they have all things ready put up before
they sleep, that they attend early in the morn-
ing in their appointed posts, and follow in an
orderly manner. After the baggage servants,”
said he, “let Madatas the Persian lead the
Persian horse, and let him likewise have the
centurions of horse in front ; and let the cen-
turion lead his century in a line one after ano-
ther, inthe same manner as the officers of foot.
After these, let Rambacas the Mede lead his
horse in the same manner. After these, do
you, Tigranes, lead your own horse ; and so
the rest of the commanders of horse, the horse
that each of them joined us with. After these,
let the Sacians march; and the Cadusians, as
they came in to us the last, so let them bring
up the rear of the whole army. And do you,
Alceuna, that command them, take care to be
in the rear of all, and do not suffer any to be
behind your horse. And do you, commanders,
and all you that are wise, take care to march
silently ; for it is by means of the ears, rather
than the eyes, that all things must of necessity
be discovered and transacted in the night. And
to be put into disorder is a thing of worse con-
sequence than in the day, and more difficult to be
recovered. For this reason silence must be
kept and order preserved. And when you are
.to settle the night-watches, you ought always
to make them as short and as many as is pos-
' sible, that much watching on the night-guard
“may not exhaust and disable any one for the
march ; and when the time comes for march-
‘ing, the signal must be given by the sound of
‘the horn. And do you all attend ready on
‘the road to Babylon, each of you with all
‘things proper. And let him that advances
before always exhort the man behind him to
. follow.”

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOO v¥.

On this they went to their tents, and in
going discoursed among themselves how great
a memory Cyrus had, aud how he gave his or-
ders, naming all the persons that he gaye di-

rections to. This Cyrus did out of his great .

care and exactness; for he thought it very
strange that mean artificers should each of
them know the names of the tools belonging
to their art ; and that a physician should know
the names of all the medicines and instruments
that he uses ; but that a general should be sueh

a fool as not to know the names of the com- _

manders that are under him, and that he must
necessarily use as his instruments. And when-
ever he had a mind to possess himself of any
thing, or to preserve it, when he had a mind to
raise courage or to strike terror, or when he
had a mind to do honour to any one, he thought
it became him to call the men by their names.
And he was of opinion, that they who thought
themselves known to their commander would
be the more desirous to be seen performing
some noble action, and more zealous to ab-
stain from doing any thing that was base. He
thought it very foolish, when one had a mind
that any thing should be done, to give orders
as some masters in their private families give
theirs—“ Let somebody go for water—let
somebody cleave the wood ;” for when such
orders were given, he thought that all looked
one on another, and that nobody despatched
the thing that was ordered ; and that all were
in fault, yet nobody was ashamed ar afraid, be-
cause the blame was shared amongst several.
For these reasons he named all the persons
when he gave his orders. ‘This was Cyrus’
judgment in this matter.

The soldiers haying taking their suppers,
settled their watches, and put up all things that
were proper, went to rest. When it was mid-
night the signal was given by the sound of the
horn ; and Cyrus having told Chrysantas that
he would wait in the road on the front of the
army, went off, taking his servants with him.
In a short time after Chrysantas came up
at the head of those that wore corslets. Cyrus
therefore giving him guides, ordered him to
march gently on till a messenger came to him,
for they were not yet allon the march. He,
standing in the same place, dismissed away in
order those that came up, and sent off to call
forward those that were dilatory. When they
were all on the march, he sent certain horsemen
to Chrysantas, to tell him that all were now on

ity τ

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

the march :—“ Lead on therefore with more
despatch !”»—He himself on horseback, putting
forward towards the van, observed at leisure
the several bodies, and those that he saw
marching orderly and silently, he rode up to,
and inquired who they were ; and when'he was
informed, he commended them: but if he per-
ceived any of them to be tumultuous, he in-
quired into the cause of it, and endeavoured to
allay the disturbance.

There is only one part of his care in the
night that has been omitted; which is, that at
the head of the whole army he sent out certain
light and expeditious foot, not many in number,
that Chrysantas was to keep within the reach
of his eye, and who were to keep Chrysantas
within the reach of theirs ; who getting notices
of things by the ear, or if by any other means
able to receive any intelligence, were to signify
to Chrysantas what the occasion seemed to re-
quire. There was one commander over them,
who kept them in order, and notified what was
worthy of notice, and what was not so, he gave
no disturbance by the telling. And thus he
marched in the night.

But when it was day, he left the atic
horse with the Cadusian foot, because they
marched the last, and that they might not
march unprovided with horse. But the rest of
the horse he ordered to push forward to the
front, because the enemy were before them;
and that in case any opposed him, he might
meet and engage them with his forces in order
under him ; and that if any were seen flying, -he
might be in the greatest readiness for the pur-
suit. And he had always ready in order, both
those that were to pursue, if pursuit were pro-
per, as well as those that were to remain by
him; but the general order of the whole he
never suffered to be broken. Thus Cyrus led
the army. He himself was not always in the
same station, but riding about here and there,
kept viewing, and where any thing was defi-
cient, took care of it. Thus did Cyrus’ men
march.

IV. Buta certain person; one of authority
and consideration, belonging to Gadatas’ bedy
of horse, as soon as he saw that he had revolt-
ed from the Assyrian, concluded that if any
misfortune happened to Gadatas, he himself
might obtain from the Assyrian all that belong-
ed to Gadatas. So he sent one of the most
trusty of his people to the Assyrian; and he
ordered the man that went, if he found the As-

89

syrian army already in Gadatas’ territory, to tell
the Assyrian, that if he would form.an ambus-
cade, he might take Gadatas and all that were
with him. He ordered the man to tell what
furce Gadatas had, and that Cyrus did not go
with him ; and he told him the road that he in-
tended to take. Besides, that he might be the
more readily trusted, he sent orders to his ser-
vants to deliver up to the Assyrian the fort that
he had the possession of, in the territory of
Gadatas, and all that was in it. He said that
he would come himself, and if he was able, it
should be after he had killed Gadatas; but if
he could not do that, it should be to attend on
the Assyrian for the future. When the person
appointed for this service, having rode with all
possible speed, was come to the Assyrian, and
had declared the purpose of his coming, the As-
syrian having heard it, immediately seized the
fort ; and having a great force, both of horse
and chariots, he lay in ambuscade in certain
villages that stood very close together. Gada-
tas, as soon as he approached these villages,
sent some people to examine and make discove-
ry. The Assyrian, when he found these scouts
approaching, ordered two or three chariots and
a few horse to quit their post, and betake them-
selves to flight, as being terrified, and but tew
in number. The scouts themselves, as soon as
they saw this pursued, and made signs to Ga-
datas. He being thus deceived, pursued with
all his might. The Assyrians, when they
thought Gadatas within reach of being ta-
ken, broke out from their ambuseade. They
that were with Gadatas, seeing this, fled, as
was natural for them to do; the others like-
wise, as was natural, pursued. On this the
contriver of this affair against Gadatas struck
at him, but missed the mortal blow, hit him on
the shoulder, and wounded him ; and having

done this, he made off to join the pursuers.

When it was known who he was, he, pressing
his horse on with a great deal of zeal, in com-
pany with the Assyrians, attended the pursuit
with the king. It is plain that on this occa-
sion they that: had the slowest horses were
taken by those that had the fleetest. And
all Gadatas’ horse, having before been harassed
by their march, were quite spent. When they
saw Cyrus advancing with his army, one must
needs think they made up to them with as
much joy and pleasure as if they were enter-
ing a harbour after a storm.

Cyrus was at first astonished; but when he

S4

understood what the matter was, he led the
army forward, in order, during the whole time
that all these men that faced him were riding
up towards him. But when the enemy, un-
derstanding how things were, turned and fled,
then Cyrus commanded those that were ap-
pointed to that purpose to pursue. He him-
self followed with the rest, in the manner that
he thought proper. On this occasion several
chariots were taken, some by means of the
drivers falling off, and this partly by being
overturned, partly by other means, and some
were taken by being intercepted by the horse;
and they killed a great many, and amongst
them the man that struck Gadatas. Of the
Assyrian foot that were besieging the fortress
of Gadatas, some fled to the fort that had re-
volted from Gadatas, and some escaped to a
considerable city that belonged to the Assy-
rian, and whither the Assyrian himself, with
his chariots and horses, fled.

Cyrus having done this, retired into the ter-
ritory of Gadatas, and having given his orders
to the proper persons on the subject of the
prisoners, he presently went to see how
Gadatas was of his wound; and as he was
going Gadatas met him with his wound al-
ready bound up. Cyrus was pleased at the
sight of him, and said, “ I was going to see how
you did.” ‘* And 1, by the gods!” said Gadatas,
“was going again to view the outward form of
the man who has such a soul! you who are
not, that I know, in any manner of need of
ine, who never promised to do these things for
me; who, as to your own particular, never re-
ceived any benefit whatever from me: and
only because I was thought to have done a
service to your friends, have so affectionately
assisted me. So that, as far as I was con-
cerned myself, I had now perished, but am by
vour means saved. By the gods, Cyrus! if I
had children, I do not think that I could ever
have a son so affectionate to me. For I know
this present king’of the Assyrians particularly
to have been the cause of more affliction to his
father than he can be now to you, and many
other sons the same.”

To this Cyrus said: ἐς Now, Gadatas, do
you admire me, and pass by a much greater
wonder ?” “ And what is that ?” said Gadatas.
‘* That so many Persians,” said he, “have been
so diligent in your service, so many Medes, so
many Hyrcanians, as well as all these Arme-
uians, Sacians, and Cadusians, here present.”

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BooK ν.

Then Gadatas made this prayer: “Ὁ Jove!
may the gods bestow many blessings on them,
but most on him who is the cause of their
being such men! And. that we may hand-
somely entertain these men that you commend,
Cyrus, accept these presents of friendship,
which are such as I am able to tender you.”
At the same time.he brought him great abun-
dance and variety of things, that he might
make a sacrifice, if he pleased, or entertain the
whole army suitably to things so nobly per-
formed, and so happily succeeding.

Meanwhile the Cadusian still made the
rear-guard, and had no share in the pursuit;
but being desirous to perform something him-

self that was conspicuous, he made an excur-~ |

sion into the territory of Babylon, without
communicating it, or saying any thing of it to
Cyrus. But the Assyrian, from that city of
his, whither he had fled, and with his army
entirely together, and in order, coming up
with the horse of the Cadusian that were dis-
persed, as soon as he knew them to be the
Cadusians alone, attacks them, kills their com-
mander and a great many others, takes a great
many horses, and takes from them the booty
that they were carrying off. The Assyrian
then, after having pursued as far as he thought
it safe, turned back, and the Cadusians made

their escape to the camp, where the first of .

them arrived towards the evening.

Cyrus, as soon as he perceived what had
happened, went and met the Cadusians, and of
all that he saw wounded, some he took and
sent to Gadatas, that they might be taken care
of, and others he lodged together in tents, and
took care that they had all things necessary,
taking some of the Persian alike-honoured to

|
᾿

Se χὰ ETE Me ee eee νον

j

?

|
|
|
|

be his assistants ; for on such occasions men of —

worth are willing to bestow their joint pains :
he evidently appeared to be extremely afflicted ;
so that while others were taking their suppers,
when the time for it was come, Cyrus, attend-
ed by servants and physicians, willingly left no
one neglected, but either saw with his own

*

eyes, or if he could not despatch all himself, —

he was observed to send others to take that
care of them. Thus then they went to rest.
As soon as it was day, having made procla-
mation that the commanders of the other na-
tions, and all the Cadusians in general, should
assemble, he spoke to this effect: “ Friends

;

and allies! the misfortune that has happened to ὦ
us is what human nature is liable to; for, in ©

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

my opinion, it is not to be wondered at, that
being men, we should be guilty of error.
However, we are not unworthy of “reaping
some advantage by this accident ; and that is
to learn never to separate from the whole a
smaller force than that of the enemy. Yet I
do not say,” said he, “that we are never to
march where it is proper, with a part, even yet
less than the Cadusian marched with on this
occasion. But if a man march after having
concerted matters with another, who is able to
support him, he may indeed be deceived ; but
he that remains behind, by deceiving the ene-
my, may turn them to another part, and out of
the way of those that have marched off; it is
possible for him to procure safety to his
iriends, by giving other employment to his
enemies ; and thus, he that separates does not
become entirely disjoined, but remains annexed
to the main strength of the whole. He on
the other hand, that marches off without giving
any information whither it is that he is going,
is in the same case as if he made war alone.
But,” said he, “if it please the gods, it shall not
be long before we have our revenge of the
enemy, in return for this. And as soon as
ever you have dined I will lead you out to the
place where this affair was transacted ; we will
bury our dead at the same time, if it please the
gods; we will let the enemy see men superior
to themselves, on the very place where they
think- they have been victorious, that they may
not look with pleasure on that spot of ground
where they butchered our fellow-combatants.
Tf they will not come out to us, we will burn
their villages and destroy their country, that they
may not be delighted, on viewing what they
themselves have done, but be afflicted at the
sight of their own misfortunes. Let the rest
then,” said he, ‘ go and take their dinners ; and
do you, Cadusians, first go your ways, and
choose you a commander according to your
usage, who, with the help of the gods, and to-
gether with us, shall take care of you in what-
ever may be wanting to you; and when you
have made your choice and taken your din-
‘ners, then send the person you have chosen
to me.”
These men did accordingly. And Cyrus,
when he had led out the army, and placed the
person who was chosen by the Cadusians in
his station, ordered him to lead his body of men
near to himself, “‘ That if we are able,” said
he, “ we may recover the courage of the men.”

85

So they marched, and coming up to the place,
they buried the Cadusians, and laid the country
waste. And having done this, and supplied
themselves with necessaries out of the enemy’s
country, they again retreated into the territory
of Gadatas.

But then, considering that they who had re-
volted to him, being in the neighbourhood of
Babylon, would suffer severely, unless he him-
self was always at hand, he therefore com-
manded all those of the enemy that he dismiss-
ed to tell the Assyrian, that he himself sent a
herald to declare to him that he was ready to
let the labourers that were employed in the cul-
ture of the lands alone, and not to do them any
injury; if he, on the other side, would allow
such labourers as belonged to those that had re-
volted to himself to go on with their work,
and indeed,” said he, “if you are able to hinder
them, you will hinder but a few, for the land
that belongs to those that have revolted to me
is but little; and on the other hand, 1 should
allow a great quantity of land to be cultivated
for you. Then at the time of gathering the
crop, if the war continues, he that is superior
in arms, in my opinion, must gather it. If
there be peace, it is plain,’ said he, “ that it
must be you; but if any of my people use
arms against you, or any of yours against me,
on these we will both of us return mutual hos-
tilities, if we can.” Having given the herald
these orders, he sent him away.

And when the Assyrians had heard these
things, they did all that they were able to per-
suade the king to yield to them, and to leave
as little of the war remaining as was possible.
The Assyrian, either at the persuasion of those
of his nation, or inclined to it himself, con-
sented: and agreements were made, that there
should be peace to those that were employed
in labour, and war to those that bore arms.
These things did Cyrus effect with respect to
the labouring people. But the pastures of
their cattle he ordered his own friends to set-
tle, if they thought fit, within the extent of
their own power, and to make prey on the ene-
my wherever they were able, that the service
might be more agreeable to his allies; for the
dangers were the same, even without their seiz-
ing necessaries for their subsistence; and the
maintaining themselves on the enemy seemed
to make the service the lighter.

But when Cyrus was now preparing to be
gone, Gadatas came to him, having collected

898

presents of all kinds, and in great abundance,
as arising from a very great estate, and having
taken a great many horses from his own horse-
men that he mistrusted, on account of the late
contrivance against him ; and when he accosted
him, he spoke thus: “ I bring you these things,
Cyrus, at this time, that you may make pre-
sent use of them in case you want them. And
count on it,” said he, “that all things else that
belong to me are yours; for I am not likely to
have one descended from myself to leave my
estate to; but my race and name,” said he,
“9 will be extinguished with myself when I die.
And this I suffer, Cyrus,” said he, “ (1 swear
it to you, by the gods, who see all things, and
hear all things,) without having been guilty of
any thing unjust or base, either in word or
deed.” At the same time that he said this, he
burst out into tears at his unhappy fate, and it
was not in his power to say more.

Cyrus having heard this, pitied him for his
misfortune, and spoke thus: “ The horses,”
said he, “ I accept; for I shall do you service
by giving them to men better affected to you,
it seems, than they who had them before ; and
shall fill up the Persian body of horse to ten
thousand men, a thing that I have long desired ;
the rest of your valuable effects do you take
away, and keep till such time as you see me in
a condition not to be outdone by you in pre-
sents; for if you part with me, and your pre-
sents amount to more than you receive at my
hands, I know not how it is possible for me not
to be quite ashamed.”

To this Gadatas said: “ But I trust them
to you, for I see your temper. As to the keep-
ing of them myself, pray see whether I am fit
for it; for, while we were friends with the
Assyrian, my father’s estate seemed to be the
noblest that could be; for, being near to our
capital city, Babylon, we enjoyed all the ad-
vantages that we could possibly be supplied
with from that great city; and as oftenas we
were disturbed with the crowd and hurry, by
retiring hither to our home, we got out of the
- way of it. But now that we are become ene-
mies, it is plain that when you are gone, both
we ourselves, and our whole family and estate,
shall have contrivances formed against us.
We shall, in my opinion, live very miserably,
both by having our enemies just by us, and by
seeing them superior to ourselves. Perhaps
you will presently therefore say, and why did
I not consider this before I reyolted? Why,

XENOPHON ON THE
because, Cyrus, by mcuus of the injuries I had -

[Βοοκ v.

received, and the anger I was in, my soul never
dwelt on the consideration of what was safest
for me; but was always big with the thought,
whether it would be ever in my power to take
my revenge on this enemy both to the gods and
men, who passes his days in hatred, and that
not to the man that may have done him any in-
jury, but to any one that he suspects to be a

Ἢ

better man than himself. And this wicked - |

wretch therefore, in my opinion, will make use
of such assistants as are all more wicked than
himself ; or if there be any that may appear to
be better than he, take courage, Cyrus,” said
he, “you will not be under any necessity to

engage against any such men of worth; but he ~

himself will be sufficient to carry on this work
till he has taken off every better man than him-
self; and yet, distressing me, I am of opinion
that with his villains he will easily get the
better.”

In all this Cyrus, who heard it, was of opin-
ion that the man said what was worthy of his
attention and care; and he presently said :
** And have not you therefore strengthened
your fortress with a garrison, that you may
make use of it with safety when you get thither?
And as to yourself, you accompany us in the
service, that if the gods please to be with us,
as now they are, he may be in fear of you, and

not you of him. Take of what belongs to you, — 1

whatever you like to see about you; and of
your people, take whoever you like to conyerse
with, and march with me. You will be, in my
opinion, extremely useful to me, and I will en-
deavour to be as useful to you as 1 can.”
Gadatas hearing this, recovered himself, and
said: ‘* Shall I be able,” said he, “to put up
all, and be ready before you march away? for,”
said he, “1 would willingly carry my mother
with me.” ‘Yes, by Jove!” said he, “you
will be ready time enough ; for I will wait till
you say that all is well.’ So Gadatas, going
his way, settled, in concert with Cyrus, garri-
sonsain the several fortresses he had made: he
packed up all kinds of things, enough to fur-
nish a very great house, in a handsome manner.
He took with him from amongst those he con-
fided in such whose company he was pleased
with; and many of those too that he distrusted,
obliging some of them to take their wives, and
some their sisters with them, that by their
means he might keep them as it were in fetters.
Cyrus himself marched, and amongst the

ner, and not in the quickest.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

rest of those that were about him, he kept
Gadatas to inform him about the ways and the
waters, about forage and provisions, that he
might carry on the service with the greatest
plenty of all things. But when, in the course
of his march, he got sight of the city of Baby-

lon, and fancied that the way he was going led

him just under the walls of the place, he called
Gobryas and Gadatas, and asked if there was
any other way, that he might not lead the army
near to the wail.

Then Gobryas spoke : “ My sovereign, there
are many ways; but I thought,” said he, “ that
you desired to lead on as near to the city as
possible, that you might show them the army,

and let them see that you have now a great and
‘a noble one; because, when you had a less you

marched up to the walls, and they saw us when
we were not very numerous. And now, though
the Assyrian be prepared, as he told you he
would be prepared to give you battle, I know
that when he sees your strength, his prepara-
tions will not appear to him to be sufficient.”
Cyrus to this said: “ You seem to me, Go-
bryas, to wonder that when I came with a less
army I led up to the very walls ; but that now,
with a greater, I have no mind to march the
army under them: but make no wonder of
this,” said he, “for to lead up to a place, and

~to march by it is not the same thing. All

men lead up in such an order as they think is
best for them to engage in. And people that are
Wise retreat so as to go off in the safest man-
But it is ne-
cessary to march by with the carriages extend-
ed in length, and with the beasts of burden,
and those that are concerned in the baggage, all
in loose order; all this must be covered by the
soldiers that bear arms ; and the baggage-train

must in no part appear to the enemy naked of

arms: and, marching in this manner, the
strength of the army must of necessity be
extended into a thin and weak order. If then
they have a mind from within the walls to
make an attack, in a close, firm body, wherever
they close in, they do it with a strength much
superior to those that are on the march ; and
to men that are marching in a train at length,
the proper helps are at a great distance ; but to
those that march out from within their walls,
the distance is little that they have either to
march up to the enemy that is at hand, or to
retreat back again ; but if we pass by at no less
a distance than so as that they may just see us,

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87

and if we mareh extended, as we now are, they
will see the multitude that we are ; and every
multitude, by means of arms interwoven
amongst them, appears terrible. If they really
do march up to us in any part, by our seeing
them at a considerable distance, we shall not
be taken unprepared: and then, my friends,”
said he, “they will the rather avoid attacking
us, when they are obliged to march a great dis-
tance from their walls, unless they think them-
selves, in the whole, superior to us, for they,
will have cause to be in fear for their retreat.”

When he had said this, the persons present’
were of opinion that he said right, and Go-
bryas led the way as he had directed him.
And while the army was moving on by the
city, that part of 1t that was left behind he al-
ways made the strongest, and in that manner
retreated.

When marching thus the following days, he
reached the borders of the Assyrians and
Medes, from whence he came before, and
where there were three forts belonging to the
Assyrians ; the weakest of these he attacked
and took by force, and two of them, Cyrus by
terror, and Gadatas by persuasion, prevailed
with the garrisons to give up.

V. When he had done this he sent to Cy-
axares, and by message desired him to come to
the army, that they might consult what use to
make of the forts they had taken; and, after
having taken a view of the army, he might, in
the whole of their affairs, advise what he
thought proper to be done for the future.
«“ And if he orders it,” said he, * tell him that I
will come and encamp with him.” The mes-
senger in order to deliver this message went
his way ; and on this Cyrus ordered Gadatas to
furnish out the Assyrian’s tent that the Medes
had chosen for Cyaxares, and this in the hand.
somest manner; and not only with all the
other furniture that it was provided with, but
he ordered him to introduce the two women in-
to that apartment of the tent that belonged to
the women, and together with them the women
musicians that had been chosen out for Cya-
xares. These men did as they were ordered.
But when he that was sent to Cyaxares had
delivered his message, Cyaxares, having heard
him, determined it to be best that the army
should remain on the borders; for the Per-
sians that Cyrus had sent for were come, and
they were forty-thousand archers and shield-
men. Therefore, when he’ saw that these

88 XENOPHON ON THE | BOOK ν.

men did prejudice in many ways to the Me. laughing at me: for I am not ignorant, not
dian territory, he thought it better to get rid of only that you are more considerable than my-
these, rather than admit another multitude. ' self, but that my own slaves are aboye me in
And that Persian who commanded the army, | power, dare to oppose my pleasure, and are so
having inquired from Cyaxares, according to _set up as to be rather able to do me mischief,

the orders of Cyrus, whether he had any ser- | than liable to suffer it at my hands.” And, in

vice for the army, when he told him that he had | saying this, he was still more overwhelmed in
none, and when he heard that Cyrus was at | tears, so that he drew down a flood of tears
hand, on that very day marched, and conducted | into the eyes of Cyrus.
the army to him. The next day Cyaxares| But Cyrus, pausing a little, spoke to this
marched with the Median horse that remained | effect : “ In all this,” said he, “" Cyaxares, you
with him ; and as soon as Cyrus perceived him
approaching, then taking the Persian horse, who | that the Medes by my presence are set on such
were now very numerous, all the Medes, Ar-|a footing as to be able to do you mischief, I
menians, and Hyrcanians, and of all the other | do not wonder that you are enraged and ter-
allies, such as were best horsed and armed, he | rified. But, whether it be justly or unjustly
met him, and showed Cyaxares his force. that you are offended at them, this I shall pass

Cyaxares, when he saw a great many brave| by: for I know you must take it ill to hear
men attending Cyrus, and but a small com-| me making their apology. But for a ruler to
pany attending on himself, and those but οὔ take offence at all his people at once, this I
little value, thought it mean and dishonourable | take to be an error; for by striking terror into
to him, and was seized with a violent concern. |a multitude, of necessity that multitude must
But when Cyrus, alighting from his horse, | be made one’s enemies, and by taking offence
came up to him, as intending to embrace him |at them all together, they are inspired with
in the customary manner, Cyaxares likewise | unity of sentiments. On this account be it
alighted, but turned from him, refused to em-| known to you, it was that I would not send
brace him, and burst openly into tears. Onj|these men away to you without me, being
this Cyrus ordered all the rest that were there | afraid lest something might happen by means
to retire and wait. He himself, taking Cya-| of your anger that might have afflicted us all.
xares by the right hand, and conducting him} By the assistance of the gods, therefore, while
out of the road under certain palm-trees, or-| J am present, these things may be safely com-
dered some Median quilts to be laid for him,| posed. But that you should think yourself
and making him sit down, he sat himself down | injured by me, at this I am very much con-
by him, and asked him thus: cerned, that while I have been doing all that

“4 O uncle !” said he, “tell me, I beg you by} is in my power to do all possible service to my
all the gods, what are you angry with me for ?| friends, Iam then thought to have done quite
And what bad thing have you discovered that | the contrary ; but do not let us thus charge one
you take thus amiss?” Then Cyaxares an-| another at random, but if possible, let us con-
swered in this manner: “It is, Cyrus,” said} sider clearly what the injury is that I have
he, “that I, who, as far as the memory of man} done. I will state then an agreement for us to
can reach, am reckoned to be sprung from a} come to, and such as is the justest that ean be
long train of ancestors, and from a father who| between friends. If I shall appear to have
was a king, and who am myself accounted a| done you mischief, I will confess that I have
king, should see myself marching thus. meanly | wronged you; but if I neither appear to haye
and contemptibly, and see you with my atten-| done you any harm, nor to have intended it,
dance, and with other forces, appear here! will not you then confess that you have not
great and conspicuous. I should think it hard been wronged by me?” “TI must,” said he,
to suffer this treatment at the hands of ene-| “of necessity.” “If I plainly appear to have
mies, aud much harder, O Jove! to suffer it) done you service, and to have been zealous to
at the hands of those that I ought least to have do you all the service that I was able, shall not
it from ; for I think I could sink down under| I deserve your commendation, rather than your
the earth ten times over with more satisfac-| reproach?” “ It is but just,” said he. “Come

tion, than be seen in this mean condition, | on, then,” said Cyrus, “let us consider all the —

and see my own people thus contemning and! things that I have done, one by one, for by all

neither say true nor judge right. If you think —

.
a Se

ee

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

this it will appear the most. evidently which
was good and which was bad. We will take
it from the beginning of this affair, if this ap-
pear to you to be sufficient. When you per-
ceived that the enemy were assembling their
forces and were about making an attempt on
you and on your country, you then sent im-
mediately to the public council of Persia,
begging assistance, and to me in particular, de-
siring me to endeavour, if any Persians came
to you, to come as their commander. Was
net I by you persuaded to this? Did I not
come, and bring you as many and as brave men
as I was able?” . “ You did come,” said he.
* First, therefore,” said he, ‘in this particular,

tell me whether you accounted it an injury or |

a benefit that I did you.” “It is plain,” said
Cyaxares, “that in this you did what was a
benefit to me.” ‘* Well then,” said he, “ when
the enemies advanced, and we were to engage
them, did you perceive that on this oceasion I
spared any pains, or that I shunned any dan-
ger.” “No, by Jove!” said he, “not at all.”
* And then, when, with the assistance of the
gods, we gained our victory and the enemy re-
treated, I exhorted you that we might jointly
pursue them, take our joint vengeance on
them, and if any thing good or ill should befall
us, that we might jointly share it? And can
you charge me with any thing of ambition, and
desire of power, in any of these things?’ To
this Cyaxares was silent, and Cyrus again
spoke in this manner: “ Since it is your plea-
sure to be silent in this, rather than to give me
a reply, tell me then,” said he, ‘whether you
think yourself injured, because that, when you
were of opinion that it was not safe to pursue,
1 did not allow you to share in the danger, but
only desired you to send some of your horse?
For if I wronged you in asking this, especially
after giving myself up to you as an assistant
and ally, let this,” said he, “be demonstrated
by yourself.” When Cyaxares kept himself
silent to this too—“ But,” said he, “if you
will give me no answer here neither, then tell
me this: whether I did you any wrong when
you gave me for answer that, on your observing
the Medes to be indulging themselves in plea-
sure, you would not put a stop to it, and
oblige them to march, and run themselves into
danger? and whether you think that I put a
hardship on you, when, avoiding all anger and
resentment to you, I then again, on that,
asked you a thing, than which I knew there

xg
Νὰ

89

was nothing that you could more easily grant,
and that nothing more easy could possibly be
enjoined the Medes ? for I asked you only to
allow any of them that would to follow me:
and when I had obtained this from you, there
was nothing left but to persuade them. I
went to them; I persuaded them, and those
that I prevailed with I took, and marched with
them at your allowance. If you reckon this
to be deserving of blame, then to take from
you what you yourself grant, is not, it seems, a
thing void of blame. Thus then we set for-
ward. When we had marched, what was
there that we did that was not apparent? Was
not the camp of the enemy taken? Were
there not many of those that made war on you
killed? and of those that remained alive, were
there not a great many stripped of their arms,
and a great many of their horses? The for-
tunes and effects of those that plundered and
ravaged yours before, you see now taken and
ravaged by your friends. Some of them be-
long to you, and others of them to those that
are under your dominion. But what is the
greatest and noblest thing, and above all, 15,
that you see your own territory enlarged, and
that of your enemies diminished; and some
forts that were possessed by the enemy, and
some of your own that had been taken and an-
nexed to the Assyrian dominion, now, on the
contrary, you see yielded to you. Whether
any of these things be good or ill, I cannot
say that I desire to learn. But nothing hin-
ders me from hearing what your opinion is

concerning them, and do you tell it me.”

Cyrus, having said this, was silent, and wait-
ed the reply.

And Cyaxares spoke thus in answer. ‘ In-
deed, Cyrus, I do not know how one can say
those things you have performed are ill; but
be it known to you,” said he, “ that these good
things are of such a kind, as the more they ap-
pear to be in number, so much the more are
they burdensome on me. I should rather choose
to enlarge your territory by my forces, than see
mine thus enlarged by yours. For these things,
to you that do them, are glorious, but to me
they are in some sort disgraceful. And I am
of opinion that I should be better pleased to
bestow of these rich effects on you, than to re-
ceive from you these things that you now pre-
sent me withsy for I perceive myself enriched
by you withothings that make me the poorer ;
and I believe I'should be less grieved to see my

M

90

subjects in some degree injured by you, than I
am now, to see them receiving great advantages
at your hands. If I appear to you to think
unreasonably in this, do not consider these
things as in my case, but turn the tables, and
make the case your own. And then,” said he,
“ consider that in the case of dogs, that you
maintained as a guard and protection to you
‘and yours ; supposing any other person should
make his court to them, and should make them
better acquainted with himself than with you,
whether you should be pleased with this court-
ship and service. But if this appear to you to
be but an inconsiderable matter, then consider
this : you have servants that you have acquired
as guards to you, and for service; if any one
should manage these in such a manner, as that
they should be more willing to serve him than to
serve you, should you think yourself obliged
to this man, in return of this benefit? Then
in another concern, that men’s affections are
greatly engaged in, and that they cultivate in
the most intimate manner: if any one should
make such court to your wife, as to make her
love him better than she loved you, should you
be delighted with this benefit? I believe, far
from it,” said he; “nay, I know that in doing
this, he would do you the greatest of injuries.
But that I may mention what is most applicable
to my concern: if any one should make such
court to the Persians, that you have conducted
hither, as should make it more agreeable to
them to follow him than to follow you, should
you think this man your friend? 1 believe you
~ would not, but you would rather think him yet
more your enemy than if he killed you a great
many of them. Well, then, suppose any friend
of yours, on your saying to him in a friendly
way, Take as much of what belongs to me as
you please, should, hearing this, go his way,
take all that he was able, and enrich himself
with what belonged to you, and that you, mean-
while, should not have wherewithal to supply
your own uses in a very moderate way; could
you possibly think such a oneja;blameless un-
exceptionable friend? Nowy»Cyrus, I take
myself to have had from you, if not the same
usage, yet such as is very like it. You say
true, that when I bade you carry off those that
were willing to go, you took my whole force,
went off with them, and left me destitute ; and
now you bring me things that) γοῦν have taken

with my own force, and withymyjown force you
enlarge my territory. But jas not having

[BOOK Vv.

any hand in obtaining these advantages, look
as if I gave up myself like a woman, to be
served by others as well-as by my own subjects ;
for you appear to be the man, and I to be un-
worthy of rule ; and do you take these things,
Cyrus to be benefits? Be it known to you, if
you had any concern for me, there is nothing
you would be so careful not to rob me of as

XENOPHON ON THE

7

my dignity and honour. What advantage is it ©

to me to have my land extended and myself
contemned? Ihave dominion over the Medes,
not by being really the best of them all, but by
means of their thinking us to be, in all respects
superior to themselves.”

Here Cyrus took up the discourse, while
Cyaxares was yet speaking, and said: “ I beg

you, uncle,” said he, “by all the gods, if Iever

before did any thing that was agreeable to you,
gratify me now in the things that I shall ask
of you. Give over blaming me at this time;
and when you have had experience of us, how
we are affected towards you, if the things that
have been done appear done for your service,
give me your embraces in return for the affec-
tion I have for you, and think that I have been
of service to you. If things appear otherwise,
then blame me.”

‘* Perhaps, indeed,” said Cyaxares,“ you say
right.” ‘* Well, then, ” said Cyrus, “ shall I
kiss you?” “ If you please,” said he. “ And

will you not turn from me, as you did just .

now ?” * J will not,” said he.
ed him.

As soon as this was seen by the Medes and

Persians, and many others, for they were all ©

under concern about the issue of this affair,
they all presently became cheerful and pleased.
Then Cyaxares and Cyrus, mounting their

Then he kiss- ὁ

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horses, led the way: the Medes followed after —

Cyaxares ; for Cyrus made a sign to them to
do so; and the Persians followed Cyrus, and —

after these followed the rest. When they came |

to the camp, and had lodged Cyaxares in the
tent that was furnished for him, they that were
appointed to that service prepared all things
fitting for him. And during the time that
Cyaxares was at leisure, before supper, the
ivledes went to him, some of themselves, but
most of them in consequence of directions

'
᾿

from Cyrus, and they brought him presents 3"
one a beautiful cup-bearer, another an excellent —

cook, another a baker, another a musician, one
brought him cups, and another a fine habit.
And almost every one presented him with

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

something out of what they had taken ; so that
Cyaxares changed his opinion, and no longer
_ thought either that Cyrus had alienated these
- men from him, or that the Medes were less ob-
- servant of him than before. ;

When the time of supper came, Cyaxares in-
vited Cyrus, and desired that, since he had not
seen him for some time, he would sup with
him ; but Cyrus said: “1 beg, Cyaxares, that
τ you would not bid me do this. Do you not
observe that all those that are here with us at-
tend here at our instigation? It would not
therefore be weil in me to appear negligent of
them, and mindful of my own pleasure. When
soldiers think themselves neglected, the best of
them become much more dejected, and the
worst of them much more insolent. But do
you, especially now after you have had a long
journey, take your supper ; and if people come
to pay you respect, receive them kindly, and
entertain them well, that they likewise may
encourage you. Iwill go my ways, and apply
myself to what I tell you. To-morrow,” said
he, “in the morning, all the proper persons
shall attend here, at your doors, that we may
consult together what we are to do hencefor-
ward. And you being yourself present, will
propose to us, whether it be thought fit to go
on with the war, or whether it be now the pro-
per time to separate the army.” On this
Cyaxares went to supper.

And Cyrus, assembling such of his friends

9]

as were most able to judge what was fit to be
done on any occasion, and to assist him in the
execution of it, spoke to this effect: “The
things that we at first wished for, my friends,
we now, with the assistance of the gods, have
obtained; for wherever we march, we are
masters of the country; we see our enemies
weakened, and ourselves increased in numbers
and strength. And if they who are now our
allies will still continue with us, we shall be
much more able to succeed in our affairs,
whether we have occasion to act by force, or
whether it be proper to proceed by persuasion ;
therefore, that as many of our allies as is pos-
sible may be inclined to stay, is not more my
business to effect than it is yours. But as,
when fighting is necessary, he that subdues the
greatest numbers will be accounted the most
vigorous ; so where counsel is necessary, he
that makes the greatest numbers to be of his
opinion ought justly to be esteemed the most
eloquent and best skilled in affairs. However,
do not be at pains, as if you were to show us
what sort of discourse you made use of to
every one, but that the people you prevail with
may show it in their actions, let this be your
business to effect. And that the soldiers;
while they consult about the carrying on of the
war, shall be supplied with all things necessary
and fit, in as great plenty as Iam able, this I
will endeavour to take care of.”

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XENOPHON

ON THE

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

a

BOOK VI.

CONTENTS or BOOK VI.

I. The allies are anxious to carry on the war—Raillery between Cyrus and Hystaspes—Preparations made accord-
ing to the opinion of Cyrus—He prepares to follow the army to Lydia—Story of Araspes and Panthea— Arrival
and reception of Abradatas with two thousand horse.—II. Embassy from the Indian with treasures—Cyrus sends
out some of the Indians as spies—Their report greatly alarms the army of Cyrus, who appeases their terror, and

_ proposes to march directly on the enemy—His care of his army’s diet, necessaries, &c.—III. IV. Manner and
order of the march—Approach and condition of the enemy, his stratagem to surprise a part of them—Honour-

able reception of Araspes—Account of the number, designs, and order of the enemy—Orders of Cyrus to his
army.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

BOOK VI.

I, Havine passed the day in this manner, and
having taken their suppers, they went to rest.
The next day, in the morning, all the allies
came to the doors of Cyaxares; and while
Cyaxares (who had heard that there was a
great multitude of people at his doors) was
setting himself out, Cyrus’ friends presented
to him several people, who begged him to
stay ; some presented the Cadusians, some the
Hyrcanians; one presented Gobryas, and
another the Sacian; and Hystaspes presented
Gadatas, who begged Cyrus to stay. Here
Cyrus, who knew before that Gadatas had
been almost killed with fear lest the army
should be separated, laughed, and spoke thus :
* O Gadatas !” said he, “it is plain that you
have been persuaded by Hystaspes here to be
of the opinion you express.” Then Gadatas,
lifting up his hands to heaven, swore, that
“indeed he was not persuaded by Hys-
taspes to be of this opinion; but I know,”
said he, “that if you depart, my affairs fall
entirely to ruin. On this account,” said he,
“ἐ 1 came myself to this man, and asked him
whether he knew what your opinion was con-
cerning the separation of the army.” Then
Cyrus said: “It seems then that I accuse
Hystaspes unjustly ?” Then Hystaspes spoke :
** By Jove, Cyrus!” said he, “ unjustly in-
deed ; because I gave Gadatas for answer, that
it was impossible for you to stay, and told him
that your father had sent for you.” What?”
said Cyrus, “ durst you assert this, whether I
would or no?” “ Yes, indeed,” said he; “for
I see you are exceedingly desirous to be making
a progress about among the Persians, to be seen
and to show your father how you performed
every thing.” Then Cyrus said, “ And are
you not desirous to go home?” * No, by
Jove !” said Hystaspes, “ nor will I go, but stay

make Gadatas here master of the Assyrian.”
Thus did these men with a mixture of serious-
ness, jest with each other.

Then Cyaxares, dressed in a magnificent
manner, came out, and sat himself on a Median
throne ; and when all the proper persons were
met, and silence made, Cyaxares spoke thus :
“ Friends and allies! since I am here present,
and am an older man than Cyrus, it is proper
for me perhaps to begin the discourse. It
appears therefore to me, that now is the time
to debate whether it be thought proper to go.
on with the war, or to separate the army.
Therefore,” said he, “let somebody speak
what his opinion is concerning this affair.” On
this the Hyrcanian first spoke: “ Friends and
allies! I do not at all know whether words be
necessary where facts themselves declare what
is best to be done; for we all know that by
keeping together we do more mischief to our
enemies than we suffer from them ; and, when
we are asunder, they deal by us as is most
agreeable to them, and most grievous to us.”
After him spoke the Cadusian: “ What can
we say,” said he, ‘“‘concerning a general de-
parture and separation, when it is not for our
interest to separate, even while we are engaged
in the service? accordingly, we not long ago
undertook a piece of service separate from
the rest of our body, and paid for it as you all
know.” ee

After him Artabazus, he who had said that
he was related to Cyrus, spoke thus: ““ Cya-
xares,” said he, “thus much 1 differ in my
opinion from those who spoke before. They
say that we ought to proceed in the war,
remaining here together; and I say that we
were in war when we were at home, for I was
frequently forced to run to the relief of our
own country when the enemies were plunder-

and discharge my duty as a commander till I, ing what belonged to us: frequently I had

90

business on my hands, with respect to our
fortresses, that the enemies were said to have
formed designs on, and I was continually in
fear, and kept myself on my guard. All this I
did, and was all this while on expense out of
my own stock ; but now I am in possession of
the fortresses of the enemy, I am not in fear
of them: I feast on what belongs to them, and
I drink at the enemy’s expense ; therefore, as
being in one case at war, and in the other case
as at a festival, I am not of opinion to dissolve
this public assembly.” After him spoke Go-
bryas: “ Friends and allies! thus far I ap-
plaud the faith of Cyrus, for he has been false
in nothing that he has promised. But, if he
quit the country, it is plain that the Assyrian
will be at rest, and escape the punishment due
to him for the injuries that he endeavoured to
do you, and that he has in fact done me; and
I, on my side, shall again suffer punishment at
his hands, and now it will be for having been a
friend to you.”

After all these Cyrus spoke. ‘ Nor am I
ignorant, friends, that if we separate the army
our own affairs will sink, and the affairs of the
enemy will rise again; for as many of them as
have had their arms taken from them will make
others out of hand; they that have lost their
horses will immediately get others; in the
room of those men that are killed others will
grow up and succeed them; so that it will not
be to be wondered at if they become able to
give us disturbance again very soon. Why
then did 1 desire Cyaxares to propose the de-
bate on the separation of the army? Be it
known to you,” said he, “it was because I was
in fear for the future ; for I perceive certain
adversaries advancing on us, that, if we go on
with the war on the footing we now stand, we
shall not be able to struggle with: for the
winter is coming on; and if we have roofs to
cover our own heads, we have them not, by
Jove! for our horses, nor for our servants, nor
for the common soldiers; and without these
we cannot proceed in the service. The pro-
visions, wherever we have come, have been
consumed by ourselves, and where we have not
been, there, for fear of us, they have been car-
ried off and secured in fortresses ; so that the
enemies have them, and we are not able to pro-
cure them. And who is there that has bravery
and vigour enough to go on with the service,
and struggle at the same time with hunger and
cold? Therefore, if we are to continue the war

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VI.

on these terms, I say that we ought rather to
separate the army of our own accord than be
driven away against our wills by distress, and
by not knowing what to do. But, if we have
a mind to go on still with the war, I say we
ought to do this: we should endeavour, as
soon as possible, to take from the enemy as
many of their strong places as we are able, and

to erect as many places of strength as we can

for ourselves. or if this be done, then they
will have provisions in the greatest plenty who
can take and secure the most of them, and they
that are inferior in strength will be besieged.
But now we are just in the same case with
those that are on a voyage at sea ; for the part
that they have sailed over they do not leave so
as to make it safer for them than the other part
that they have not sailed; but if we have for-
tresses, these will alienate the territory from the
enemy, and all things will be with us serene
and quiet. As for what some of you may be
apprehensive of, in case you are obliged to keep
garrison at a distance from your own territory,
do not let this be any concern to you; for we

will take on us to guard those parts that are

the nearest to the enemy, since we are at a
great distance from home. And do you take
possession of the borders between you and the
Assyrian territory, and cultivate them. And
if we are able to guard and preserve those parts
that are in the enemy’s neighbourhood, you
who keep those other parts that are at a greater
distance from them will certainly live in great
peace and quiet ; for I do not believe that they
can think of forming designs on you that are
at a distance, and neglect dangers that are at
hand.”

After this had been said, all the rest of them
rising up, declared that they would join heartily
in putting these things in execution. And
Cyaxares, Gadatas, and Gobryas said, that if
the allies would give them leave they would
each of them build a fort, that the allies might
have those places in their interest. Cyrus
therefore, when he saw them all so zealous in
the execution of the things he had mentioned,
concluded thus: “ If we intend therefore to
effect what we agree ought to be done, we
ought, as soon as possible, to be supplied with
engines to demolish the forts of the enemy,
and with builders to erect bulwarks of our own.”
On this Cyaxares promised to make and sup.

ply them with one engine; Gadatas and Gob- Ὁ

ryas promised. another; Tigranes another

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 97

he abolished. For formerly the Medes, Sy-
rians, and Arabians, and all the people of
Asia, used the same method, with respect to
their chariots, that the Cyreneans do at this
time ; and he was of opinion, that the very
best of the men being mounted on chariots,
they that probably constituted the chief
strength of the army had the part only of skir-
mishers at a distance, and had no great share
in the gaining of a victory. For three hun-
dred chariots afford three hundred combatants,
and these take up twelve hundred horses ; then
their drivers probably are such as these men,
that are the best of the army, chiefly confide
in; and here again are three hundred others,
and they such as do the enemy no manner of
‘mischief, Therefore this sort of management,
with respect to their chariots, he abolished ;
and instead of this, he provided a sort of war-
like chariots, with wheels of great strength, so
as not to be easily broken, and with axletrees
that were long, because things that carry
breadth are less liable to be overturned. The
box for the drivers he made like a turret, and
with strong pieces of timber; and the highest
of these boxes reached up to the elbows of the
drivers, that reaching over these boxes they
might drive the horses. The drivers he cover-
ed, all but their eyes, with armour. To the
axletrees, on each side of the wheels, he added
steel scythes of about two cubits in length ; and
below, under the axletree, he fixed others
pointing to the ground, as intending with these
chariots to break in on the enemy. As Cyrus
at that time contrived these chariots, so, to
this day, they use them in the king’s territory.
He had likewise camels in great number, such
as were collected from amongst his friends,
and those that were taken from the enemy,
being all brought together.

Thus were these things performed. But
he, being desirous to send some spy into Lydia,
and to learn what the Assyrian did, was of
opinion that Araspes, the guardian of the beau-
and some from his friends ; for these things he | tiful woman, was a proper person to go on that
aecepted from all, rejected nothing, neither a| errand ; for with Araspes things had fallen out
fine weapon nor a horse, if any one presented | in this manner:
him with it. Chariots, likewise, he fitted up, Having fallen in love with the woman, he
both out of those that were taken, and from | was forced to make proposals to her. But she
whencesoever else he was able to get supplied | denied him, and was faithful to her husband,
with what was necessary towards it. though he was absent; for she loved him very

The Trojan method of using chariots, that} much. Yet she did not accuse Araspes to
was practised of old, and that way of managing | Cyrus, being unwilling to make a quarrel be-
them that is yet in use amongst the Cyreneans, | tween men that were friends. Then Araspes,

N

and another Cyrus said that he would endeavour
to make. When they were determined on these
things, they procured artificers for the making
of these engines, and every one provided the
materials necessary for their fabric; and they
established, as presidents and overseers of the
works, certain persons that seemed the most
proper for the employment.

Cyrus, when he found that there would be
some time taken up in these affairs, encamped
the army in a situation that he judged to be
the most healthy and most easily accessible, with
respect to all things that were necessary to be
brought thither. And he did whatever was
necessary to the making it strong, that they
who always remained there might be in safety,
though the main strength of the army should,
at any time, match at a distance from the
camp. And, besides, he inquired of those he
thought knew the country best, from what
parts of it the army might be supplied with all
things that were of use to them in the greatest
plenty. He led them always abroad to get
provision and forage, both that he might pro-
cure the greatest plenty of necessaries for the
army, that his men, inured to labour by these
marches, might gain health and vigour; and
that in marching they might preserve in their
memories the order they were to keep.

Cyrus was employed in these affairs when
deserters from Babylon, and prisoners taken,
gave an account that the Assyrian was gone
to Lydia, carrying with him many talents of
gold and silver, and other treasures, and rich
ornaments of all kinds. The body of the sol-
diery supposed that he was already putting his
treasures out of the way for fear; but Cyrus,
judging that he went in order to collect a force
against him, if he were able to effect it, pre-
pared himself, on the other hand, with a great
deal of vigour, as thinking that he should be
again forced to come to an engagement. <Ac-
cordingly he completed the Persian body of
horse ; some horses he got from the prisoners,

98

thinking to forward the success of his inclina-
tions, threatened the woman that if she would
not yield to his wishes, she should be forced
to submit against her will. On this the wo-
man, being in fear, concealed the matter no
jonger, but sent a messenger to Cyrus with
orders to tell him the whole affair. He, when
he heard it, laughed at this man, that had said
he was above the power of love. He sent Ar-
tabazus with the messenger, and commanded
him to tell Araspes that he should respect the
conduct of such a woman. But Artabazus,

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK VI.

might return to us,” said he, “apprised of all
the enemy’s affairs. I believe that on their
giving credit to you, they would make you a
sharer in their debates and counsels, so that
nothing would be concealed from you that I
desire you should know.” “1 will go then,”
said he, “now, out of hand; for be assured
that my being thought to have made my escape
as one that was just about to receive punishment
at your hands, will be one of the things that
will give me credit.”

« And can you,” said he, “ leave the beauti-

coming to Araspes, reproached him, calling the | ful Panthea?” ‘“ Yes, Cyrus; for I have

hands; and telling him of his passion, so that
Araspes shed many tears for grief, was over-
whelmed with shame, and almost dead with
fear, lest he should suffer some severity at the
hands of Cyrus. Cyrus, being informed of
this, sent for him, and spoke to him by him-
self alone.

(1 see, Araspes,” said he, “that you are
very much in fear of me, and very much asham-
ed. But give them both over, for I have heard
that gods have been conquered by love; I know
how much men that have been accounted very
wise have suffered by love; and I pronounced
on myself, that if I conversed with beautiful
people, I was not enough master of myself to
disregard them. And I am the cause that this
has befallen you, for I shut you up with this
irresistible creature.” Araspes then said in
reply: “ You are in this too, Cyrus, as you
are in other things, mild, and disposed to for-
give the errors of men; but other men,” said
he, “overwhelm me with grief and concern;
for the rumour of my misfortune is got abroad,
my enemies are pleased with it, and my friends
come to me and advise me to get out of the
way, lest I suffer some severity at your hands,
as having been guilty of a very great injustice.”

Then Cyrus said: “ Be it known to you
therefore, Araspes, that, by means of this very
opinion that people have taken up, it is in your
power to gratify me in a very high degree, and
to do very great service to our allies.” “I
wish,” said Araspes, “that J had an opportu-
nity of being again of use to you.” “ Therefore,”
said he, “if you would make as if you fled
from me, and would go over to the enemy, I
believe that the enemy would trust you.”
«« And I know, by Jove !” said Araspes, “that
I should give occasion to have it said by my
friends that I fled from you.” “Then you

woman a deposit that had been trusted in his

nN ΠΠὅΠ“ΠΠ65΄΄΄Πι τς πττὡἷ΄.΄ὟἮ͵ἩἮα.-.-.-ςἢἘ.ς..-«Ὸ΄΄.-.-..ς-ς-Ἠς-Ἐςς.,----

plainly two souls. I have now philosophized
this point out by the help of that wicked so-
phister Love: for a single soul cannot bea good
one and a bad one at the same time, nor ean
it, at the same time, affect both noble actions
and vile ones. It cannot incline and be averse

to the same things at the same time; but it 15.

plain there are two souls, and when the good
one prevails, it does noble things; when the
bad one prevails, it attempts vile things. But
now that it has got you for a support, the good
one prevails, and that very much.” ‘If you
think it proper therefore to be gone,” said
Cyrus, “ thus you must do in order to gain the
greater credit with them. Relate to them the
state of our affairs, and relate it so as that what
you say may be as great a hinderance as possible
to what they intend to do: and it would be
some. hinderance to them, if you should say that
Wwe are preparing to make an incursion into
some part of their territory; for when they
hear this, they will be less able to assemble
their whole force together, every one being in
fear for something at home. Then stay with
them,” said he, “as long as you can; for what
they do when they are the nearest us, will be the
most for our purpose to know. Advise them
likewise to form themselves into such an order
as may be thought the strongest; for when
you come away, and are supposed to be appris-
ed of their order, they will be under a necessity
to keep to it, for they will be afraid of making
a change in it; and if they do make a change,
by their being so near at hand, it will create
confusion amongst them.”
Araspes, setting out in this manner, and
taking with him such of his servants as he
chiefly confided in, and telling some certain
persons such things as he thought might be of
service to his undertaking, went his way.

Panthea, as soon as she perceived that Aras-

‘= 2. - ῖ

)
i

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

pes was gone, sending to Cyrus, told him thus :
-*Do not be afflicted, Cyrus, that Araspes is
gone off to the enemy; for if you will allow
me to send to my husband, I engage that there
will come to you one who will be a much more
faithful friend to you than Araspes. I know
that he will attend you with all the force that
he is able; for the father of the prince that
now reigns was his friend, but he who at pre-
sent reigns, attempted once to part us from
each other; and reckoning him therefore an
unjust man, I know that he would joyfully re-
volt from him to such.a man as you are.”

Cyrus, hearing this, ordered her to send to
her husband. She sent; and when Abradatas
discovered the signs from his wife, and perceiv-
ed how matters stood as to the other particu-
lars, he marched joyfully away to Cyrus, hay-

ing about two thousand horse with him. When

he came up with the Persian scouts, he sent
to Cyrus, to tell him who he was: Cyrus
immediately ordered them to conduct him to
his wife. ι

When Abradatas and his wife saw each
other they mutually embraced, as was natural
to do, on an occasion so unexpected. On this
Panthea told him of the sanctity and virtue of
Cyrus, and of his pity and compassion towards
her. Abradatas having heard of it, said:
* What can I do, Panthea, to pay my gratitude
to Cyrus for you and for myself?” ‘ What
else,” said Panthea, “ but endeavour to behave
towards him as he has done towards you?”
On this Abradatas came to Cyrus, and as soon
as he saw him, taking him by the right hand,
he said: ‘‘ In return for the benefits you have
bestowed on us, Cyrus, I have nothing of more
consequence to say, than that I give myself to
you as a friend, a servant, and an ally; and
whatever designs I observe you to be engaged
in, I will endeavour to be the best assistant to
you in them that I am able.” Then Cyrus
said: “1 accept your offer, and dismiss you at
this time, to take your supper with your wife ;
but, at some other time, you must take a meal
with me in my tent, together with your friends

‘and mine.”

After this Abradatas, observing Cyrus to be
employed about the chariots armed with scythes,
and about those horses and horsemen that were
clothed in armour, endeavoured, out of his own
body of horse, to fit him up a hundred such
chariots as his were; and he prepared himself,
as being to lead them, mounted on a chariot

99

himself. His own chariot he framed with four
perches, and for eight horses. His wife
Panthea, out of her own treasures, made him a
corslet of gold, and a golden head-piece, and
armpieces of the same; and the horses of his
chariot she provided with brass defences. ‘These
things Abradatas performed. And Cyrus, ob-
serving his chariot with four perches, consider-
ed that it might be possible to make one with
eight, so as to draw the lower frame of this
machine with eight yoke of oxen. This en-
gine, together with its wheels, was upwards of
fifteen feet from the ground. And he believed
that turrets of this kind, following in the line,
might be of great help to his own phalanx, and
do great injury to the line of the enemy. On
these frames he made open places to move about
in, and strong defences, and on each of these
turrets he mounted twenty men. When all
things with respect to these turrets were com-
pleted to his hand, he made an experiment of
their draught, and eight yoke of oxen drew a
turret, and the men on it, with more ease than
each yoke drew the common baggage weight ;
for the weight of baggage was about five-and-
twenty talents to each yoke; but the draught
of a turret, whose wocden frame was as broad
as a tragic stage, together with twenty men and
their arms, amounted but to fifteen talents to
each yoke. When he found that the draught
was easy, he prepared for the marching these
turrets with the army, reckoning that to take
all advantages was both safe and just, and of
happy consequence in war.

IJ. At this time there came frem the Indian
certain persons, who brought treasure, and
gave him an account that the Indian sent him
word thus: “I am pleased, Cyrus, that you
gave me an account of what you wanted; I
have a mind to engage in friendship with you,
and I send you treasure; if you want any thing
else send me word. They that come from me
have it in charge to do whatever you order
them.” .

Cyrus hearing this, said: “I order then,
that some of you remaining here, where yoi
have pitched your tents, may guard the trea
sure, and live as is most agreeable to you. But
let three of yougoonto the enemy, as coming
from the Indian, to treat of an alliance, and getting
yourselves informed of what is said and done there
give me and the Indian an account of it as soon.
as possible. And, if youserve me well inthis, I
shall be yet more obliged to you, than for your

100

coming hither, and bringing me treasure ; for
such spies, as appear men of servile condition, are
not able to know or give an account of any
thing more than what all people know. But
such men as you are often led into the know-
ledge of designs and counsels.” The Indians,
hearing this with pleasure, and being on that
occasion entertained by Cyrus, made all things
ready: and the next day went away, promising
faithfully to get informed of as many of the
enemy’s concerns as they were able, and to
come away as soon as possible.

Cyrus made all other preparations for the
war, in the most magnificent manner, as being
a man who projected to perform no inconsider-
able things, and withal, did not only take care
of such things as he thought proper for his
allies, but raised amongst his friends an emula-
tion to appear armed in the handsomest man-
ner, to appear the most skilled in horseman-
ship, at throwing the javelin, and in the use
of the bow, and the most ready to undergo
any fatigue. This he effected by leading them
out to hunt, and rewarding those that were the
ablest in the several performances. And those
commanders that he observed to be most care-
ful to make their soldiers excel, those he ani-
mated by praising them, and by gratifying them
in all that he was able. If at any time he made
a sacrifice, or solemnized a festival, he appoint-
ed games on the occasion, in all the several
things that men practise on account of war, and
gave magnificent rewards to the conquerors ;
and there was a mighty cheerfulness in the army.

All things that Cyrus had a mind to have
with him for the service were now almost com-
pleted to his hands, except the engines ; for the
Persian horsemen were filled up to ten thou-
sand. The chariots, armed with scythes that
he himself provided, were now a hundred com-
plete. Those that Abradatas the Susian un-
dertook to provide, like those of Cyrus, were
likewise a hundred complete. And the Medi-
an chariots, that Cyrus had persuaded Cyax-
ares to change from the Trojan and Libyan
form and method, were likewise made up to
another hundred. The camels were mounted
by two archers on each ; and most of the army
stood so disposed, as if they had already con-
quered, and the affairs of the enemy were reduc-
ed to nothing.

While they were in this disposition the

Indians that Cyrus had sent to get intelligence
came back from the enemy, and said that Cree-

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book VL

sus was chosen general and leader of all the
enemy’s forces: that all the princes in their
alliance had determined to attend each with

his whole force, to contribute mighty sums of

money, and to lay them out in stipends to all
those that they could hire, and in presents,
where it was proper: that they had already
hired a great number of Thracians, armed
with large swords: that the Egyptians were
under sail to come to them, and the number of
these they said amounted to a hundred and
twenty thousand, armed with large shields that
reached down to their feet, with mighty spears,
such as they use at this day, and with swords.
They said that a body of Cyprians was under |
sail to join them, and that all the Cilicians, ~_
the men of both the Phrygias, the Lycaonians, _
Paphlagonians, Cappadocians, Arabians, Phee-
nicians, and Assyrians, with the prince of
Babylon, were already joined: that the Jonians,
the AZolians, and all the Greek colonies in
Asia, were obliged to attend Creesus: and
that Croesus had sent to Lacedemon, to treat
of an alliance with them: that this army as-
sembled about the river Pactolus, and was
about to advance to Thybarra, where all the
barbarians of the Lower Syria, that are subject _
to the king, assemble at this day: that orders

were given out to all, to convey provisions and

all things thither, as to the general market.

The prisoners likewise related almost the same

things; for Cyrus took care that prisoners

should be taken, in order to get information ;

and he sent out spies, that seemed to be of

servile condition, as deserters.

When the army of Cyrus came to hear 8}
this, every body was under concern, as it was
natural for them to be. They went up and
down ina sedater way than they used to do,
and the multitude did not appear cheerful. But
they got together in circles ; and all places
were full of people, asking each other ques-.
tions concerning these matters, and discours-
ing together. When Cyrus perceived thai
terror was spreading apace through the army
he called together the commanders of the
several bodies, together with all such whose
dejection might prove to be any wise prejudi-
cial, or their alacrity of use ; and told his ser-
vants beforehand, that if any. other of the
soldiers attended to hear his discourse, they
should not hinder them. When they were
assembled he said :

« Friends and allies! I have called you

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

together, because I observed that since these
accounts are come from the enemy, some of
you appear like men that are terrified: for to
me it appears strange that any of you should
be really terrified at the enemies’ being said to
assemble their forces, because we are at this
time met in much greater numbers than we
were when we beat them; and, with the help

οὗ the gods, are now better prepared than

before: and when you see this, does it not
give you courage? In the name of the gods !”
said he, “if you are afraid now, what had you
done if people had given you an account that

the enemies were advancing on you with all

the advantages on their side which we have on
ours ? and, in the first place,” said he, “ had
you heard that they who had beaten us before
were coming on us again, with minds full of
the victory they had obtained? That they,
who at that time slighted the distant discharge
of arrows and javelins, were now coming with
multitudes more armed like themselves? And
then, that as these heavy-armed men at that
time conquered our foot ; so now, their horse~
men, provided in the same manner, advanced
against our horse? And that, rejecting bows
and javelins, each of them, armed with one
strong lance, had it in their intention to push
up to us and engage hand to hand? That
there are chariots coming, that are not to be
planted as heretofore, and turned away as for
flight, but that the horses of these chariots are
covered with armour, the drivers stand in

wooden turrets, and all upwards are covered

with their corslets and helms, and steel scythes
are fixed to the axle-trees; and that these are
ready to drive in immediately on the ranks of
those that stand in opposition to them?
Besides, that they have camels on which they
ride up to us, and one of which a hundred
horses will not bear the sight of ? And yet,

. farther, that they advance with certain towers,

from whence they can support their own
people ; and, by discharging their weapons on
you, hinder you from fighting on even ground
with them ?— Had any one told you that the
enemies were possessed of all these things, if
you are afraid now, what had you done then?
But when you have an account that Croesus is

chosen the enemies’ general, he who behaved’

himself so much worse than the Syrians; that
the Syrians were beaten before they fled, but
Croesus, when he saw them beaten, instead of
supporting his allies, fled and made his escape!

101

, And, when it is told you that the same enemies

are not thought sufficient to engage us, but
that they hire others that they think will fight
their battles for them better than they do for
themselves !—If these are such things as appear
terrible to any, and that the state of our own αἵ.
fairs appears mean and contemptible to them,
these men, my friends, I say ought to go
their ways to the enemy; for by being there
they will do us more service than they will
by being amongst us.” ‘

When Cyrus had said this, Chrysantas the
Persian spoke thus: “Ὁ. Cyrus! do not
wonder that some people carry sad countenances
on having heard these accounts ; for it is not
fear that affects them thus, but it is grief.
For,” said he, “if people that had a mind
to get their dinners, and were just in expecta-
tion of it, were told of some work that was
necessary to be done before they dined, nobody,
I believe, would be pleased with hearing it.
Just so therefore, while we are in present ex-
pectation of enriching ourselves, and then hear
that there is still some work left that of neces-
sity must be done, we look sad, not out of fear
but because we want to have that work already
over. But since we are not only contending
for Syria, where there is corn in abundance,
flocks, and fruitful palms ; but for Lydia too,
where wine, and figs, and oil abound, and a
land whose shores the sea washes; by which
means such numbers of valuable things are
brought thither as no one ever saw. Consider-
ing these things, we are no longer dejected,
but have full confidence that we shall soon
enjoy these valuable productions of Lydia.”
Thus he spoke; and all the allies were pleased
with his discourse, and applauded it. |

“And, indeed, my friends,” said Cyrus,
‘my opinion is, to march up to them as soon
as possible, that if we can we may prevent
them, and first reach those places where all
their conveniences are got together for them ;
and then, the sooner we march to them, the
fewer things we shall find them provided with,
and the more things we shall find them in want
of. This I give as my opinion; if any one
think any other course safer and easier to us, let
him inform us.”

After a great many had expressed their con-
currence in its being proper to march as soon
as possible to the enemy, and that nobody said
to the contrary; on this Cyrus began a dis-
course to this effect :

102

“« Friends and allies! our minds, our bodies,
and the arms that we are to use, have been,
with the help of the gods, long since provided
to our hands: it is now our business to pro-
vide necessaries on our march for not less than
twenty days, both for ourselves and as many
beasts as we make use of: for on calculation I
find that the way we are to go will take us up
more than fifteen days, and on the road we
shall find no sort of necessaries; for every
thing that was possible has been taken and
caitied off, partly by ourselves, and partly by
the enemy. We must therefore put up a suf-
ficient quantity of food, for without this, we
can neither fight nor can we live; but of wine
as much as is enough to accustom us to drink
water ; for great part of the way that we are to
take is entirely unprovided with wine, and were
we to put upa very great quantity of it, it would
not suffice us. Therefore, that we may not
fall into distempers by being deprived of wine
all on a sudden, we must do thus ; we must
begin now immediately to drink water with
our food ; for by doing thus now we shall make
no very great change: for whoever feeds on
things made of flour, eats the mass mixed up
with water ; and he that feeds on bread, eats
the loaf that is first moistened and worked up
with water; and all boiled meats are made
ready with a great quantity of water. But if
after our meal we drink a little wine on it, our
stomach, not having less than usual, rests satis-
fied. Then, afterwards, we must cut off even
this allowance after supper, till at last we be-
come insensibly water-drinkers : for an altera-
tion, little by little, brings any nature to bear
a total change. The gods themselves teach us
this, by bringing us, little by little, from the
midst of winter, to bear very great heat ; and
from the heat, to bear very great cold; and we,
in imitation of them, ought by custom and
practice to reach the end we should attain to.
Spare the weight of fine quilts and carpets, and
make it upin necessaries ; for a superfluity of
things necessary will not be useless. But if
you happen to be without these carpets, you
need not be afraid that you shall not lie and
sleep with pleasure. If it prove otherwise than
I say, then blame me; but to have plenty of
clothes with a man is a great help to one both
in health and sickness. And of meats we ought
to put up those that are a good deal sharp,
acid, and salt; for they create appetite, and
are a lasting nourishment. And when we

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book vr.

come into those parts of the country that are ὦ

untouched, where probably we shall find corn,

we ought to be provided with hand-mills, by |

taking them with us from hence, that we may
use them in making our bread; for of all the
instruments that are used in making bread these
are the lightest. We ought likewise to put up
quantities of such things as are wanted by sick
people ; for their bulk is but very little, and if
such a chance befall us, we shall want them
very much. We must likewise have store of
straps ; for most things, both about men and
horses, are fastened by straps, and when they
wear out or break there is a necessity of stand-

:
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Ϊ
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ing still, unless one can get supplied with them. ὦ
Whoever has learned the skill of polishing a —

lance, it will be well for him not to forget a
polisher, and he will do well to carry a file:
for he that sharpens his spear sharpens his soul
at the same time ; for there is a sort of shame
in it, that one who sharpens his lance should
himself be cowardly and dull. We ought
likewise to have plenty of timber with us for
the chariots and carriages ; for, in many affairs,
many things will of necessity be defective.
And we ought to be provided with the tools
and instruments that are the most necessary
for all these things, for artificers are not every
where to be met with, nor will a few of them
be sufficient for-our daily work. To every
carriage we should have a cutting-hook and a
spade ; and to each beast of burden a pick-axe
and a scythe; for these things are useful to
every one in particular, and are often service-
able to the public. Therefore, with respect
to the things that are necessary for food, do
you, that are the commanders of the soldiery,
examine those that are under you ; for in what-
ever of these things any one is defective, it
must not be passed by; for we shall be in
want of these. And as to those things that I
order to be carried by the beasts of burden, do
you that are commanders of those that belong
to the baggage-train examine into them, and
the man that has them not do you oblige to
provide them. And do you that are the com-
manders of those that clear the ways take
down, in a list from me, such as are turned out
from among the throwers of the javelin, the
archers, and the slingers. And those that are
taken from amongst the throwers of the jave-
lin you must oblige to serve with an axe for
cutting wood ; those that are taken from the
archers with a spade; and those from the

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INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

slingers with a cutting-hook. These must
march in troops before the carriages, that in
case the way wants to be mended, you may
presently set to work, and that, if I want any
thing to be done, I may know from whence to
take them for my use. And I will take with
me smiths, carpenters, and leather-cutters, with
all their proper tools, and who shall be men of
an age fit to attend the service, that nothing of
what is necessary to be done im the army, in
the way of those arts, may be wanting. And
these shall all be exempt and disengaged from the
military ranks, but shall be placed in their pro-
per order, ready to do service for any one that
will hire them, in the ways that they are seve-
rally skilled in. And if any tradesman has a
mind to attend with intention to sell any thing,
he must have necessaries for the days before
mentioned; and if he be found to sell any
thing during those days, all that he has shall be
taken from him ; but when these days are past,
he may sell as he pleases. And whoever of
these traders shall be found to furnish the
greatest plenty of the things that he deals in,
he shall meet with reward and honour from
our allies and from me. If any one thinks
that he wants money to purchase things, let

him bring people that know him, and will be

responsible for him, that he will certainly at-
tend the army, and then let him take of what
belongs to us.

_“ These are the things that I order. If any
one knows of any other thing that is proper,
let him signify itto me. Do you go your ways,
and put up every thing. I intend to make a
sacrifice on our setting forward; and when
our divine affairs stand right we will give the
signal. All must attend with the things be-
fore ordered, in their proper posts, under their
several commanders. And do you, comman-
ders, each of you, putting his division into
good order, all come and confer with me, that
you may learn your several posts.” They,
hearing this, made their preparations, and he
made a sacrifice.

III. When the sacred rites were performed
in a happy manner, Cyrus set forward with the
army, and the first day encamped at as small a
distance as he could, that in case any one had
forgot any thing, he might fetch it; and that
if any one found himself in want of any thing,
he might provide it. Cyaxares, therefore, with
the third part of the Medes, stayed behind,

103

And Cyrus marched with the utmost des-
patch, having the horse at the head of the
whole, but always making the discoverers and
scouts mount up before, to such places as were
most proper to take their views from. After
the horse he led the baggage-train, and where
the country was open and plain, he marched
the carriages and beasts of burden in several
lines. The phalanx marched after; and if
any of the baggage-train was left behind, those
of the commanders that were at hand took care
of it, that they might not be hindered in their
march. But where the road was more con-
tracted, he ranged the train in the middle, and
the soldiers marched on each side, and if they
met with a hindrance, those of the soldiers
that were at hand took care about it. The
several regiments marched for the most part’
with their own baggage near them, for it was
given in charge to those of the train, to march
each part of them by the regiment they be-
longed to, unless some necessity kept them
from doing it ; and every officer of the train led
on with the colonel’s ensign, or mark that was
known to the men of their several regiments ;
so that they marched in close order, and every
one took very great care of their own, that it
might not be left behind ; and by doing thus,
they were in no need of seeking for each other,
all things were at hand and in more safety, and
the soldiers were the more readily supplied with
what they wanted.

But as soon as the advanced scouts thought
that they saw men in the plain getting forage
and wood, and saw beasts of burden laden with
such kind of things, and feeding, and tHen again
taking a view at a greater distance, they thought
that they observed smoke or dust rising up in-
to the air. From all these things they con-
cluded that the enemy’s army was somewhere
near at hand. ‘The commander of the scouts
therefore immediately sent one to Cyrus to tell
him these things.

He having heard these things, commanded
them to remain in the same viewing places, and
whatever new thing they saw, to give him an
account of it. He sent a regiment of horse
forward, and commanded them to endeavour to
take some of the men that were in the plain,
that they might get aclearer insight into the
matter. They that were thus ordered did accord-
ingly. He made a disposition of the rest of his
army in such a manner, that they might be pro-

that affairs at home might not be left destitute. | vided with whatever he thought fitting before

104

they came up close to the enemy ; and first, he
made it be proclaimed, that they should take
their dinners, and then wait in their ranks, at-
tentive to their farther orders. When they
had dined he called together the several com-
manders of the horse, foot, and chariots of the
engines, baggage-train, and carriages, and they
met accordingly. They that made an excur-
sion into the plain, taking certain people pris-
oners, brought them off.

These that were taken, being asked by Cy-
rus, told him, that they came off from their
army, and passing their advanced guard, came
out, some for forage and some for wood ; for
by means of the multitude that their army con-
sisted of, all things were very scaree. Cyrus,
hearing this, said: “ And how far is the army
from hence?” They told him about two para-
sangs. On this Cyrus asked, “ And is there
any discourse amongst them concerning us ?”
“ Yes, by Jove!” said they, “a great deal, par-
ticularly that you are already near at hand ad-
vancing on them.” * Well, then,” said Cyrus,
“did they rejoice at the hearing it?” And this
he asked for the sake of those that were by. “ No,
by Jove!” said they, “Ἅ they did not rejoice, but
were very much concerned.” “ And at this
time,” said Cyrus, “what are they doing ?”
ἐς They are forming into order,” said they,
“and both yesterday and the day before they
were employed in the same work.” ‘ And he
that makes their disposition,’’ said Cyrus, “ who
is he ?” “ Croesus himself,” said they, “ and with
him a certain Greek, and another besides, who
is a Mede ; and this man was said to be a desert-
er from you.” Then Cyrus said: “Ὁ greatest
Jove, may I be able to take this manas I desire.”

On this he ordered them to carry off the
prisoners, and turned to the people that were
present, as if he were going to say something.
At that instant there came another man from
the commander of the scouts, who told him
that there appeared a great body of horse in the
plain: “ And we guess,” said he, “that they
are marching with intention to take a view of
the army ; for before this body there is another
party of about thirty horse, that march with
great diligence, and directly against us, per-
haps with intention to seize our station for
viewing, if they can, and we are but a single
decade on that station.” Then Cyrus or-
dered a party of those horse that always at-
tended him to march and put themselves in a
place under the viewing station, and keeping

XENOPHON ON THE

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[ BOOK VI.-

themselves concealed from the enemy, to be
quiet. “And when our decade,” said he,

‘“‘ quits the station, then do you rush out and

attack those that mount it; and that the ene-

my’s greater body may not do you mischief, do

you, Hystaspes,” said he, “ march with a thou-

sand horse, and appear in opposition to the

enemy’s body; and do not pursue up to any

undiscovered place ; but when you have taken

care to maintain the possession of your view-

ing stations, then come back to me. And if.
any men ride up to you with their right hands

extended, receive them as friends.” Hystas-

pes went away and armed himself. Those

that attended Cyrus marched immediately, and

on this side the viewing places Araspes, with

his servants, met them; he that had been

some time since sent away as a spy, and was the

guardian of the Susian woman.

Cyrus, therefore, as soon as he saw him,
leaped from his seat, met him, and received
him with his right hand. The rest, as was
natural, knowing nothing of the matter, were
struck with the thing, till Cyrus said: ‘ My
friends, here comes to usa brave man ; for now
it is fit, that all men should know what he has
done. This man went away, not for any base
thing that he was loaded with, or for any fear
of me, but he was sent by me, that learning
the state of the enemy’s affairs for us, he might
make us a clear report of them. What I pro- -
mised you therefore, Araspes, I remember,
and, with the assistance of all these that are
here, I will perform it. And it is just that
all you, my friends, should pay him honour as
a brave man; for, to do us service, he has
thrown himself into dangers, and has borne
that load of reproach that fell so heavy on
him.” On this they all embraced Araspes,
and gave him their right hands.

Then Cyrus, telling them that there was
enough of this said: “ Give us an account,
Araspes, of these things, and do not abate any
thing of the truth, with respect to the enemy’s
affairs ; for it is better that we should think
them greater, and see them less, than hear them
to be less, and find them greater.” “ I acted,”
said Araspes, “ in such a manner as to get the
clearest insight into them; for I assisted in
person at their making their disposition.” “ You
therefore,” said Cyrus, “ know not only their
numbers, but their order too.” “ Yes, by Jove!”
said Araspes, “and I know the manner that they
intend to engage in.” “ But, in the first place, tell

INSTITUTION OF ΟΥ̓ ΟΡ.

us, however,” said Cyrus, “ in general, what their
numbers are?” ‘¢ Well, then,” said he, “ they
are all ranged thirty πὶ depth, both foot and
horse, except the Egyptians, and they extended
in front forty stadia, for I took very great care
to know what ground they took up.” “ And
then, as to the Egyptians,” said Cyrus, “tell
us how they are ranged ; for you said—except
the Egyptians.” ‘ The commanders of ten
thousand formed each of their bodies into a
hundred every way; for this they say is their
order, according to their custom at home; but
Creesus allowed them to form in this manner
very much against his will, for he was desirous
to over-front your army as much as possible.”
« And why,” said Cyrus, ‘does he desire
this?” ‘“ Why, by Jove!” said he, “in order
to encompass you with that part that exceeds
you in front.” ‘Then Cyrus said: “ But let
them look to it, that the encompassers be not
themselves encompassed. But we have heard
what is proper for us to be informed of by you,
and you, my friends, must act in this manner :

«As soon as you go from hence, examine
the arms that belong both to the horses and to
yourselves ; for, frequently, by the want of a
little thing, both man, and horse, and chariot
become useless. To-morrow, in the morning,
whilst I sacrifice you must first get your din-
ners, both men and horse, that whatever op-
portunity of action offers itself we may not
balk it. Then do you, Araspes, keep the
right wing as you do now, and let the other
commanders of ten thousand keep the stations
they now are in; for when a race is just ready
to be entered on, there is no longer opportu-
nity for any chariot to shift horses. Give
orders to the several colonels and captains to
form into a phalanx, with each company
drawn up two in front.” And each company
consisted of four-and-twenty men. ‘Then one of
the commanders of ten thousand said : “" And do
we think, Cyrus,” said he, * that when we are
ranged but so many deep we shall be strong
enough against phalanxes of that great depth ?”

And Cyrus replied; “ Phalanxes that are
deeper than to be able to reach the enemy with
their weapons, what injury,” said he, “do you
think they will do to the enemy, or what ser-
vice to their fellow-combatants? For my
part,” said he, “those soldiers that are ranged
a hundred in depth, I would rather choose to
have ranged ten thousand in depth, for by that
means we should have the fewer to engage ;

105

but by the number of men that form our pha-
lanx in depth, I reckon to make the whole act
and support itself. The throwers of the jave-
lin I will range behind the corslet-men, and
behind the throwers of the javelin the archers :
for who would place those in front who,
themselves, can confess that they cannot bear
any engagement hand to hand? But when the
corslet-men are interposed before them, then
they stand. And the one casting their jave-
lins, and the cther discharging their arrows
over the heads of those that are ranged before
them, do execution on the enemy. And as
much mischief as any one does the enemy, it
is plain that so far he gives relief to his fellow-
combatants. Last of all, I will place those
that are called the rear; for as a house with-
out a strong stone-work, and without men
that have the skill to form the roof, is of no
value, so neither is a phalanx of any value
without such as are serviceable both in front
and rear. Do you, then,” said he, “form as I
order you. And do you, commanders of the
javelin-men, form your several companies in
the same manner behind these. Do you, com-
manders of the archers, form in the same man-
ner behind the javelin-men ; and you, who com-
mand the rear, with your men placed last, give
orders to those under you, each of them to
keep his eye to those before him, to encourage
those that do their duty, to threaten severely
such as behave cowardly ; and, if any one turn
away with intention to desert his station, to
punish him with death: for it is the business
of those that are placed before, both by words
and actions, to encourage those that follow ;
and you that are placed in the rear of all must
inspire the cowardly with greater terror than
the enemies themselves give them. These
things do you do; and do you, Abradatas,
who command those that belong to the en-
gines, take care that the oxen that draw the
turrets and men belonging to them follow up
as close to the phalanx as possible. And do
you, Daouchas, who command the baggage-
train, lead up all that kind of people behind
the turrets and engines, and let your attendants
severely punish those that are either more ad-
vanced or more behind than they ought to be.
And do you, Cardouchus, who command the
waggons that carry the women, place these
last behind the baggage-train ; for all these fol-
lowing each other will make the appearance of
a great multitude, and will give us an oppor.

wv) wage ’

106

tunity of forming an ambuscade ; and, in case
the enemy have a mind to encompass us, will
oblige them to a greater circuit ; and the more
τ ound they encompass, so much the weaker
m ust they of necessity be. And thus do you.
But you, Artabazus and Artagersas, each of
you, with the thousand foot that attend you,
keep behind these. And you, Pharnouchus
and Asiadatas, each with your thousand horse,
do not you form in the phalanx, but arm by
yourselves, behind the waggons, and then come
to us, together with the rest of the com-
manders ; but you ought to prepare yourselves,
as being the first to engage. And do you,
who are the commanders of the men mounted
on the camels, form behind the waggons, and
act as Artagersas shall order you. And of
you, leaders of the chariots, let that man range
his hundred chariots in front, before the pha-
lanx, who obtains that station by lot, and
let the other hundreds attend the phalanx
ranged on the wings, one on the right side
and the other on the left.”

Thus Cyrus ordered. But Abradatas, king
of the Susians, said: “ I take it voluntarily on
myself, Cyrus, to hold that station in front
against the opposite phalanx, unless you think
otherwise.” Then Cyrus, being struck with
admiration of the man, and taking him by the
right hand, asked the Persians that belonged
to others of the chariots. ‘ Do you,” said he,
‘yield to this?” When they replied, that it
would not be handsome in them to give it up,
he brought them all to the lot; and by the lot
Abradatas obtained what he had taken on
himself, and he stood opposite to the Egyp-
tians. Then going their way, and taking care
of the things that were before mentioned, they
took their suppers, and, having placed their
guards, they went to rest.

IV. The next day, in the morning, Cyaxa-
res sacrificed: but the rest of the army, after
having taken their dinners and made their liba-
tions, equipped themselves with fine coats, in-
great number, and with many fine corslets and
helmets. The horses, likewise, they armed
with forehead-pieces and breast-plates, the
single horses with thigh-pieces, and those in
the chariots with plates on their sides ; so that
the whole army glittered with the brass, and ap-
peared beautifully decked with scarlet habits.

The chariot of Abradatas, that had four

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK Vil.

put on his linen corslet, which was a sort of.

armour used by those of his country, Panthea

brought him a golden helmet, and arm-pieces, -

broad bracelets for his wrists, a purple habit,
that reached down to his feet, and hung in folds
at the bottom, and a crest dyed of a violet co-
lour. These things she had made unknown to
her husband, and by taking the measure of his
armour. He wondered when he saw them, and
inquired thus of Panthea: “ And have you
made me these arms, woman, by destroying
your own ornaments ?”
Panthea, “not what is the most valuable of
them ; for it is you, if you appear to others to
be what I think you, that will be my greatest
ornament.” And saying this she put on him
the armour; and, though she endeavoured to
conceal it, the tears poured down her cheeks.
When Abradatas, who was before a man of
fine appearance, was set out in these arms, he
appeared the most beautiful and noble of all,
especially being likewise so by nature. Then
taking the reins from the driver, he was just
preparing to mount the chariot; on this Pan-
thea, after she had desired all that were there
present to retire, said :

“00 Abradatas! if ever there was another
woman who had greater regard to her husband
than to her own soul, I believe you know that
I am such a one ; what need I therefore speak
of things in particular? for I reckon that my
actions have convinced you more than any
words Ican now use. And yet though I stand
thus affected towards you, as you know ἢ do, I
swear by this friendship of mine and yours, that
I certainly would rather choose to be put un-
der ground jointly with you, approving your-
self a brave man, than to live with you in dis-
grace and shame; so much do I think you and
myself worthy of the noblest things. Then I
reckon we both lie under a great obligation to
Cyrus, that when I was a captive, and chosen
out for himself, he thought fit to take me
neither as a slave, nor, indeed, as a free-woman
of mean account ; but he took and kept me for
you, as if I were his brother’s wife. Besides,
when Araspes, who was my guard, went away
from him, I promised him, that if he would al-
low me to send for you, you would come to
him, and approve yourself a much better and
more faithful friend than Araspes.”

Thus she spoke ; and Abradatas, being struck

perches and eight horses, was completely | with admiration at her discourse, laying his
adorned for him; and, when he was going to ' hand gently on her head, and lifting up his eyes

“ No, by Jove !” said

4
4

INSTITUTION

to heaven, made this prayer: ““ Do thou, O
greatest Jove! grant me to appear a husband
worthy of Panthea, and a friend worthy of Cy-
rus, who has done us so much honour !”

Having said this, he mounted the chariot by
the door of the driver’s seat; and after he got
up, when the driver shut the door of the seat,

_Panthea, who had now no other way to salute
him, kissed the seat of the chariot. The
chariot then moved on, and she, unknown to
him, followed, till Abradatas turning about,
and seeing her, said: “ Take courage, Pan-
thea! Fare you happily and well; and now go
your ways.” On this her women and servants
took and conducted her to her conveyance, and
laying her down, concealed her by throwing the
covering of a tent over her. The people,
though Abradatas and his chariot made a noble
spectacle, were not able to look at him till
Panthea was gone.

But when Cyrus had happily sacrificed, the
army was formed for him according to his or-
ders, and taking possession of the viewing sta-
tions, one before another, he called the leaders
together and spoke thus:

ἐς Friends and fellow-soldiers! the gods, in
our sacred rites, have exposed to us the same
happy signs they did before, when they gave us
victory ; and I am desirous to put you in mind
of some such things as, by your recollecting
them, will, in my opinion, make you march
with more courage to the enemy: for you are
better practised in the affairs of war than our

enemies are, and you have been bred up to-
gether in this, and formed to it a much longer
time than our enemies have been. You have
been fellow-conquerors together, whereas many
of our enemies have been fellow-sharers in a
defeat: and of those on both sides that have
not yet been engaged in action, they that are
of our enemy’s side know that they have for
their supports men that have been deserters of
their station and runaways; but you that are
with us know that you act with men zealous

OF CYRUS. 107

to assist their friends. It is probable then that
they who have confidence in each other will
unanimously stand and fight; but they who
distrust each other will necessarily be every
one contriving how they shall the soonest
get out of the way. Let us march then, my
friends, to the enemy with our armed cha-
riots against those of the enemy unarmed;
with our cavalry in like manner, both men and
horses armed, against those of tle enemy un-
armed, in order to a close engagement. The
rest of the foot are such as you have engaged
already. But as for the Egyptians, they are
both armed and formed in the same manner,
both equally bad; for they have shields larger
than they can act or see with, and being formed
a hundred in depth, it is evident they will
hinder one another from fighting, except only
a very few. If they think by their might in
rushing on, to make us give way, they must
first sustain our horse, and such weapons as
are driven on them by the force of horses ; and
if any of them make shift to stand,this, how
will they be able to engage our horse, our pha-
lanx, and our turrets at the same time? For
those mounted on the turrets will come up to
our assistance, and by doing execution on the
enemy, will make them, instead of fighting, be
confounded, and not know what to do. If
you think that you are still in want of any-
thing, tell it me; for, with the help of the
gods, we will be in want of nothing. And if
any one have a mind to say any thing, let him
speak ; if not, go your ways to sacred affairs ;
and having made your prayers to the gods, to
whom we have sacrificed, then go to your
ranks; and let every one of you remind those
that belong to him of the things which I have
put youin mindof. And let every one make it
appear to those whom he commands that he is
worthy of command, by showing himself fear- _
less in his manner, his countenance, and his
words !”

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XENOPHON

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

ERE

BOOK VII.

CONTENTS or BOOK VII.

I. Cyrus’ confidence of success—He and the whole army sing a hymn—The engagement—Cyrus relieves the Per-

sians—Is dismounted in the field—Defeat of the enemy—Bravery of the Egyptians—Offers them honourable
terms and gives thein cities —II. Cyrus pursues Creesus to Sardis, and takes the city—Orders Creesus to be
brought before him—Their interview—Cyrus takes compassion on him, and restores him his wife, daughters,
&c.—Takes Creesus into his friendship.—III. Cyrus gives orders concerning the treasures of Croesus—Death
of Abradatas—A filiction of Panthea, and her death—Cyrus erects stately monuments to their memory—Sends
Adusius to the Carians with an army.—IV. The Cilicians and Cyprians join Cyrus—He sends an army to con-
quer Phrygia—Garrisons left there for him—The Greeks pay him tribute—Overthrows the Phrygians, Cappa-
docians, and Arabians.—V. Cyrus arrives with a vast army at Babylon—Disposition of them in surrounding the
walls—Consultation respecting the attack on the city—Celebration of a festival in Babylon, during which Cy-
rus attacks and captures the city—Death of the king—Castles surrendered to Cyrus, who issues a proclamation
to the Babylonians, requiring them to bring in their arms—Makes them labourers and tributaries—Cyrus takes
on him the state of a king— Addresses the people—Is weary of the homage paid to him, and applies himself to
the affairs of government—Appoints guards about his person, and establishes a garrison in Babylon—Distresses
the Babylonians—Vindicates the war, and right of conquest—Admonishes his friends and allies to a life of
virtue.

ἣν

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

BOOK VII.

J. THESE men, having made their prayers to
the gods, went away to their ranks. And the
servants brought meat and drink to Cyrus, and
to those that were with him, while they were
yet taken up in their holy rites. Cyrus,
standing as he was, and beginning with an
offering to the gods, took his dinner, and dis-
tributed around always to the man that most
wanted. Then, having made his libations, and
prayed, he drank, and the rest that were with
him did the same. After this was done, and
he had made supplication to Jove Paternal, to
be their leader and support, he mounted his
horse, and ordered those about him to do the
same. All they that were with Cyrus were
armed with the same arms that he was; in
scarlet habits, brass corslets, brass helmets,
white crests, swords, and every one with a
single spear, made of the cornel-tree. Their
horses were armed with forehead-pieces, breast-
plates, and side-pieces, and these served as
thigh-pieces to the rider. ‘Thus much only did
the arms of Cyrus differ from the others, that
these were done over with a gold colour,
but those of Cyrus cast a brightness like a
mirror. When he was mounted, and stood
looking which way he was to go, it thundered
to the right: he then said: “ We will follow
thee, O greatest Jove!” And he set forward
with Chrysantas, a commander of horse, and
his body of horse on his right hand, and Ara-
sambas, with his body of foot on his left. He
gave orders that all should have their eyes to
his ensign, and follow on in an even pace.
His ensign was a golden eagle held up on the
top of a long lance. And this remains the
ensign of the Persian king to this day. Before
they got sight of the enemy he made the army
halt three times. When they had marched on
about twenty stadia, they began then to observe
the enemies’ army advancing; and when they

were all in view of each other, and the enemies
found that they exceeded very much in front on
both sides, then making their own phalanx
halt, for otherwise there was no fetching a
compass to inclose the opposite army, they
bent themselves in order to take that compass,
that by having disposed themselves into the
form of the letter r, on each side, they might
engage on every side at once.

Cyrus seeing this, did not slacken his pace
for it, but led on just as before: and taking
notice at how great a distance on each side they
took their compass, and extended their wings
around—“ Do you observe,” said he, ‘‘ Chry-
santas, where they take their compass?”
“ς Yes,” said Chrysantas, “and I wonder at
it, for to me they seem to draw off their wings
very far from their own phalanx.” ‘ Yes, by
Jove !” said Cyrus, “and from ours too; and
what is the meaning of this ?—It is plainly,”
said he, “ because they are afraid, in case their
wings get near to us, while their phalanx is
yet at a distance, that we shall charge them.”
Then said Chrysantas, ‘“ How will they be
able to be serviceable to one another, when
they are at such a distance from each other ?”
“ Τὸ is plain,” said Cyrus, “ that when their
wings have gained so much ground as to be
over against the sides of our army, then turning ,
themselves, and forming in front, they will
march on us on every side, that they may en-
gage on every side at once.” ‘“ And do you
not ‘think then,” said Chrysantas, “ that they
contrive well?” <‘* Yes, with respect to what
they see; but with respect to what they do not
see, they contrive worse than if they advanced
on us with their wings. But do you, Arasam-
bas, lead on quietly with your foot, as you ob-
serve that I do. And do you, Chrysantas,
follow on with your horse in the same even
pace. I will march away to the place where ἃ

112

think it proper to begin the engagement, and
as J pass on I will view how we stand disposed
in every part. After I get to the place, and
when we are marching up against each other, I
will begin the hymn, and do you follow me.
When we are engaged with the enemy, you
will perceive it, for I reckon there will be no
small noise androut. Then will Abradatas set
forward to charge the enemy with his chariots,
for so it shall be told him todo. You must
follow up immediately after the chariots,
for by this means we shall fall on the enemy
while they are the most indisorder. I willbe
myself at hand, as soon as I can, to pursue
them, if the gods so please.”

Having said this, and transmitted the word,
which was this, “ Jove our Saviour and Lead-
er!” he then marched: and taking his way
between the chariots and corslet-men, and
looking on some of the men that were in their
ranks, he then said: “ My friends, how pleas-
ing it is to see your countenances!” Then to
others he said: “‘ Consider, my friends, that our
present contest is not only for victory to-day,
but to maintain the victory we gained before,
and for all manner of happy success hereafter.”
Then coming up with others, he said: “ From
henceforward, my friends, we shall have no
cause to blame the gods, for they have put it
in our power to acquire many great advantages
to ourselves. But then, my friends, let us be
brave.” To others he spoke thus: “My
friends, to what nobler society of friendship
can we ever invite one another than to the
present ? for it is now in our power, by being
brave men, to confer on each other benefits in
great number.” And to others again thus: “1
believe you know, my friends, that the prizes
now lie before you. And to the victors they
are these: to pursue, to deal their blows, to
kill, to reap great advantage, to gain praise, to
be free, and to rule. But the reverse of these,
it is plain, will be the lot of the cowardly.
Whoever therefore has a kindness for himself,
let him fight after my example, for I will not
willingly admit of any thing mean or base in
my behaviour.” When he came up with
others that had been in the engagement with
him before, he said: * And to you, my friends,
what should I say? for you know how those
that are brave in action, pass the day, and how
those do it that are cowardly.”

When he had got over against Abradatas, as

XENOPHON ON THE

{ Book VII.

delivering the reins to the driver, came to him,
and several others that were posted near, and
belonged both to the foot and to the chariots,
ran to him; and when they were come, he
spoke to them in this manner: “ As you de-
sired, Abradatas, the gods have vouchsafed to
grant the principal rank amongst all us allies
to those that are with you. And when it
comes to be your part to engage, remember

that the Persians are to see you, and to follow —

you, and not suffer you to engage alone.”

Then Abradatas said: “ Affairs here with us, -

Cyrus, seem to stand on a good footing, but
our flanks disturb me; for along our flanks 1
observe are extended the enemies’.wings that
are very strong, and consist of chariots and all
other military strength: but of ours there is

nothing opposed to them but chariots ; so that,”

said he, ‘‘ had I not obtained this post by the
lot, I should be ashamed to be here; so much
do I think myself in the safest station.” Then
Cyrus said: “ If things are on a good footing
with you, be at ease as to them ; for, with the
help of the gods, I will show you our flanks
entirely clear of the enemy. And do not you
attack the enemy, I charge you, before you see
those people flying that you are now afraid of.
(Thus presumptuously did he talk of the ap-
proaching engagement, though at other times

he was not presumptuous in his discourse.) —

But when you see these men flying, then count
on it that I am at hand, and begin your attack,
for you will then deal with the enemy while
they are in the greatest consternation, and your
own men in the most heart. But, while you
have leisure, Abradatas, drive along by your
own chariots, and exhort your people to the
attack. Give them courage by your counte-
nance, raise them with hopes, and inspire them
with emulation to appear the bravest amongst

all that belong to the chariots: for be assured _

that if things fall out thus, they will all say,
for the future, that nothing is more profitable
than virtue and bravery.” Abradatas, mount-

ing his chariot, drove along, and put these Γ

things in execution.
But Cyrus, moving on again, when he came
to the left, where Hystaspes was with half the

Persian horse, calling him by his name, said: —

«© Hystaspes, you now see a work for your
quickness in the execution of business ; for, if

we are beforehand with the enemy in charging _
and doing execution on them, we shall not lose
he passed along he stopped. And Abradatas |a man.” Hystaspes, laughing at this, said; _

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

* We will take care of those that are over
against us; do you give some others the
charge of those that are on our flanks, that
they likewise may not be idle” Then
Cyrus said: “41 am going to those myself.
But remember this, Hystaspes, whichever of
us it is that the gods favour with victory,
if the enemy make a stand any where, let
us always join in with our forces, and charge
where the fight continues.” Having said this
he moved on, and, when in his passage he got
to the flank, and to the commander of the
chariots that were there posted, he said to
him: “I am come to your assistance: but
when you perceive us to have made our attack
at the extremities, then do you endeavour, at
the same time, to make your way through the
enemy, for you will be much safer when you
are at large than while you are inclosed within
them.” Then passing on, when he got behind
the waggons he ordered Artagersas and Phar-
nouchus, each with his thousand men, one of
foot, and the other of horse, there to remain.
« And when you perceive,” said he, “that I
have made my attack on those that are posted
over against our right wing, then do you charge
those that are over against you. You will en-
gage them by their wing and in flank, where an
army is the weakest, and with your own men
formed into a phalanx, that you yourselves may
be in that form and disposition which is the
strongest. Then the enemy’s horse, as you
see, are the hindmost. - By all means therefore
advance the body of camels on them, and be
assured that before you come to engage you
will see the enemy in a ridiculous condition.”
Cyrus, having finished these affairs, went on to
the right wing.

And Creesus, judging that his phalanx that
he marched with was now nearer to the enemy
than his extended wings, gave the signal to the
wings to march no farther on, but to turn about
in the station they were in. And as they all
stood facing the army of Cyrus, he gave them
the signal to march to the enemy. And thus
three phalanxes advanced on the army of Cyrus;
one in front, and, of the other two, one on the
right side and the other on the left; so that a
very great terror seized the whole army of
Cyrus. For, just like a little brick placed
within a large one, so was the army of Cyrus
surrounded by the enemy, with their horse,
their heavy-armed men, their shield-men,
archers, and chariots, on every side, except on

113

therear. However, when Cyrus gave the sig.
nal they all turned and faced the enemy; and
there was a deep silence on every side, in ex-
pectation and concern for the event. As soon
as Cyrus thought it the proper time he began
the hymn, and the whole army sung it with him.
After this they all of them together made a
shout to the god of battle.

Then Cyrus broke out, and instantly with his
horse, taking the enemy in flank, fell on them
as soon as possible. The foot that were with
him, in order of battle, followed immediately,
and they inclosed the enemy on each side; so
that they had very much. the advantage: for
with a phalanx of their own they charged the
enemy on their wing, so that the enemy pre-
sently fled with the utmost speed. As soon
as Artagersas perceived that Cyrus was engag-
ed, he attacked on the left, making the camels
advance as Cyrus had ordered ; and the enemy’s
horses, even at a great distance, were not able
to stand them, but some of them run madly
away, some started from their ranks, and others
fell foul of one another, for thus are horses
always served by camels. Artagersas, with
his men formed, charged in good order
the enemy that were in confusion. And
the chariots, both to the right and left, fell on
at the same time. Many of the enemy that
fled from the chariots were killed by those who
pursued the wing, and many of them in their
flight from these, were met by the chariots.

Abradatas then delayed no longer, but cry-
ing out with vehemence, “ Follow me, my
friends !” rushed on, without sparing his
horses in any sort, but with the spur fetched a
great deal of blood from them. His other
charioteers broke out with him. The chariots
of the enemy immediately fled before them,
some of them taking up their men that mounted
them, and some leaving them behind. Then
Abradatas, making his way directly through
these, fell on the Egyptian phalanx, and they
that were placed in order near him fell on with
him. On many other occasions it has been
made evident, that no phalanx can be of greater
strength than when it is made up of joint com-
batants that are friends: and it was made
evident on this; for the companions and table
acquaintance of Abradatas attacked jointly with
him ; but the other drivers, when they saw the
Egyptians in a compact body stand their
ground, turned off to the chariots that were
flying and pursued them; the Egyptians

Ρ

-

114

not being able to make way, because they who
were on every side of them stood their ground.
They that were with Abradatas therefore in
that part where they fell on, running on those
that stood against them, overturned them by
the rapid course of the horses ; and those that
fell they tore to pieces, both men and arms,
horses and wheels, and whatever the scythes
caught hold of they cut their way through by
force, whether arms or bodies of men. In this
inexpressible confusion, the wheels making
their way by jolts over heaps of all kinds,
Abradatas fell, as did likewise the rest that
broke in with him. And here were these
brave men cut down and killed.

The Persians who followed up after them,
falling on those that were in disorder, where
Abradatas and his men had broken in, did
execution on them. But, where the Egyp-
tians were undisturbed, (and of these there
were great numbers,) they marched up against
the Persians. Here began a terrible combat
of lances, javelins, and swords; and the
Egyptians had the advantage, both by their
multitude and by their arms, for their lances
were very strong and of great length, (such as
they yet use at this day,) and their large shields
were a better defence to them than corslets and
the smaller sort of shield ; and being fastened
to their shoulders, were of service to them to
make the strongest push. Therefore, closing
their large shields together, they moved and
pushed on. The Persians holding their
smaller sort of shields in their hands at arm’s
length, were not able to sustain them, but
retreated gradually, dealing and receiving
blows, till they came to the engines. When
they got thither, the Egyptians were again
galled from the turrets. And they that were
in the rear of all would not suffer either the
archers or javelin-men to fly ; but, holding their
swords at them, forced them to shoot and to
throw. And great havoc and destruction there
was of men, great clashing of arms and weapons
of all kinds, and great noise of people, some
calling to each other, some making exhorta-
tions, and some calling on the gods.

On this Cyrus, pursuing those that were op-

posite to him, came up ; and when he saw the.

Persians forced from their station, he was
grieved, and knowing that he could by no other
means sooner stop the progress of the enemy
forward, than by riding round, and getting to
their rear, he commanded those that were with

XENOPHON ON THE

him to follow. He rode round, and came up
with their rear, where his men, charging them,
fell on them as their backs were turned, and
killed a great many. The Egyptians, as soon
as they perceived this, cried out that the enemy

was behind them, and, in this distress, faced

about. Here foot and horse fought promiscu-
ously, and.a man falling under Cyrus’ horse,
and being trampled on, struck his sword into

the horse’s belly: the horse, thus wounded, —

tossed and staggered, and threw Cyrus off.

On this occasion, one might see of what adyan- —

tage it was for a ruler to have the love of those
that are under his command ; for all immedi-
ately cried out, fell on, and fought ; they pushed,
and were themselves pushed in their turn ; they
gave blows, and received them; and one of the
attendants of Cyrus, leaping from his horse,
mounted Cyrus on him. When Cyrus was
mounted he perceived that the Egyptians were

now hard pressed on every side, for Hystaspes

Was come up with the Persian horse, and
Chrysantas in like manner. But he would not
now suffer them to fall on the Egyptian pha-
lanx, but to gall them with arrows and jayelins
at a distance ; this he gave them orders to do.
Then, in riding round, as he came up to the
engines, he thought it proper to mount a turret
to view whether any body of the enemy made
a stand and fought. When he had got up he
saw the whole plain full of horses, men, and
chariots, some flying, some pursuing, some vic-
torious, some defeated, the enemy flying, and
his own men conquering. But he was no long
er able to discover, in any part, any that stood
but the Egyptians ; and these, when they were
at a loss what to do, forming themselves into
a circle, with their arms turned to the view of
their enemy, sat quietly under the shelter of
their shields, no longer acted, but suffered in a
cruel manner.

Cyrus being struck with admiration of these
men, and touched with pity that such brave
men should perish, made all those retreat that
engaged against them, and suffered none to con-
tinue fighting. He then sent to them a herald
to ask, “ whether they intended to be all des-
troyed for men that had deserted and betrayed
them, or whether they chose to be saved with
the reputation of being brave men?” Their

reply was this: “ How can we obtain safety —

and be reputed brave?” Then Cyrus again

said: “ Because we see that you are the only .
men that stand your ground and dare fight!” —

[BooK τς.

me, ne ἃ

σον air

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

« But then,” said the Egyptians, “" what is that
we can handsomely do and obtain safety ?”
Cyrus to this said: “ If you can obtain it with-
out betraying any of your allies and friends ; if
you deliver up your arms to us, and become
friends to those who choose to save you, when
it is in their power to destroy you.” Having
heard this, they asked this question: “If we
become your friends, Cyrus, how will you think
fit to deal with us?” Cyrus replied :. “ Both
to do you good offices, and to receive them
from you.” ‘Then the Egyptians again asked :
“ What good offices?” And to this Cyrus
said: ‘* As long as the war continues I will
give you larger pay than you now receive;
when we have peace, to every one of you that
will stay with me I will give lands, cities,
women, and servants.” ‘The Egyptians hear-
ing this, “ begged that they might be exempted
from engaging in the war with him against
Croesus ; for he was the only one,” they said,
“that they forgave.” But, consenting to all
the rest, they on both sides pledged their faith
reciprocally. The Egyptians that then remain-
ed continue still to this day faithful to the king.
And Cyrus gave them the cities Larissa and
Cyllene, that are called the cities of the Egyp-
tians, and lie up in the country in the neighbour-
hood of Cuma, near the sea; and their pos-
terity have them at this day in their possession.

Cyrus having performed all these things, and
it now growing dark, retreated, and he encamp-
ed at Thybarra. In this battle the Egyptians
only, of all the enemy’s people, gained reputa-
tion; and of those that were with Cyrus, the
Persian cavalry were thought to have been the
best ; so that the same sort of arms that Cyrus
at that time equipped his horsemen with con-
tinue yet in use. The chariots that carried
scythes gained likewise great fame; so that this
remains yet the chariots for war in use with
the prince still reigning on in succession. The
camels did no more than frighten the horses ;
they that mounted them did no execution on
the horsemen; nor were they any of them
, themselves killed by the horsemen, for no horse
would come nearthem. This was then reckon-
ed of use; but no brave man will breed a camel
for his own mounting, nor exercise and manage
them, as intending to serve in war on them;
so that, taking up their old form again, they
keep in the baggage-train. Cyrus’ men having
taken their suppers, and placed their guards, as
was proper, went to rest.

115

II. But Croesus immediately fled with his army
to Sardis. The other nations retreated as far as
they could in the night, taking their several ways
home. As soonas it was day Cyrus led the army
to Sardis; and when he got up to the walls of
the place he raised engines, as intending to form
an attack on the walls, and provided ladders.
Whilst he was doing these things, the next
night, he made tne Chaldeans and Persians
mount that part of the Sardinian fortifications
that was thought the most inaccessible; and a
certain Persian led them the way, who had
been a slave to one of the garrisons in, the cita-
del, and had learnt the descent down to the
river and the ascent from it. As soon as it
was known that the heights above were taken,
all the Lydians fled from the walls, all shifting
for themselves as they were able. Cyrus, as
soon as it was day, entered the city, and gave
out orders that no one should stir from his rank.
Croesus, shut up in his palace, called out on
Cyrus; but Cyrus, leaving a guard on Creesus,
turned off, and mounted up to the castle that
was taken.

And when he saw the Persians keeping
guard there, as became them, and the arms of the
Chaldeans left alone, (for they themselves were
run down to plunder the houses,) he presently
summoned their commanders, and bade them
quit the army immediately; “for I cannot
bear,” said he, “to see disorderly men get the
advantage of others. And be it known to you,”
said he, “ I was providing to manage so, as to
make all the Chaldeans pronounce those for-
tunate and happy that engaged with me in the
war; but now,” said he, “do not wonder if
somebody superior to you in strength happen
to meet with you as you go off.” The Chal-
deans hearing this, were in great terror, begged
him to allay his anger, and said, “ That they
would restore him all the rich effects they had
taken.” He told them, “ That he was not in
any want of them; but,” said he, “if you
would ease me of my trouble and concern, give
up all that you have got to those that keep
guard in the castle; for when the rest of the
soldiers find that the orderly are the better for
their being so, all will be well with me.” The
Chaldeans did as Cyrus had commanded them,
and they that had been obedient to their orders
got a great many rich effects of all kinds. Then
Cyrus, having encamped his men towards that
part of the city that he thought the most con-
venient, gave them all orders to stand to their

116

arms and take their dinners; and, having done
this, he ordered Croesus to be brought to him.
Croesus, as soon as he saw Cyrus, said ;
‘* Joy and happiness to you, my soverign lord !
for, from henceforward, fortune has ordered
you to receive that name, and me to give it
you.” ‘* The same I wish to you, Croesus,”
said he, “since we are men both of us. But
Creesus,” said he, “‘ would you give me a little
advice?” {1 wish, Cyrus,” said he, “that I
were able to find any good for you, for I be-
lieve it might be of advantage to myself.”
“ Here then, Croesus,” said he; “ observing
that the soldiers, after having undergone many
fatigues, and run many dangers, reckon them-
selves now in possession of the richest city in
Asia, next to Babylon, I think it fit that they
should receive some profit in return: for I
make account,” said he, ““ that, unless they re-
ceive some fruit of their labours, I shall not
have them long obedient to my orders; but I
am not willing to give them up the city to plun-
der ; for I believe that the city would be des-
troyed by it; and, ina plunder, I know very
well that the worst of our men would have the
advantage of the best.” Croesus, hearing this,
said ; “ Allow me,” said he, “ to speak to such
of the Lydians as I think fit, and to tell them
that I have prevailed with you not to plunder,
nor to suffer our wives and children to be taken
from us; but have promised you, that in lieu
of these you shall certainly have from the Ly-
dians, of their own accord, whatever there is of
worth and value in Sardis. For when they hear
this, I know they will bring out whatever there
is here of value in the possession either of man
or woman. And yet by the time the year is
completed, the city will be again in like manner
full of things of value in great abundance : but
if you plunder it, you will have all manner of
arts, that are called the springs of riches, and
of all things valuable, destroyed. And then you

XENOPHON ON THE

have done every thing at his persuasion.” “ In.
deed, Cyrus,” said he, “1 could wish that
things stood thus with me; but now have I
gone on immediately from the beginning doing
things in direct opposition to Apollo.” “ How
so?” said Cyrus; “ pray inform me; for you
tell me things that are unaccountable.” “ Be-
cause,” said he, “in the first place, neglecting
to consult the god in what I wanted, I made
trial of him whether he was able to tell the
truth. Now, not only a god, but even men

that are of worth, when they find themselves ἡ

distrusted, have no kindness for those that dis-
trust them. And after he had found me doing
things that were absurd, and knew that I was
at a great distance from Delphi, then I sent to
consult concerning my having sons. He at
first made me noanswer; but by my sending him
many presents of gold, and many of silver, and
by making multitudes of sacrifices, I had ren-
dered him propitious to me, as I thought ; and
he then, on my consulting him what I should
do that I might have sons, answered, “that I
should have them.” And I had them; for
neither in this did he deal falsely with me
But when I had them, they were of no adyan-.
tage to me, for one of them continues dumb,
and he that was the best of them perished in
the flower of his age.
misfortune of my sons, I sent again, and in-
quired of the god what to do, that I might pass
the remainder of my live in the happiest man-
ner? and ke made answer, “Ὁ Creesus! by
the knowledge of thyself, thou will pass thy
days in happiness!” When I heard this oracle,
I was pleased with it: for I thought he had
granted me happiness, by commanding me to
do the easiest thing that could be ; for of the
rest of men, some I thought it was possible for
one to know, and some not, but that every man
knew what he was himself. After this, during
the whole time that I continued in peace, and

are at still liberty, after you, have seen this, to | after the death of my son, I accused my fortune

come and consult whether you shall plunder the
city or no. Send,” said he, “in the first place,
to my treasurers, and let your guards take
them from those that have the keeping them
for me.”

Cyrus agreed to act in all things as Croesus
said: “ But by all means,” said he, “ tell me
how things have fallen out, in consequence of
the answers you receive on your application to
the Delphian oracle ; for you are said to have
paid the utmost devotion to Apollo, and to

in nothing. But when I was persuaded by
the Assyrian to make war on you, I fell into
all manner of dangers, but came off safe without
getting any harm. Now, neither in this can I lay
any thing to the god’s charge ; for after I knew
myself not to be sufficient to make war with you
with the help of the god, I came off with safety,
both myself and those that attendedme. But
then again, being as it were dissolved by the
riches I was possessed of, by those that begged me
to be their chief, by the presents they made me,

[BOOK νυν.

ἀμ κα en” ee oe

br re

ΜῊΝ

Being afflicted with the

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

and by men that in flattery told me, that if I
would take on me the command, all men would
obey me, and I should be the greatest of men ;
and being puffed up by discourses of this kind,
as all the kings around chose me their chief in
the war, I accepted the command, as if I were
sufficient to be the first of men, ignorant of
myself, in imagining that I was able to make
war with you; you who, in the first place, are
_ descended from the gods, are born of a race of
kings, and have been, from a boy, exercised to
virtue. But of my own ancestors, the first
that reigned, I have heard, became a king and
a freeman at the same time. Having been
therefore,” said he, “thus ignorant, I am justly
punished for it: but now,” said he, “ Cyrus, I
know myself. And can you yet think that the
words of Apollo are true, that, by knowing
myself, I shall be happy? Of you I make the
inquiry, for this reason, because you seem to
me to be the best able to guess at it at this
time, for you can make it good.”

Then Cyrus said: “Do you give me your
opinion, Croesus, on this; for, taking into con-
sideration your former happiness, I have com-
passion for you, and now give up into your
possession the wife that you have, together
with your daughters, (for daughters I hear you
have,) your friends, servants, and table that
you used to keep, but combats and wars I cut
you off from.” ““ By Jove! then,” said Croesus,
“consult no farther to make me an answer
concerning my happiness; for I tell you al-
_ ready, if you do these things for me that you
say you will, that then I am already in posses-
sion of that course of life that others have, by
my confession, thought the bappiest, and I
shall continue on in it.” Then Cyrus said:
« Who is he that is in possession of that happy
course of life?” “ My own wife, Cyrus,” said
he; “for she shared equally with me in all
tender, good, pleasing, and agreeable things ;
but in the cares about the success of these
things in wars and battles, she shared not at
all. So that, in my opinion, you provide for
me in the manner that I did for the person
that, of all mankind, I loved the most; so that
I think myself indebted to Apollo in some far-
ther presents of gratitude and thanks.” Cy-
rus, hearing this discourse, admired his good
humour: and he carried him about with him
wherever he went, either thinking that he was
of use, or reckoning it the safest way to do so.
Thus then they went to rest.

117

ΠῚ. The next day Cyrus, calling together
his friends and the commanders of the army,
ordered some of them to receive the treasures,
and some to take from amongst all the riches
that Croesus should deliver up, first, for the
gods, such of them as the magi should direct ;
then to receive'the rest, put it into chests, and
pack it up in the waggons, putting the wag-
gons to the lot, and so to convey it wherever
they went, that, when opportunity served, they
might every one receive their deserved share.
These men did so accordingly.

And Cyrus, calling to some of his servants
that were there attending him, ‘ Tell me,”
said he, “has any of you seen Abradatas? for
I admire that he, who was so frequently in our
company before, now does not appear.” One
of the servants therefore replied: ‘ My sove-
reign, it is because he is not living, but died in
the battle as he broke in with his chariot on
the Egyptians. All the rest of them, except
his particular companions, they say, turned off
when they saw the Egyptian’s compact body.
His wife is now said to have taken up his dead
body, to have placed it in the carriage that she
herself was conveyed in, and to have brought
it hither, to some place on the river Pactolus,
and her servants they say are digging a grave
for the deceased on a certain elevation. ‘They
say that his wife, after having set him out with
all the ornaments she has, is sitting on the
ground with his head on her knees.” Cyrus
hearing this, gave himself a blow on the thigh,
mounted his horse presently, at a leap, and
taking with him a thousand horse, rode away
to this scene of affliction; but gave orders to
Gadatas and Gobryas to take with them all
the rich ornaments proper for a friend and an
excellent man deceased, and to follow after
him ; and wkcever had herds of cattle with him,
he ordered them to take both oxen, and horses,
and sheep, in good number, and to bring them
away to the place where, by inquiry, they
should find him to be, that he might sacrifice
there to Abradatas.

As soon as he saw the woman sitting on the
ground, and the dead body there lying, he shed
tears at the afflicting sight, and said: “Alas! thou
brave and faithful soul! hast thou left us ?—
and art thou gone?” At the same time he took
him by the right hand, and the hand of the de-
ceased came away, for it had been cut off with
a sword by the Egyptians. He, at the sight of
this, became yet much more concerned than

118

before. The woman shrieked out in a lament-
able manner, and, taking the hand from Cyrus,
kissed it, fitted it to its proper place again as
well as she could, and said: “ The rest, Cyrus,
is in the same condition; but what need you
see it And I know that I was not one of the
least concerned in these his sufferings; and,
perhaps, you were not less so; for I, fool that
I was! frequently exhorted him to behave in
such a manner as to appear a friend to you
worthy of notice; and I know he never thought
of what he himself should suffer, but of what
he should do to please you. He is dead, there-
fore,” said she, “‘ without reproach, and I, who
urged him on, sit here alive!” Cyrus, shedding
tears for some time in silence, then spoke;
*¢ He has died, woman, the noblest death; for
he has died victorious ! do you adorn him with
these things that I furnish you with.” (And
Gobryas and Gadatas were then come up and
had brought rich ornaments in great abundance
with them.) ‘ Then,” said he, “be assured he
shall not want respect and honour in all other
things: but, over and above, multitudes shall
concur in raising him a monument that shall
he worthy of us ; and all the sacrifices shall be
made him that are proper to be made in ho-
nour of abrave man. You,” said he, “shall
not be left destitute ; but, for the sake of your
modesty and every other virtue, I will pay you
all other honours, as well as place those about
you who shall convey you wherever you please.
Do you but make it known to me who it is
that you desire to be conveyed to.” And
Panthea replied: “ Be confident, Cyrus,” said
she, “ I will not conceal from you who it is
that I desire to go to.”

He, having said this, went away with great
pity for the woman, that she should have lost
such a husband, and for the man that he should
have left such a wife behind him, never to see
her more. The woman gave orders to her
servants to retire, “ Till such time,” said she,
“as I have lamented my husband as I please.”
Her nurse she bid to stay, and gave her orders
that, when she was dead, she should wrap her

and her husband up in one mantle together. .

The nurse, after having repeatedly begged her
not to do thus, and meeting with no success,
but observing her to grow angry, sat herself
down, breaking out into tears. She, being
beforehand provided with a sword, killed her-
self, and laying her head down on her hus-
band’s breast, she died. The nurse set up a

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VIL. -

lamentable cry, and covered them both as Pan-
thea had directed.

Cyrus, as soon as he was informed of what
the woman had done, being struck with it,
went to help her if he could.
vants, being three in number, seeing what had
been done, drew their swords and killed
themselves, as they stood at the place where
she had ordered them. And the monument is
now said to have been raised by continuing the

mount on to the servants ; and ona pillar above

they say, the names of the man and woman
were ‘written in Syriac letters. Below, they
say, there were three pillars, and that they were
inscribed thus: “ Of the servants.” Cyrus,
when he came to this melancholy scene, was
struck with admiration of the woman, and hav-
ing lamented over her, went away. He took
care of them, as was proper, that all the funeral
rites should be paid them in the noblest man-
ner ; and the monument, they say, was mine up
to a very great size.

IV. After this the Carians, falling into fac-
tions, and the parties making war on each
other, and having their habitations in places of
strength, both called in Cyrus. Cyrus, remain-
ing at Sardis, made engines and battering-rams
to demolish the walls of those that should re-
fuse to submit; and sent Adusius, a Persian,
one who was not unable, in other respects, nor
unskilled in war, and a very agreeable man, into
Caria, and gave him anarmy. The Cilicians
and Cyprians very readily engaged with him in
that service ; for which reason he never sent a
Persian as governor over the Cilicians or
Cyprians, but contented himself with their na-
tional kings, only receiving a tribute from them,
and appointing them their quotas for military
service whenever he should want them. Adu-
sius, at the head of his army, came into Caria ;
and, from both parties of the Carians, there
were people that came to him, and were ready
to admit him into their places of strength, to
the prejudice of their opposite faction.

Adusius behaved to both in this manner:
whichever of the parties he conferred with, he
told them that what they had said was just; he
said that they must needs keep it concealed
from their antagonists that he and they were
friends, that by this means he might fall on
their antagonists whilst they were unprepared.
As testimonials of their faith, he required that
the Carians should swear, without fraud,

to admit him and his people into their places”

The ser- |

a aaa

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

of strength, for the service of Cyrus and of the

. Persians ; and he would himself make oath to
enter their place of strength for the service
of those that admitted him. Having done this,
then privately and unknown to each other,
‘he appointed them both the same night ; and
that night he got within their walls, and
seized the fortifications of both. As soon as
day came he sat himself between them with
his army about him, and summoned the pro-
per persons on both sides to attend. These
men when they saw each other, were astonish-
ed, and thought themselves both deceived.
And Adusius spoke to this effect; “1 swore
to you, men of Caria, that I would without
fraud enter your fortifications, to the advantage
of those that admitted me; therefore, if I de-
stroy either of you, I reckon that I have made
this entry to the damage of the Carians ; but if
I procure you peace, and liberty to you both to
cultivate your lands with security, I then
reckon I am come for your advantage. From
this day therefore, it is your part to join in
correspondence with each other in a friendly
manner, to cultivate your lands; to give and
receive each other’s children mutually in mar-
riage; and if any one attempt to deal unjustly
in any of these matters, to all such Cyrus and
we will be enemies.” After this the gates of
the fortresses were thrown open, the ways
were full of people passing from one to
another, the lands were full of labourers, they

_ celebrated festivals in common, and all was full
of peace and satisfaction.

Meanwhile there came people from Cyrus
to inquire whether he wanted either a rein-
forcement or engines. Adusius returned an-
swer: ‘ That, for the present, he might turn
his forces another way.” And at the same
time that he made this answer he led the army
away, leaving garrisons in the castles. The
Carians prayed him to stay; and on his
refusal, they sent to Cyrus, begging him to
send Adusius to them as their governor. Cy-
rus, meanwhile, had sent Hystaspes away with
an army to Phrygia, on the Hellespont; and
when Adusius arrived, he ordered him to lead
his army on in the way that Hystaspes was
gone before, that those people might the more

‘readily submit to Hystaspes, when they heard
that there was another army advancing. The
Greeks that inhabited on the seaside prevail-
ed, by many presents, not to admit the barba-
rians within their walls; but they engaged to
pay a tribute, and serve in war where Cyrus

119

should command them. The king of Phrygia
prepared himself, as intending to keep posses-
sion of his places of strength, and not to sub-
mit, and he sent word accordingly. But when
the commanders under him revolted from him,
he became destitute, and at last fell into the
hands of Hystaspes, to receive the punishment
that Cyrus should think fit to inflict on him.
Hystaspes then, leaving strong Persian garri-
sons in the castles, went away, and, together
with his own men, carried off considerable
numbers of the Phrygians, both horse and
shield-men. Cyrus sent orders to Adusius to
join Hystaspes, and to take such of the Phry-
gians as took part with them, and bring them
away with their arms ; but such as had shown
an inclination to make war on them, to take
both their horses and arms from them, and
command them all to attend them with slings.
These men did accordingly.

Cyrus then set forward from Sardis, leaving
there a numerous Persian garrison, and taking
Creesus with him, and a great many waggons
loaded with abundance of rich effects of all
kinds. And Croesus came to him with an
exact account in writing of what was in each
waggon, and delivering the writings to Cyrus,
said: “ By these, Cyrus,” said he, “ you will
know who it is that justly delivers the things
that he takes with him into his charge, and
who it is that does not.” Then Cyrus said :
“« You do extremely well, Croesus, in being
thus provident and careful ; but they that have
the charge of these things for me, are such as
deserve to have them, so that if they steal any
of them, they steal what belongs to them-
selves.” At the same time he delivered the
writings to his friends and chief officers, that
they might know which of those that were in-
trusted with these things delivered them up to
them safe, and which of them did not. Such
of the Lydians as he saw setting themselves out
handsomely in their arms, horses, and chariots,
and using all their endeavours to do what they
thought would please him, these he took with
him in arms. But from those that he saw
attended with dissatisfaction he took their
horses, and gave them to the Persians that
first engaged in the service with him; he burnt
their arms, and obliged them to follow with
slings. And all those that he disarmed, of the
several nations that he subjected, he obliged
them to practise the sling, reckoning it a servile
sort of arms: for there are occasions when
slingers, accompanied with other forces, are of

120

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VII.

very great use ; but when a force consists all of ; Then the horse and light-armed men on the

slingers, they are not able of themselves to
stand against a very few men, that march up
close on them with arms proper for close en-
gagement.

In his march to Babylon he overthrew the
Phrygians of the Greater Phrygia. He over-
threw the Cappadocians, and he subjected the
Arabians. And out of all these he armed no
less than forty thousand Persian horsemen.
Abundance of the horses that belonged to
prisoners taken, he distributed amongst all his
allies. He came at last to Babylon, bringing
with him a mighty multitude of horse, a mighty
multitude of archers and javelin-men, but
slingers innumerable.

V. When Cyrus got to Babylon he posted
his whole army round the city, then rode round
the city himself, together with his friends, and
with such of his allies as he thought proper.
When he had taken a view of the walls he
prepared for drawing off the army from before
the city ; and acertain deserter coming off, told
him that they intended to fall on him when he
drew off the army. “ For, as they took their
view from the walls,” said he, “ your phalanx
appeared to them to be but weak.” And no
wonder that it really was so; for his men en-
compassing a great extent of wall, the phalanx
was, of necessity, to be drawn out into but
little depth. Cyrus having heard this, and
standing in the centre of his army with those
that were about him, gave orders that the
heavy-armed men, from both the extremities,
closing up the phalanx, should move away,
along by that part of the army that stood still,
till each extremity came up and joined in the
centre. On their doing this, therefore, it gave
the greater courage to those that stood,
because they were now of double the depth
they were of before; and it gave courage in
like manner to those that moved away, for
they that stood their ground were immediately
on the enemy. When both the extremities
marched and joined up to each other, they
stood still, being now much the stronger ; they
that moved off, by means of those that were
before them, and they that were in front, by
means of those that were now behind them.
The phalanx being thus closed up, the best
men came of necessity to be ranged first and
last, and the worst in the middle. And a dis-
position of this kind seemed to be the best
adapted both for fighting and to prevent flight.

wings came up nearer always to the com-
mander-in-chief, as the phalanx became less
extended by being thus doubled in depth.
When they were thus collected together they
retreated, by falling back till they got perfectly
out of weapon’s cast from the walls: when

they were got out of weapon’s cast they turned,

and moving forward a few steps, they turned
again to their shields about, and stood facing
the walls ; and the greater distance they were
off, so much the seldomer they faced about;
and when they thought themselves safe, they
made off in a continued march till they reached
their tents.

When they were encamped Cyrus summoned

to him the proper persons, and said: “ Friends .

and allies! we have taken a view of the city
round, and I do not find that I can discover it

is possible for one, by any attack, to make ©

oneself master of walls that are so strong and
so high. But the greater the numbers of men
in the city are, since they venture not out to
fight, so much the sooner, in my opinion, they
may be taken hy famine. Therefore, unless
you have some other method to propose, I say
that these men must be besieged and taken in
that manner.” Then Chrysantas said : “ Does
not this river, that is above two stadia over,
run through the midst of the city?” “ Yes,
by Jove !” said Gobryas, “and it is of so great
a depth, that two men, one standing on the
other, would not reach above the water; so
that the city is yet stronger by the river than
by its walls.” Then Cyrus said: “ Chrysan-
tas, let us lay aside these things that are above
our force: it is our business, as soon as pos-
sible, to dig as broad and as deep a ditch as we
can, each part of us measuring out his propor-
tion, that by this means we may want the fewer
men to keep watch.”

So measuring out the ground around the
wall, and from the side of the river, leaving a
space sufficient for large turrets, he dug round
the wall on every side a very great ditch; and
they threw up the earth towards themselves.
In the first place, he built the turrets on the
river, laying their foundation on palm-trees,
that were not less than a hundred feet in
length: for there are those ‘of “them that
grow even toa yet greater length than that ;
and palm-trees, that are pressed, bend up under
the weight as asses do that are used to the
pack-saddle. He placed the turrets on these ;

“4a

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εν

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—— “ρος

- “so

ee Pr

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

for this reason, that it might carry the stronger
appearance of his preparing to block up the
city, and as if he intended that if the river
made its way into the ditch it might not carry
off the turrets. He raised likewise a great
many other turrets on the rampart of earth,
that he might have as many places as were
proper for his watches. These people were thus
employed. But they that were within the
walls laughed at this blockade, as being them-
selves provided with necessaries for above
twenty years. Cyrus hearing this, divided his
army into twelve parts, as if he intended that
each part should serve on the watch one month
in the year. And when the Babylonians heard
this they laughed yet more than before ; think-
ing with themselves that they were to be
watched by the Phrygians, Lydians, Arabians,
and Cappadocians, men that were better affected
to them than they were to the Persians. The
ditches were now finished.

And Cyrus, when he heard that they were
celebrating a festival in Babylon, in which all
the Babylonians drank and revelled the whole
night; on that occasion, as soon as it grew
dark, took a number of men with him, and
opened the ditches into the river. When this
was done the water ran off in the night by the
ditches, and the passage of the river through
the city became passable. When the affair of
the river was thus managed, Cyrus gave orders
to the Persian commanders of thousands, both
foot and horse, to attend him, each with his
thousand drawn up two in front, and the rest
of the allies to follow in the rear, ranged as
they used to be before. They came accord-
ingly. Then he making those that attended his
person, both foot and horse, to go down into
the dry part of the river, ordered them to try
whether the channel of the river was passable.
And when they brought him word that it was
passable, he then called together the commanders
both of foot and horse, and spoke to them in
this manner :

«“‘ The river, my friends, has yielded us a
passage into the city: let us boldly enter, and
not fear any thing within, considering that these
people that we are now to march against are
the same that we defeated while they had their
allies attending them, while they were awake,
sober, armed, and in order. But now we march
to them at a time that many of them are asleep,
many drunk, and all of them in confusion ; and
when they discover that we are got in, they

121
will then, by means of their consternation, be
yet more unfit for service than they are now.
But in case any one apprehend, (what is said
to be terrible to those that enter a city,) lest,
mounting to the tops of their houses, they dis-
charge down on us on every side:—as to this,
be still more at ease; for if they mount to the
tops of their houses, we have then the god
Vulcan for our fellow-combatant ; their porches
are easily set fire to; their doors are made
of the palm-tree, and anointed over with
bituminous matter, which will nourish the
flame. We have torches in abundance, that
will presently take fire; we have plenty of
pitch and tow, that will immediately raise a
mighty flame; so that they must of necessity
fly from off their houses immediately, or im-
mediately be burnt. Come on then; take to
your arms, and, with the help of the gods, I
will lead you on. Do you,” said he, “ Gobryas
and Gadatas, show us the ways; for you are
acquainted with them, and when we are got in,
lead us the readiest way to the palace.” “It
may be no wonder, perhaps,” said they that
were with Gobryas, “if the doors of the palace
are open, for the city seems to-night to be in a
general revel, but we shall meet with a guard
at the gates, for there is always one set there.”
“ We must not then be remiss,” said Cyrus,
ἐς θα march, that we take them as much un-
prepared as is possible.”

When this was said they marched; and, of
those that they met with, some they fell on
and killed, some fled, and some set up a cla-
mour. They that were with Gobryas joined
in the clamour with them, as if they were
revellers themselves, and marching on the
shortest way that they could, they got round
about the palace. Then they that attended ©
Gadatas and Gobryas in military order found ©
the doors of the palace shut; and they that
were posted opposite to the guards fell on
them, as they were drinking, with a great deal
of light around them, and used them immedi-
ately in a hostile manner. As soon as the
noise and clamour began, they that were within
perceiving the disturbance, and the king com-
manding them to examine what the matter was,
ran out, throwing open the gates. They that
were with Gadatas, as soon as they saw the
gates loose, broke in, pressing forward on the
runaways, and dealing their blows amongst
them, they came up to the king, and found him
now in a standing posture, with his sword

Q

122

drawn. They that were with Gadatas and
Gobryas, being many in number, mastered him;
they likewise that were with him were killed;
one holding up something before him, another
flying, and another defending himself with any
thing that he could meet with. Cyrus sent a
body of horse up and down through the streets,
bidding them kill those that they found abroad,
and ordering some who understood the Syrian
language to proclaim it to those that were in the
houses to remain within, and that if any were
found abroad they should be killed. These men
did accordingly. Gadatas and Gobryas then
came up, and having first paid their adoration
to the gods for the revenge they had had on
their impious king, they then kissed the hands
and feet of Cyrus, shedding many tears in the
midst of their joy and satisfaction.

When day came, and they that guarded the |
castles perceived that the city was taken and
the king dead, they gave up the castles. Cy-
rus immediately took possession of the castles,
and sent commanders with garrisons into
them. He gave up the dead to be buried by
their relations, and ordered heralds to make
proclamation that the Babylonians should bring
out their arms, and made it be declared that |
in whatever house any arms should be found, |
all the people in it should suffer death. They |
accordingly brought out their arms, and Cyrus
had them deposited in the castles, that they |
might be ready in case he should want them
on any future occasion.

When these things had been done, then, first |
summoning the magi, he commanded them to,
choose out for the gods the first-fruits of cer-
tain portions of ground for sacred use, as out |
of a city taken by the sword. After this he |
distributed houses and palaces to those that he
reckoned had been sharers with him in all the
actions that had been performed. He made
the distributions in the manner that had been
determined, the best things to the best desery-
ing; and if any one thought himself wronged
he ordered him to come and acquaint him with
it. He gave out orders to the Babylonians to |
cultivate their land, to pay their taxes, and to
serve those that they were severally given to.
The Persians, and such as were his fellow-
sharers, and those of his allies that chose to
remain with him, he ordered to talk as masters
of those they had received.

After this, Cyrus, desiring now to set him-
self on such a footing as he thought becoming

XENOPHON ON THE

| necessaries.

| ers of his allies.

[Book vit

a king, that he might appear but seldom, and
in an awful manner, with the least envy that
was possible, was of opinion to effect it with
the consent of his friends, he contrived it
therefore in this manner: as soon as it was
day, taking a station in some place where he
thought it proper, he admitted any one that
had a mind to speak with him, and, after hay-
ing given him his answer, dismissed him. The
people, as soon as they knew he gave admit-
tance, resorted to the place in disorderly and
unmanageable multitudes ; and, by their pres-
sing round about the entrance, there was a
mighty struggle and contention; and the ser-
vants that attended, distinguishing as well as
they could, let them in. When any of his
friends, by pressing their way through the
crowd, appeared before him, Cyrus, holding
out his hand, drew them to bim, and spoke to
them thus: “ Wait here, my friends, till we
have despatched the crowd, and then we will
confer at leisure.” His friends waited, and the
crowd flocked in more and more till the even-
ing came on them, before he could be at leisure
to confer with his friends. So Cyrus then
spoke: Now, good people,” said he, “it is
time to separate ; come again to-morrow morn-
ing, for I have a mind to have some discourse
with you.” His friends hearing this ran off,
and went their way with great satisfaction,
having done penance in the want of all kind of
Thus they went to rest. The
next day Cyrus attended at the same place;
and a much greater multitude of people that
were desirous to be admitted to him, stood
round about, attending much sooner than his
friends. Cyrus, therefore, forming a large cir-
ele of Persian lance-men, bade them let none
pass but his friends, and the Persian command-
When these men were met
he spoke to them to this effect :

« Friends and allies! we have nothing that
we can lay to the charge of the gods, as not
having hitherto effected whatever we have
wished for: but if this be the consequence of
performing great things, that one cannot ob-

_tain a little leisure for oneself, nor enjoy any

satisfaction with one’s friends, I bid farewell
to such happiness. You observed,” said he,
“ἐ yesterday, that beginning in the morning to
give audience to those that came, we did not
make an end before the evening; and now
you see that these, and many more than those
that attended yesterday, are hereabout, intend-

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

If one submit oneself

ing to give us trouble.
therefore to this, I reckon that but a very lit-
tle part of me will fall to your share, and but
a little of you to mine ; and in myself, I know
very well I shall have no share at all. Be-
sides,” said he, “there is another ridiculous
thing that I take notice of: I stand affected to
you, as it is natural for me to do; but of those
that stand here around, I may know here and
there one, or perhaps none at all; and these
men stand so disposed as to think, that if they
can get the better of you in crowding, they
shall effect what they desire at my hands soon-
er than you shall. Yet I should think it pro-
per, that if any of them want me, they should
make their court to you that are my friends,
and beg to be introduced. But somebody then

perhaps may-say: ‘ Why did I not set myself

on this footing from the beginning? and why
did I give myself up so in common?’ Why,

because I knew that the affairs of war were of

such a nature that the commander ought not
to be behindhand either in knowing what was
fit to be known, or in executing what the oc-
casion required. And such commanders as
were seldom to be seen, I thought, let slip
many things that were proper to be done: but
since war, that requires the utmost labour and
diligence, is now ceased, my own mind seems
to me to require some rest: as 1 am therefore
at a loss what to do, that our own affairs ‘and
those of others that it is our part to take care
of may he established on the best footing, let
some one or other give us such advice as he
thinks the most advantageous.” Thus Cyrus
spoke.

Then Artabazus, he who had said hereto-

fore that he was his relation, rose up after him

and spoke: “ You have done very well, Cy-
tus,” said he, “in beginning this discourse ; for
while you were yet very young I set out with
a desire to be your friend; but observing that
you were not at all in want of me, I neglected
coming to you. When you came afterwards
to want me, as a zealous deliverer of Cyaxares’
orders to the Medes, I counted on it, that if I
undertook this for you with zeal, I should be-
come your intimate friend, and converse with
you as long as I pleased. These things were
so effectually done, that I had your commen-
dation. After this the Hyrcanians first be-
came our friends, and this while we were in
great distress for assistants; so that, in the trans-

port, we almost carried them about with us

123

in our arms. After ‘this, when the enemy’s
camp was taken, I did not think that you were
at leisure for me, and I excused you: after
this Gobryas became your friend, and I was

rejoiced at it: then Gadatas too, and it became

a downright labour to share of you. When
the Sacians and Cadusians became your allies
and friends, it was probably very fit for them
to cultivate and serve them, for they had sery-
ed you. When we came back again to the

place from whence we set out, then seeing you

taken up with your horse, your chariots, and

your engines, I thought that when you were at
leisure from all this, then you would have

leisure for me: but when the terrible message
came, that all mankind were assembling against
us, I determined with myself that this was the
decisive affair; and, if things sueceeded well
here, I thought myself sure that we should then
plentifully enjoy each other’s company and con-
verse. Now we have fought the decisive battle
and conquered ; we haye Sardis and Creesus in
our hands; Babylon we have taken 3; and we
have borne down all before us; and yet, by the
god Mithras! yesterday, had not I made my
way with my fist through the multitude, I had
not been able to get to you. And when you
had taken me by the hand and bade me stay by
you, then there I stood to be gazed at, for pass-
ing the whole day with you without either
meat or drink. Now therefore if any means
can be found, that they who have been the
most deserving shall have the greatest share of
you, it is well; if not, then would I again give
out orders from you that all should depart ex-
cepting us that have been your friends from
the beginning.”

At this Cyrus and many others laughed.
Then Chrysantas the Persian rose, and spoke
thus: ‘ Heretofore probably, Cyrus, you kept
yourself open to the eyes of all, for the reasons
you have yourself expressed, and because we
were not the people that you were chiefly to
cultivate, for we attended for our own sakes ;
but your business was, by all methods, to gain
the multitude, that they might, with all possible
satisfaction, be ready to undergo labours and
run dangers with us: but since you are not
only in circumstances to do this, but are able
to acquire others that you may have occasion
for, it is now very fit that you have a house
yourself. Or what enjoyment can you have of
your command, if you are the only one that
does not share a home? than which there is no

194

agreeable to them, and none nearer to them in
their affections. And then,” said he, “do you
not think that we must be ashamed to see you
abroad, faring hard, when we ourselves are in
houses, and seem to have so much the advantage
of you?” When Chrysantas had said this
many more concurred with him in it.

After this he entered the royal palace, and
they that conveyed the treasures from Sardis
delivered them up here. When Cyrus enter-
ed, he first sacrificed to the goddess Vesta, and
then to Regal Jove, and to whatever other
deity the magi thought proper. Having done
this, he now began to regulate other affairs;
and considering what his business was, and
that he was taking on him the government of
great multitudes of men, he prepared to take
up his habitation in the greatest city of all that
were of note in the world, and this city had as
great enmity. to him as any city could have
to a man.

Taking these things into his consideration, he
thought himself in want of a guard about his
person; and well knowing that men are at no
time so much exposed as while they are eating,
or drinking, or bathing, or on their bed, or
asleep, he examined with himself what sort of
people he might have about him that might be
best trusted on these occasions ; and he was of
opinion that no man could ever be trusted who
~should love another more than the person who
wanted his guard. ‘Those men therefore that
had sons or wives that were agreeable to them,
or youths that they were fond of, he judg-
ed to be under a natural necessity of loving
them best; and therefore thought that those
who were emasculated would have the greatest
affection for such as were able to enrich them
the most, to redress them in case of any wrong
done them, and to bestow honours on them:
and, in his bounty to these people, he thought
that no one could exceed himself. Besides all
this, they being the object of other men’s con-
tempt, are, for this reason, in want of a master
to countenance and support them; for there
is no man that does not think it his due to as-
sume the upper hand of them in every thing,
unless some superior power control him in
it; but nothing hinders such a servant from
having the upper hand of all in his fidelity to his
master.

XENOPHON ON THE

place that to men is more sacred, none more !

That they were destitute of all vigour, |

[ΒΟΟΚ VII.

argument on the example of other animals; for
vicious horses are thus made to give over biting,
and indeed being vicious, but are not at all the
less fit for service in war: and bulls, in like
manner, throw of their insolence and untractable-
ness, but they are not deprived of their strength
and fitness for labour. Dogs also give over
the trick of leaving their masters; but, for
their watching, and their use in hunting, they
are not at all the worse. Men, in the same
manner, become the more gentle ; but they are
not the less careful of things that are given
them in charge, nor are they worse horsemen,
nor less able at throwing the javelin, nor less
desirous of honour. And they have made it
evident, that both in war and in hunting they
still preserve emulation in their minds. And,
with respect to their fidelity on occasion of
their masters’ being destroyed, they have stood
the greatest trials; and no men have ever
shown greater instances of fidelity in the mis-
fortunes of their masters than such men have
done. But, if they may be thought to have
lost something of the strength of their bodies,
arms perhaps may make it up, and put the
weak and the strong on the same level in war.

Judging things to be thus, he began from his
door-keepers, and selected from such persons
all those that officiated about his person. But
then being of opinion that this was not a suf-
ficient guard against the great multitude of
people that were disaffected towards him, he
considered whom he should take from amongst
all the rest, as the most faithful for his guard
round the palace. Observing therefore that
the Persians, while at home, were those that
fared the hardest on account of their poverty,
and lived in the most laborious manner, because
their country was rocky and barren, and they
themselves forced to work with their own
hands, he thought these would be the most
pleased with that sort of life that they lived with
him. Out of these therefore he took ten
thousand lance-men, who kept guard both
night and day round about the palace, whilst
he kept quiet at home; and when he went
abroad they marched with him, ranged in order
on every side of him. Then thinking it
necessary that there should be a guard suf-
ficient for the whole city, whether he were
there present himself, or absent abroad, he
established a sufficient garrison in Babylon,

which is what most people think, did not | and appointed the Babylonians to supply these

appear to him to be so; and he grounded his

' men likewise with their pay, intending to dis-

a

<0 ee Ta

ὶ INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

tress them as much as he could, that they
might be reduced to the lowest condition, and
be the most easily managed. This guard, that
was then established about his own person and
in Babylon, continues on the same footing at
this day.

Then taking into his consideration how his
whole dominion might be maintained, and
more might be acquired, he was of opinion
that these mercenaries were not so much
better than the people subjected, as they were
fewer in number. He determined therefore
that he ought to retain those brave men, who
had, with the assistance of the gods, helped
him to his conquest, and to take care that they
should not grow remiss in the practice of vir-
tue. And that he might not seem to order
and direct them, but that, as judging of them-
selyes what was best, they might persevere in
virtue, and cultivate it, he called together the
alike-honoured, and all such as were proper, as
well as those whom he thought worthy to share
with him, both in his labours and advantages,
and when they were met he spoke to this
effect :

“¢ My friends and allies! we owe the great-
est thanks to the gods for having granted us
the things of which we thought ourselves
worthy; for we are now possessed of a very
large and noble country, and of people who, by
their labour in the culture of it, will maintain
us. We have houses and furniture in them;
and let none of you imagine that by this pos-
session he holds things that are foreign and not
belonging to him; for it is a perpetual law
amongst all men, that when a city is taken
from an enemy, both the persons and treasures
of the inhabitants belong to the captors. What-
ever it is therefore that you possess, you do not
possess it unjustly ; but whatever you suffer
them to keep, it is in benignity and love to
mankind that you do not take it away. As to
the time to come, my judgment is this: if we
turn ourselves to a negligent and abandoned
course of life, and to the luxury and pleasure
of yicious men, who think labour to be the
greatest misery, and a life of ease to be a plea-
sure, then, I say, we shall presently become of
less value in ourselves, and shall presently lose
all our advantages. For to have been once
brave men is not sufficient in order to continue
brave men, unless one continue careful of
oneself to the end. But as all other arts when
neglected sink in their worth; and as in the

125

case of our bodies, when in good condition, if
we abandon them to a course of laziness and
inactivity, they become again faulty and de-
ficient ; so a discreet temper of mind, temper-
ance, and the command of our passions, and
courage, when a man remits the practice of them,
from thenceforward turn again into vice.. We
ought not therefore to be remiss, nor throw
ourselves immediately on every present pleasure;
for I think it a great thing to acquire a dominion,
and yet a greater to preserve it when acquired.
For to acquire often befalls a man who contri-
butes nothing towards it but boldness in the
attempt ; but to preserve an acquisition that
one has made, this cannot be done without dis-
cretion, nor without the command of one’s
passions, nor without much care: and know-
ing things to be thus, we ought to be much
more careful in the practice of virtue now,
than before we made these valuable acquisi-
tions ; well knowing that when a man has most
in his possession, he then most abounds in
those that envy him, that form designs against
him, and that are his enemies: especially if
he hold the possessions and service of men, as
we do, against their wills. The gods, we
ought to believe, will be with us; for we are
not got into an unjust possession of these things
by designs and contrivances of our own to get
them, but on designs that have been formed
against us, we have revenged ourselves in the
punishment of the contrivers. The next best
thing after this is what we must takecare to pro-
vide ourselves with; and that is, to be better
than the people that are subjected, and to de-
serve arule. In heat, therefore, and in cold,
in meat and drink, in labours and in rest, we
must of necessity allow our servants a share.
But while we share with them in these things,
we should endeavour to appear superior to
them in all of them : but in the knowledge and
practice of military affairs, we are not to allow
any share at all to such as we intend to have
as labourers and tributaries to us, but in all
exercises of this kind, we must preserve the
ascendant; determining within ourselves that
the gods have set these things before men, as
the instruments and means of liberty and hap-
piness. And as we have taken arms away
from them, so ought we never to be without
them ourselves: well knowing that they who
have always their arms the nearest at hand,
have what they desire the most at their com-
mand. If any one suggest to himself such

126

things as these ; as, what advantage is it to us
to effect what we desire, if we must still bear
hunger and thirst, labour and application ?
This man ought to learn that good things give
so much the more delight, as one takes the
more pains beforehand to attainthem. Labour
and pains are what give a relish to all good
things. Without being in want of a thing,
there is nothing that can be acquired, though
ever so noble, that can be pleasant. If some
divinity have afforded us the things that men
most desire ; in order to have them appear the
pleasantest, every one will make them so to
himself. And such a man will have as much
the advantage of those that live more neces-
sitous, as he will get the pleasantest food when
he is hungry, enjoy the pleasantest drink when
he is thirsty, and when he wants rest can
take it inthe pleasantest manner. On all these
accounts, I say, we must charge ourselves with
the part of brave and excellent men, that we
may enjoy our advantages in the best manner,
and with the most pleasure, and that we may
never come to experience the greatest hard-
ship in the world ; for it is not so hard a mat-
ter to gain advantages, as it is afflicting to be
deprived of them after one has obtained them.
Consider then what pretence we can have to
choose to be worse than before, It is because
we have obtained dominion! But it does not
become a prince to be more vicious than those
that are under his command. But perhaps it
may be because we seem to be more prosper-
ous and happy than before. Will any man
say then that vice is to be indulged to pros-

XENOPHON.

[Book VII.

| perity ? But perhaps, since we have acquir-
ed slaves, if they are vicious, we will punish
them ; and how does it become one that is
vicious himself to punish others for vice and
sloth ? Consider this farther, that we are
preparing to maintain abundance of men as
‘guards to our houses and persons, and how

;can it be otherwise than base in us, to think ~

jit fit to have others as guards of our own
safety, and not to be guards to ourselves ?
And you ought to be well assured that there
is no other guard so secure as to be oneself an
excellent and worthy man. This must keep
you company ; for with one that is destitute of
virtue, nothing else ought to go well. What
then do I say you should do? where practice
virtue? where apply to the exercise of it?
Nothing new, my friends, will I tell you; but
as the alike-honoured among Persians pass their
time about the courts ; so I say, it is our parts
being all alike honoured here, to practise the
same things that are practised there. It is your
| part to attend here, keeping your eyes on me,
| to observe if I continue careful of the things
that I ought to be careful of. I will keep my
eyes intent on you, and such as I see practising
things good and excellent I will reward. Tke
sons that we have we shall here instruct; we
shall be ourselves the better by being desirous
to show ourselves the best examples to them
that we can ; and the boys will not easily be-
come vicious, not even though they incline to
it, when they neither see nor hear any thing
that is mean or base, and pass their whole time
under excellent institutions.”

XENOPHON

CN THE

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

ee ee

BOOK VIII.

CONTENTS or BOOK VIII.

1. Cyrus commended for his disinterestedaess—Men of quality attend at his gates—Constitutes his seyeral officers
—Careful chvice of his colleagues in power—His noble example to them—His wise economy, piety, justice,
goodness, modesty, self-denial, and respectful behaviour—His opinion of these virtues—His plan of bestowing
rewards—Good effects of his orders and example—His thoughts on dominion—His methods to appear venerable
—All equally call him father—Wise measures for the security of his government.—II. Cyrus’ good nature and
love to mankind—His courtship to his friends—Vast presents—His policy—His saying of kings—Convyerses with
Creesus, and convinces him that friends are the richest treasure—Makes provisions for the health of hissubjects
—Visits the sick himself—Raises emulation by games and prizes.—III. Cyrus appoints judges, and gains the
entire affection of his friends—His first procession from the palace—Sacrifices at the sacred inclosures—Appoints
horse and chariot races to the several nations— Wins the prize at each.—IV. Cyrus invites his friends te an en-
tertainment.—Order of precedence at his table—Prefers acts of love to war—His politeness, innocent and agree-
able jesting—Distributes presents according to merit—His generosity applauded—Settlement of his empire.—
V. Prepares for a journey to Persia—Order of his encampment—His opinion of the tactic art—Visits Cyaxares,
who offers him his daughter in marriage—Cyrus accepts his offer on condition of his parents’ comsent—His
arrival in Persia—Speech of Cambyses to Cyrus and the Persian magistrates—He is bound by oath to observe
their laws—His parents consent to his marriage—Returns to Media, marries the daughter of Cyaxares, and car-
ries her to Babylon.—VI. Cyrus appoints satraps over the conquered nations—His policy in abridging their
power—Directs them to imitate him—Orders an annual progress to the provinces—Appoints stage-horses through
his whole kingdom for intelligence—Assembles his army—Extends his conquests from Syria to the Red Sea—
Subdues Egypt—Bounds of his empire—He is said to enjoy perpetual spring, beloved by all_—VII Last journey
of Cyrus to Persia in his old age—Makes sacrifices, and leads up the Persian chorus—Divine apparition in his
dream—His sacrifice and prayer—Loss of appetite, and indisposition—Summons his sons, friends, and the magi-
strates of Persia—Bequeaths the kingdom to bis eldest son; the satrapy of the Medes to his youngest—Recommends
brotherly affection to them, and piety and virtue—His opinion of the soul, its nature, and future existence—Of
the eternity of the world, and mankind—His noble character of the divinity—Veneration for the earth, and
love of mankind—Directions respecting his burial—His last advice, and death—VIIL Political observations
on the corruption and ruin of the Persian state .cter the death of Cyrus.

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

BOOK VIII.

_ I. Tuus then Cyrus spoke; after him Chry-
santas rose and spoke in this manner:. “I
have frequently, at other times, observed, my
friends, that a good prince is not at all differ-
ent from a good father: for fathers are careful
to provide that their children may never come
to tail of what is for their advantage ; and Cy-
rus seems now to me to advise us to such
things as will make us pass our days in the
most fortunate and happy manner. But what
I think he has been defective in laying open,
this I will endeavour to explain to those that
are not apprised of it; for have you considered
what city belonging to an enemy can possibly
be taken by men that are not obedient to com-
mand? And what city that belongs to those
that are friends can be preserved by men that
are not obedient ? And what army consisting
of men disubedient and refractory can be vic-

torious? How can men sooner be defeated in
battle than when every one begins separately
to consult his own particular safety? or what
other valuable thing can be performed by such
as do not submit to the direction of their bet-
ters? What cities are they that are justly and
wisely regulated? What are those families
that preserve themselves in safety ? And how
come ships to arrive whither they are bound?
By what other means have we obtained the ad-

vantages we have, more than by obedience to our.

commander? By this we have been presently
ready at our proper posts; and by following
our commander in compact order, we have
been irresistible ; and of things that have been
given us in charge, we have left none executed
by halves. Therefore, if obedience to com-
mand be of the greatest advantage, with re-
spect to the making acquisitions, be you assur-
ed that it is, in the same manner, of the greatest
advantage with respect to the preserving what
is fit for us to preserve. Heretofore we were

subject to the commands of many, and com-
manded none ourselves; but now you are all
on a footing of bearing rule, some over more,
and some over less. Therefore as you desire to
rule those that are under you, so let us all
submit to those that it becomes us to submit
to. We ought to distinguish ourselves so
far from slaves, as that slaves do service to
their masters against their wills ; and if we de-
sire to be free, we ought willingly to perform
what appears to be most excellent and worthy.
You will find,” said he, “that where a people
are under a government that is not monarchi-
cal, and are most ready to pay obedience to
their rulers, they are always least liable to the
necessity of submitting to their enemies. Let
us therefore attend about the palace as Cyrus
orders ; let us practise those things that will
best enable us to hold what we ought; and let
us yield ourselves to Cyrus, to make use of us
in what is proper ; for you ought to be well as-
sured that it is not possible for Cyrus to find
any thing that he can make an advantage of to
himself, and that is not so to us, since the same
things are alike serviceable to us both, and we
have both the same enemies.”

When Chrysantas had said this, many more,
both Persians and allies, rose up, and spoke to
the same effect; and it was determined that
the men of note and quality should always at-
tend at Cyrus’ doors, and yield themselves to
his service in whatever he thought fit, till he
himself dismissed them. And according as it
was then determined, so do those in Asia, that
are under the king, do yet at this day: and
they attend at the doors of their princes. And
as in this discourse it is shown how Cyrus es-
tablished things, in order to secure the domin-
ion to himself and to the Persians ; so do the
kings, his successors, continue to put the same
things in practice as eg to this day. But it

130

is in this, as in other things, when there is a
better director, the established rules are exe-
cuted more strictly ; and when tnere is a worse,
more negligently. The men of note therefore
frequented the gates of Cyrus with their
horses and lances ; this being the joint deter-
mination of all the best of those that concurred
with him in the overthrow of this empire.

Cyrus then constituted different officers to
take care of different affairs. He had his re-
ceivers of the revenues, his paymasters, over-
seers of his works, keepers of his treasures, and
officers to provide things that were proper for
his table. He appointed as masters of his
horse and of his dogs such as he thought would
provide him with the best of these kinds of
creatures for his use. But as to those whom
he thought fit to have as joint guardians of his
power and grandeur, he himself took care to
have them the best; he did not give this in
charge to others, but thought it his own busi-
ness. He knew that in case he were at any
time obliged to come to a battle, they that
were to stand by him on each side, and to sup-
port Him in the rear, were to be taken from
amongst these ; with these he was to engage in
the greatest dangers: out of these he knew he
was to constitute the commanders of his seve-
ral bodies of foot and horse ; and if he were in
want of generals, to serve any where in his
own absence, out of these he knew they were
to besent. Some of these he knew he was to
use as guardians and satraps of cities and whole
nations; and some of them were to be sent
out as ambassadors; and this he thought a
thing of the greatest consequence with respect
to the obtaining what he desired without a
war. If they therefore that were to be in-
trusted with the management of most affairs,
and of affairs of the greatest consequence, were
not such as they should be, he thought mat-
ters would go very ill with him; but if they
were such as they should be, he reckoned that
affairs would go very well.

This being his judgment, he therefore took
this care on him, and he reckoned that he
himself was to engage in the same exercise
of virtue; for he thought it not possible for
one who was not himself such as he should be, to
incite others to great and noble actions. On
these considerations, he thought leisure, in the
first place, necessary, if he intended to have
it in his power to take care of the principal
affairs. He reckoned it therefore impossible

XENOPHON ON THE

[ΒΟΟΚ VIII.

for him to be negligent of his revenues ; fore-
seeing that, in a great dominion, he must of
necessity be at a great expense. But then, on
the other side, his possessions being very great
to be himself always taken up about them, he
thought would leave him no leisure to take
care of the safety of the whole.

So taking into his consideration how his

economy might be settled on a good footing,

and he at the same time might have leisure, he
observed the order of an army : for as the com-
manders of tens take care of their several de-
cades ; the captains, of the commanders of tens ;
the commanders of thousands, of the captains ;
the commanders of ten thousand, of the com-
manders of thousands ; by which means, no one
is left without care, though an army consists
of many times ten thousand men; and when a
general has any service for the army to do, it
is enough for him to give his orders to the com.
manders of ten thousand; in like manner as
these affairs were regulated, Cyrus accordingly
ranged the affairs of his household under certain
heads: and thus Cyrus, by discoursing with a
few people, was enabled to have the affairs of
his economy taken care of; and after this, he
had yet more leisure than another man, who
had but a single house or a single ship in charge,

Having thus settled his own affairs, he taught.

others to use the same method, and so procured
leisure both for himself and for those about
him.

He then began to take on him the business of
making his companions in power such as they
should be. And in the first place, as many as
were able to subsist by the labour of others, and
were not attending at his doors, these he inquir-
ed into; reckoning that they who did attend
would not be guilty of any base and vile action,
both by reason of their being near their prince,
and that in whatever they did, they would be
observed by the most excellentmen. They that
did not attend he reckoned absented themselves,
either out of their indulgence to some vicious
passion, or on account of some unjust practice,
or out of negligence. Being first therefore con-
vinced of this in his judgment, he brought all
such men under a necessity of attending: for
he ordered some one of those about him, that
were his chief friends, to seize what belonged
to the person that did not attend, and to de-
clare that it belonged to himself. When this
was done, they that were dispossessed immedi-
ately came and complained, as persons that

ee

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

had been wronged. Cyrus, for a great while,
was not at leisure to give such men a hearing ;
aud when he had heard them, he deferred the
decision of the matter a long while. By act-
ing thus, he thought he accustomed them to
make their court, and with less ill-will to him
than if he himself had forced them to attend,
by inflicting punishments on them. This was
one method of instruction that he used, in or-
der to make men attend on him. Another
was, to command those that attended on such
services as were most easy to execute and most
profitable. Another was, never to allow the
absent ashare inany advantage. But the chief
method of all that he used to necessitate men
to attend was this, that in case a man did not
yield obedience to these other methods, he
then took what he had from him, and gave it
to another man that he thought would be able
to attend on the proper occasions. ind thus
he gained a useful friend, instead of a useless
one; and the present king still makes inquiry
whether any one cf those be absent whose part
it is to attend.

-In this manner did he carry himself to those
that did not attend on him: but those that af-
forded him their attendance and service, he
thought he should best excite to great and noble

actions, if he, being their prince, should endea-

vour to show himself to those whom he govern-
ed the most accomplished of all in virtue; for
he thought he observed that men were the bet-
ter for written laws; but a good prince,
he reckoned, was to men a seeing law, be-
cause he was able both to give directions,
to see the man that acted irregularly, and to
punish him.

This being his judgment, he showed himself,
in the first place, the more industrious to dis-
charge himself in all dues to the gods at that
time when he was in the most. fortunate cir-
cumstances: and then were first appointed
certain magi to sing a hymn to the gods, always
as soon as it was day, and every day to sacri-
fice to such deities as the magi should direct.
And the establishments that were thus made
at that time continue in use with the king that
still succeeds in the government, on to this day.
The rest of the Persians therefore were the
first that followed his example in these things ;

reckoning that they should be the more
fortunate, if they served the gods as he did,
who was the most fortunate of all, and their
prince. And they thought by doing thus

131

they should please Cyrus. But Cyrus ac-
counted the piety of those about him an advan-
tage to himself; reckoning, as they do, who
choose to undertake a voyage in company with
men of piety, rather than with such as appear
to have been guilty of any thing impious. And
besides this, he reckoned that, if all his as-
sociates were religious, they would be the less
apt to be guilty of any thing impious towards
each other, or towards him, who thought him-
self their benefactor. ‘Then by showing him-
self to be under great concern and fear of doing
injury to any friend or ally, and keeping steadily
to the rule of justice, he thought that others
would abstain the more from base gains, and
would take care that their revenue should arise
to them by just methods. And he was of
opinion that he should the better inspire other
men with respect and awe, if he himself appear-
ed to pay so great a respect to all, as never to
say or do any thing shameful and vile; and
that it would fall out thus, he grounded his
argument on this; that not only in the case of
a prince, but even of such as men had no fear
of, they paid more respect to those that behay-
ed respectfully than they did to the impudent.
And such women as they observed to be mo-
dest and respectful they were the more ready
to pay respect to. And he thought that a tem.
per of obedience would be the more firmly
established in those about him, if he appeared
to bestow greater rewards on the obedient, than .
on those that seemed possessed of the greatest
and most elaborate virtues. In this opinion,
and in this practice, he always continued: and
then, by showing his own goodness and modesty
of temper, he made all others the more ready
to practise it; for when men see one, that has
it most in his power to behave with haughti-
ness and insolence, behave with this modesty
and goodness of temper, then even those of the
lowest degree are the more willing to be seen
acting without any manner of insolence.. He
distinguished that respect and awe from this
goodness of temper in this manner; that they
who were possessed with this awe avoided
things that were shameful and vile, while they
were exposed to the eyes of others; but that
the modest and good-tempered did it even in
the dark. He thought likewise to make men
practise a command of their passions best, by
showing that he himself was not drawn away
by present pleasures from the pursuit of good
and excellent things; and that he preferred

132

toil and labour in the pursuit of a noble end
before all delights. Being therefore such a
man himself, he established an excellent order
at his doors; the meaner sort submitting to the
better, and all behaving with great awe and
decency one towards another. You would not
see any one there 11 anger, breaking out into
noise and clamour, nor expressing an insulting
pleasure in insolent laughter. But to see them,
you would think that they really lived in
the most comely and noble manner. In the
practice of such things as these, and with
such things always before their eyes, they
passed their days at the doors of Cyrus. t

But then, in order to inure them to the prac-
tice of military affairs, he led out all those to
hunt that he thought proper to exercise in that
manner; reckoning this the best method of
practising all such things as relate to war, as
well as the truest exercise of the art of riding;
for this helps them the most of any thing, to
sit firm on horseback, in all sorts of ground,
by means of their pursuing the wild beasts in
their flight; and this, the most of any thing,
makes them capable of acting on horseback, by
means of their love of praise and desire of
taking their game. And by this he chiefly
accustomed his associates to gain a command
over their passions, and to be able to bear toil,
to bear cold and heat, hunger and thirst. And
the king that now reigns, together with those
that are about him, continue still the same
practice.

It is evident, therefore, by what has been
before said, that he thought dominion became
no one that was not himself better than those
whom he governed; and that by thus exercis-
ing these about him, he inured himself, the
most of all, to a command of his passions, and
to all military arts and exercises. For he led
out others abroad to hunt, when there was no
necessity that obliged him to stay at home;
and when there was any such necessity, he then
nunted the beasts that were maintained in his

‘parks. He never took his supper before he
gave himself a sweat; nor did he ever throw
food to his horses before they were exercised :
and he invited his servants abroad with him to
this hunting. He himself, therefore, greatly ex-
celled in all noble performances; and they that
were about him likewise did so, by means of their
continual exercise. In this manner he made
himself an example to others. And, besides

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BooK VIII.

this, whoever he saw the most zealous in the
pursuit of generous actions, such he rewarded
with presents, with commands, with placing
them in the principal seats, and with all other
honours. So that he raised a mighty emula-
tion amongst all, to try by what means every
one might appear to Cyrus the most deserving.

And I think I have likewise heard, con-

cerning Cyrus, that he was of opinion that

princes ought to excel those that are under

their dominion, not only in being better than

they, but that they ought likewise to play the
impostors with them. He chose therefore to
wear the Median robe, and persuaded his asso-
ciates to put it on; for in case a man had any

thing defective in his person, he thought that

this concealed it, and made those that wore it
appear the handsomest and the tallest. And
they have a sort of shoe, where they may fit in
something under their feet, without its being
seen, so as to make themselves appear taller
than they really are. He allowed them also
to colour their eyes, that they might seem to
have finer eyes than they really had, and to
paint themselves, that they might appear to be
of better complexions than they naturally were
of. He took care, likewise, to use them not
to be seen to spit, or blow the nose, or to turn
aside to gaze at any spectacle, as if they were
men that admired nothing. And all these
things, he thought, contributed something to
their appearing the more awful to the people
that were subject to his dominion.

Those that he thought the proper persons to
share, by his own means, in the dominion with
him, he disciplined in this manner, and by
acting himself, at the head of them, in the

same venerable and majestic way. But those

that he trained for servitude, he never encou-
raged to the practice of ingenious labours, nor
allowed them the possession of arms, but took
care that they should never go without their.
meat and drink for the sake of these liberal
exercises; for when with their horse they
drove out the wild beasts into the plains, he
allowed meat and drink to be carried for the
use of these people during the hunt, but not
for any of the ingenious. And when he was
on a march he led them to water as he did the
beasts of burden; and when tke time for din-
ner came, he waited till they had eaten some-
thing, that they might not be distressed with
hunger. So that these people, as the better

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

sort likewise did, called him thei: father, for
‘taking care that, beyond all doubt, they should
ἢ always continue slaves.

Thus he provided for the security of the
whole Persian dominion: but he was very
confident that he himself was in no danger of
meeting with any mischief from the people
that were conquered, for he reckoned them
weak and dispirited, and he observed them
destitute of all order; and besides, none of
them ever came near him by night or day.
But such as he reckoned the better sort, that
he saw armed and in compact order; some of
them commanders of horse, and some of foot,

and many of them that he perceived with spirits’

equal to rule, that were next to his own guards,
and many of whom were frequently in company
with himself, (for there was a necessity that it
should be so, because he was to make use of
them,) from these there was the most danger
of his receiving mischief many ways. There-
fore, taking into his consideration how matters
might be made safe for him in this respect, to
take away their arms from them and render
them unfit for war, he did not approve, both
accounting it unjust, and believing it to be a
dissolution of his empire. And then again
not to admit them to his presence, and openly
' to distrust them, he reckoned the beginning
and foundation of a war. Instead of all these
things, there was one that he determined to be
the best for his security, and the handsomest of
all, which was to try if possibly he could make
the better sort of men more friends to himself
than to one another. By what means therefore
it was that in my opinion he canie to be
beloved, I will endeavour to relate.

11. For, first, he constantly at all times dis-
played, as much as he could, his own good-
nature and love to mankind ; reckoning that as
it is no easy matter for men to love those who
seem to hate them, or to bear good-will to those
that have ill intentions towards them; so it
was not possible for those that were known to
love and bear good-will, to be hated by such as
thought themselves beloved. Therefore, whilst
he had it not so much in his power to bestow
rich benefits on them, he endeavoured to cap-
tivate their affections by anticipating his com-
panions in care and in pains, by appearing
pleased with their advantages, and afflicted at
their misfortunes; but when he had where-
withal to be bountiful to them, he seems to me
to have known, in the first place, that there is

‘people.

133
no benefaction amongst men that is of equal
expense, and is so grateful as that of sharing
meat and drink with them.

And being of this opinion, he first regula-
ted his table so as to have placed before him
as many of the same things that he ate of him-
self as were sufficient for great numbers of
And all that was set before him, ex-.
cept what was used by himself and his guests,
he distributed to such of his friends as he in-
tended to show that he remembered or had a
kindness for. He sent likewise about to such as
he happened to be pleased with, whether they
were employed on the guard any where, or at-
tended to pay their court to him, or were con-
cerned in any other affairs. And this he did
in order to signify that they who were’ de-
sirous to do what was pleasing to him were
not to be concealed from him. He paid the
same honour from his table to his own domes-
tics when he had a mind to give any of them
his commendation. And all the meat that be-
longed to his domestics he placed on his own
table, thinking that, as in the case of children,
so this would gain him some good-will from
them. And if he had a mind that any of his
friends should have great numbers of people
attend and pay their court to them, he sent
them presents from his table: for even yet, at
this day, all people make the greater court to
such as they observe to have things sent them
from off the king’s table ; because they reckon
them men in great honour and esteem, and
that in case they want any thing to be done,
they are able to effect it for them. And be-
sides, it is not only on these accounts that
have been mentioned that the things sent from
the king are pleasing, but things that come
from the king’s table do really very much ex-
cel in point of pleasure. And that it should
be so is not at all to be wondered at; for, as
other arts are wrought up in great cities to a
greater degree of perfection, in the same man-
ner are the meats that come from the king
dressed in greater perfection: for, in little
cities, the same people make both the frame
of a couch, a door, a plough, and a table; and
frequently the same person is a builder too,
and very well satisfied he’is if he meet with
customers enough to maintain him. It is im-
possible therefore for a man that makes a great
many different things to do them all well
But in great cities, because there are multi-
tudes that want every particular thing, one ait

134

alone is sufficient for the maintenance of every
one; and frequently not an entire one neither,
but one man makes shoes for men, another for
women. Soinetimes it bappens that one gets
a maintenance by sewing shoes together, ano-
ther by cutting them out; one by cutting out
clothes only, and another without doing any of
these things, is maintained by fitting together
the pieces so cut out. He therefore that
deals in a business that lies within a little
compass, must of necessity do it the best.
The case is the same with respect to the busi-
ness of a table; for he that has the same man
to cover and adorn the frame of a couch, to
set out the table, to knead the dough, to dress
the several different meats, must necessarily,
in my opinion, fare in each particular as it
happens. But where it is business enough
for one man to boil meat, for another to roast
it; for one to boil fish, and for another to
broil it; where it is business enough for one
man to make bread, and that not of every sort
neither, but that it is enough for him to fur-
nish one sort good, each man, in my opinion,
must of necessity work up the things that are
thus made to a very great perfection. He
therefore by this kind of management greatly
exceeded all other people in this sort of court-
ship, by presents of meat.

And how he came likewise to be greatly
superior in all other ways of gaining on men, I
will now relate ; for he that so much exceeded
other men in the multitude of his revenues,
~ exceeded them yet more in the multitude of
his presents. Cyrus therefore began it; and
this custom of making abundance of presents
continues to this day practised by the kings
his successors. Who is there that is known
to have richer friends than the Persian king
has? who is known to set out the people
about him in finer habits than this king does ?
whose presents are known to be such as some
of those which this king makes? as bracelets
and collars, and horses with bridles of gold ? for
it is not allowed there that any one should have
these things but he that the king gives them
to. What other man is there that can be said
to make himself be preferred before brothers,
fathers, or children, by his great presents ?
what other man has power to chastise his ene-
mies that are many months’ journey distant
from him, as the Persian king has? what
other man but Cyrus, after having overturned
an empire, ever died and had the title of

XENOPHON ON THE

[ΒΟΟΚ vu.

father given him by the people he subjected?
for it is plain that this is the name of one that
bestows rather than one that takes away. __
We have been likewise informed that he
gained those men that are called the eyes and
the ears of the king, by no other means than
by making them presents, and by bestowing
honours and rewards on them; for by being
very bountiful to those that gave him an 86-
count of what was proper for him to be in-
formed of, he set abundance of people on the
search both with ears and eyes, to find what
information they should give the king that
might be useful to him. On this the eyes of
the king were reckoned to be very numerous,
and his ears so too. Butif any one think it
proper for a king to choose but one person as
his eye, he judges not right; for one man
would see but few things, and one man would
hear but few things ; and if this were given in
charge to one only, it would be as if the rest
were ordered to neglect it. Besides, whoever
was known to be this eye, people would know
that they were to be on their guard against
him. This then is not the course that is taken ;
but the king hears every one that says he has
heard or seen any thing worthy his attendirg
to. By this means the ears and eyes of the
king are reckoned to be in great number; and
people are every where afraid of saying any
thing to the king’s prejudice, as if he himself
heard them ; and of doing any thing to his pre-
judice, as if he himself were present. So that
no one durst mention any thing scandalous
concerning Cyrus to any body: but every one
stood so disposed, as if they were always
amidst the eyes and ears of the king, whatever
company they were in.
I know not what cause any one can better
assign for such disposition in men towards him
than that he thought fit to bestow great bene-
fits in return for little ones. And it is not to
be wondered at, that he who was the richest of
all, exceeded others in the greatness of his
presents ; but that one possessed of the royal
dignity should exceed others in the culture and
care of his friends, this is a thing more worthy
of notice. He is said never to have appeared
so much ashamed of being outdone in any
thing as in the culture of bis friends: anda
saying of his is recorded, expressing, “ That
the business of a good herdsman and of a good
king were very near alike; for a herdsman,”
he said, “ ought to provide for the welfare and

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

happiness of the herd, and make use of them
consistently with the happiness of those crea-
tures ; and that a king ought, in the same man-
ner, to make men and cities happy, and in the
same manner to make use of them.” It is no
wonder therefore, if this were his sentiment,
that he had an ambition to outdo all in the
culture of men.

And Cyrus is said to have given this noble
instance to Croesus, on a certain time, when
Croesus suggested to him that, by the multi-
tude of presents that he made, he would be a
beggar, when it was in his power to lay up at
home mighty treasures of gold for the use of
one. It is said that Cyrus then asked him
thus : “ What sums do you think I should now
have in possession, if I had been hoarding up
gold, as you bid me, ever since I have been in
power?” And that Creesus, in reply, named
some mighty sum; and that Cyrus to this
said; “ Well, Croesus, do you send with Hys-
taspes here some person that you have most
confidence in; and do you, Hystaspes,” said
he, “go about to my friends, tell them that I

.am in want of money for a certain affair (and
in reality Iam in want of it), and bid them

‘furnish me with as much as they are each of
them able to do; and that, writing it down and
signing it, they deliver the letter to Croesus’
officer to bring me.” Then writing down what
he had said, and signing it, he gave it to
Hystaspes to carry it to his friends: but added
in the letter to them all, “ That they should
receive Hystaspes as his friend.” After they
had gone round, and Creesus’ officer brought
the letters, Hystaspes said: “ O Cyrus! my
king, you must now make use of me as a rich
man, for here do I attend you abounding in
presents that have been made me on account
of your letter.” Cyrus on this said: “ This
then is one treasure to me, Croesus; but look
over the others, and reckon up what riches
there are there ready for me, in case I want
for my own use. Creesus on calculation is
said to have found many times the sum that he
told Cyrus he might now have had in his trea-
‘sury, if he had hoarded. When it appeared to
be thus, Cyrus is reported to have said :

** You see, Croesus, that I have my treasures
too; but you bid me hoard them up, to be en-
vied and hated for them: you bid me place
hired guards on them, and in those to put my
trust. But I make my friends rich, and reck-
on them to be treasures to me, and guards

135

both to myself and to all things of value that
belong to us, and such as are more to be trusted
than if I set up a guard of hirelings. Besides,
there is another thing that I will tell you:
what the gods have wrought into the souls of
men, and by it have made them all equally in- ~
digent, this, Croesus, I am not able to get the
better of ; for Iam, as others are, insatiably
greedy of riches: but I reckon I differ from
most others in this; that when they have ac-
quired more than is sufficient for them, some
of those treasures they bury under ground, and
some they let decay and spoil, and others they
give themselves a great deal of trouble about,
in telling, in measuring, in weighing, airing,
and watching them ; and though they have all
these things at home, they neither eat more
than they are able to bear, for they would
burst, nor do they put on more clothes than
they can bear, for they would suffocate, but all
their superfluous treasures they have only for
business and trouble. Whereas I serve the
gods, and am ever desirous of more ; and when
I have acquired it, out of what I find to be
more than suffices me, I satisfy the wants of
my friends ; and by enriching men with it, and
by doing them kindnesses, I gain their good-
will and their friendship, and obtain security
and glory, things that do not corrupt and spoil,
and do not distress one by over-abounding ;
but glory, the more there is of it, the greater
and more noble it is, and the lighter to bear,
and those that bear it, it often makes the light-
er and easier. And that you may be sensible
of this, Croesus,” said he, “they that possess
the most, and have most in their custody, I do
not reckon the happiest men; for then would
guards on the walls be the happiest of all men,
for they have the custody of all that there is in
whole vities ; but the person that can acquire
the most with justice, and use the most with
honour, him do I reckon the happiest man;
and this I reckon to be riches.”

And as he expressed these things, so he ap-
parently practised them. But, besides all this,
having observed that most men, if they enjoy
health, take care to provide themselves with
all things fitting, and lay up all things that are
of use with respect to a healthy course of life ;
but how to be supplied with things that are of
service, in case they are sick, of this he ob-
served they were not very careful. He there-
fore thought proper to be at pains to provide
himself with these things. He got together

136 XENOPHON ON THE [BooK VIII. -

the best physicians about him, by his being | robes: and it was then that the Persians first
willing to be at the expense of it; and what- put on the Median rebe. Having distributed
ever instruments, medicines, meats, or drinks, | these, he told them that he intended to march
any one told him to be of use, there was | in procession to those portions of ground that
nothing of all these that he did not provide | had been chosen and set apart for the gods;
himself with, and treasure up. And when | and to make a sacrifice, accompanied by
any of those whom it was proper for him to | them. “ Attend, therefore,” said he, “at the
take care of fell ill, he went himself to see ' gates before the rising of the sun, adorned
them, and furnished them with whatever they | with these robes, and form yourselves as
wanted; and was thankful to the physicians | Pheraulas the Persian shall give you orders
_ whenever they cured any one, and took the | from me; and when I lead the way, do you
things which they used from out of what he | follow on in the station assigned you. But, if
had in store. These and many such things any of you think that our procession will be
did he contrive, in order to gain the principal | handsomer in any other manner, than as we
place in the affections of those by whom he de- | march at this time, when we return again let

sired to be beloved. him inform me; for every thing ought to be

Then all those affairs, wherein he appointed | so disposed as shall appear to you to be most
games, and established prizes, with intention to | beautiful and noble.” When he had distri-
raise an emulation in men, to perform great and | buted the finest robes to the greatest men, he
noble things, those gained Cyrus the applause | then produced other robes of the Median sort;
of taking care that virtue should be kept in | for he had provided them in great numbers,
practice. But these very games created strife | and was not sparing either in the purple habits,
and emulation amongst the better sortof men. ! or those of a dark colour, or in the scarlet, or

And, besides, Cyrus established as a law, that | the murrey. And having distributed a certain.

whatever required a determination, whether it | portion of these to each of the commanders,
were a matter of right, or a dispute relating to | he bade them adorn and set out their friends
games, the parties. requiring such determina-| with them, ‘as I,” said he, “adern you.”
tion should have joint recourse to certain judges. | And one of those that were present then
Tt is plain therefore that both the parties at | asked him, ** But when will you, Cyrus,” said
variance aimed at pitching on such judges as | he, “‘be adorned yourself?” To this he re-
were the best and the most their friends; and | plied: “And do you not think,” said he,
he that lost his cause envied him that carried | “that I am already adorned in adorning all
it, and hated those that did not give the cause | you? No matter,” said he, “if Iam but able
for himself ; he that carried his cause attribut- | to serve my friends, whatever robe I wear, I
ed the success to the justice of it, so reckoned | shall appear fine in it.” So these men going
he owed nobody thanks. They that aimed at | their ways, and sending for their friends, adorn-
being chief in the friendship and esteem of | ed them with these robes.

Cyrus, like others in certain cities, bore envy Cyrus, taking Pheraulas, one of the infe-

to each other, so that most of them rather wish- | rior degree of people, to be a man of good un-
ed each other out of the way, than ever acted | derstanding, a lover of what was beautiful and
in concert together for their mutual advantage. | orderly, and careful to please him—the same
These things make it evident by what means | that heretofore spoke for every one’s being re-
he made all the considerable men more affec- | warded according to his desert; and calling
tionate to himself than they were one to an-| this man to him, he advised with him how he
other. might make this procession in a manner that

III. But now we will relate how Cyrus, for | might appear the most beautiful to his friends,
the first time, marched in procession out of the | and most terrible to those that were disaffect-
palace; for the majesty of this procession| ed. And when, on joint consideration, they
seems to me to have been one of these arts| both agreed in the same things, he ordered
that made his government not liable to con-| Pheraulas to take care that the procession
tempt. First, therefore, before he made this | should be made the next morning, in the man-
procession he called in to him all those, both | ner that they had thought proper. “I have
Persians and others, that were possessed of | ordered,” said he, “all to obey you in the dis-
commands, and distributed to them Median | position and order of this procession. And

i,

_-

that they may attend to your orders with the
more satisfaction, take these coats,” said he,
“and carry them to the commanders of the
guards ; give these habits for horsemen to the
commanders of the horse; and these other
coats to the commanders of the chariots.” On
this he took them and carried them off. When
the commanding officers saw him, they said to
‘him: “ You area great man, Pheraulas, now
that you are to order us what we are to do.”
“ No, not only so, by Jove!” said Pherauias,
“but it seems I am to be a baggage bearer
too: therefore I now bring you these two
habits, one of them is for yourself, the other
for somebody else ; but do you take which of
them you please.” He that received the habit,
on this forgot his envy, and presently advised
with him which he should take: then giving
his opinion which was -the best, he said, “ If
ever you charge me with having given you
the choice when I officiate, another time you
shall have me officiate for you in a different man-
ner.” Pheraulas, having made this distribu-
tion thus, as he was ordered, immediately ap-
plied himself to the affairs of the procession,
that every thing might be settled in the hand-
somest manner. On the following day all
things were in order before day-break.

There were ranks of people standing on
each side of the way, as they yet stand at this

day, wherever the king is to march ; and with- |

in these ranks none but men of great dignity
are allowed to come. There were men post-
ed with scourges in their hands, who scourged
any that made disturbance. There stood first
before the gates four thousand of the guards
drawn up, four in front: two thousand on each
side of the gates. All the horsemen that
were there attending alighted from their hor-
ses, and with their hands passed through their
robes, as they still pass them at this day when
the king takes a view of them. The Persians
stood on the right hand, and the allies on the
left hand of the way. The chariots, in the
same manner, stood half of them on each side.
When the gates of the palace were thrown
open, first there were led certain bulls, very
beautiful beasts, four abreast, devoted to Jove,
and to such other of the gods as the magi di-
rected; for the Persians are of opinion that
artists ought to be made use of in divine affairs
much more than in others. Next to the bulls

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

137

its perch of gold, adorned with a crown, or
wreath, around it, and sacred to Jove. After
this a-white chariot, sacred to the Sun, and
adorned with a crown, as that before. After
this proceeded a third chariot, with its horses
adorned with scarlet coverings ; and behind it
followed men that bore fire on a large altar.
After these Cyrus himself appeared without
the gates with a turban on, that was raised
high above his head, with a vest of a purple
colour, half mixed with white; and this mix-
ture of white none else is allowed to wear:
about his legs he had a sort of stockings of a
yellow colour, a robe wholly purple, and about
his turban a diadem or wreath. (His relations
had likewise this mark of distinction, and they
have it still to this day.) And his hands be
kept out of their coverings. By him rode his
driver, a tall man, but less than himself:
whether it really was so,-or whether by some
means or other it so fell out, Cyrus appeared
much the taller. All the- people at the sight
of him paid their adoration, either because
some people were before appointed to begin it,
or because they were struck with the pomp
and solemnity, and thought that Cyrus appear-
ed exceedingly tall and beautiful; but no
Persian ever paid Cyrus adoration before.
When the chariot of Cyrus advanced, four
thousand of the guards led the way before, two
thousand of them attended on each side of it.
And the staff-officers about his person being
on horseback, finely clothed, with javelins in
their hands, to the number of about three hun-
dred, followed after. Then were led the hor-
ses that were maintained for Cyrus himself,
with their bridles of gold; and thrown over
with coverings wrought with a raised work in
stripes ; and these were about two hundred.
After these marched two thousand spear men.
After these the first formed body of horse, ten
thousand in number, ranged a hundred every
way, led by Chrysantas. After these another
body of ten thousand Persian horse ranged in
the same manner, led by Hystaspes. After
these another body of ten thousand, in the
same manner, led by Datarnas. After these
another led by Gadatas. After these marched
the Median horse; after these the Armenian
horse ; then the Hyrcanian; then the Cadu-
sian; then the Sacian. And after the horse
went the chariots, ranged four abreast, and led

there were horses led for a sacrifice to the Sun. by the Persian Artabates.

After these proceeded a white chariot, with

As he marched along abundance of people

136

without the ranks followed by the side, peti--
tioning Cyrus, one about one affair and another
about another. Sending therefore to them
some of the staff-officers who attended his
chariot, three on each side, for this very pur-
pose of delivering messages, he bid them tell
them, “‘ That if any of them wanted him on
any business, they should acquaint some of the
chief officers under him with what they wanted,
and they,” he said, “ would tell him.” These
people, going their ways, immediately went to
the horsemen, and consulted who they should
each of them apply to. _ But those of his friends
that Cyrus had a mind to have the greatest
court and application made to, these he sent
somebody to, and called them severally to him,
and spoke to them in this manner: “ If any of
these men that follow by my side acquaint
you with any thing, do not give attention to
any one that you think says nothing to the pur-
pose; but whoever desires what is just, give
me an account of it, that we may consult to-
gether, and effect their business for them.”
Others, when they were called on, riding up
with the utmost despatch, obeyed, contributing
to the support of Cyrus’ empire, and showing
their own readiness to obey. But there was
one Daipharnes, a man of absurd and uncouth
manners, who thought that by not paying
obedience with such despatch he should appear
a man of more dignity and freedom. As soon
therefore as Cyrus perceived this, before the
man came up so near as that he might speak to
him, he sent one of his staft-officers, and bade
him tell him that he had now no longer any
need of him; and he never sent for him after-
wards. But there was one who was sent
later, who rode up to him sooner than he;
and to this man Cyrus gave one of the horses
that followed in his train, and ordered one of
the staff-officers to conduct the horse for him
wherever he should order. This appeared to
those that saw it to be a very great honour;
and after this many more people made their
court to this man.

When they came to the sacred inclosures
they sacrificed to Jove, and burnt the bulls en-
tirely. Then they sacrificed te the Sun, and
burnt the horses entirely : then killing certain
victims to the Earth, they did as the magi
directed. Then they sacrificed to the Heroes,
guardians of Syria.

After this, the country thereabouts being
very fine, he appointed a.certain limited piece of

XENOPHON ON THE

Boos VIIt.

ground, of about five stadia, and bade them, na-
tion by nation, put their horses to their speed.

He himself rode the race with the Persians, and —

gained the victory, for he was extremely
well practised in horsemanship. Amongst the
Medes, Artabates got the victory, for Cyrus
had given him a horse. Amongst the Syrians,
their chief got the victory. Amongst the Ar-
menians, Tigranes.
the son of the commander of their horse. And
amongst the Sacians, a private man, with his
horse, left the other behind by almost half
the course. Ἢ
And on this occasion Cyrus is said to have

asked the young man if he would accept of a

kingdom in exchange for his horse? and the
young man is said to have replied thus: “ A
kingdom I would not accept for him, but I
would consent to oblige a worthy man with
him.” Then Cyrus said: “ Come, I will
show you where you may throw blindfold, and
not miss a worthy man.” “ By all means,
then,” said the Sacian, taking up a clod,
“show me where I may throw this clod.”
Then Cyrus showed him a place where a great
many of his friends were; and the man, shut-
ting his eyes, threw his clod and hit Pheraulas
as he was riding by; for Pheraulas happened
to be carrying some orders from Cyrus, and
when he was struck he did not turn aside, but
went on the business that was ordered him.
The Sacian then looking up, asked, “ Whom
he had hit ?”»—None, by Jove!” said he, “of
those that are present.” ‘ But, surely,” said
the young man, “it was none of those that are
absent.” “ Yes, by Jove!” said Cyrus, “you

hit that man that rides hastily on there by the -

«“ And how came he not to turn
back ?” said he. Then Cyrus said: “ Why,
in probability, it is some madman.” The
young man hearing this went to see who it
was, and found Pheraulas with his chin all
over dirt and blood, for the blood gushed from
his nose on the stroke that he received.
When he came up with him, he asked him,
«© Whether he had received a blow ?” He an-
swered: “ Yes, as you see.” ““ Then,” said
he, “I make you a present of this horse.”
He then asked, “ For what ?” and on this the
Sacian gave him a relation of the things;
and, in conclusion said: “ And I believe I
have not missed of a worthy man.” Pheraulas
then said: “ But if you had been wise, you
had given it to aricher man than I; but I now

chariots.”

Amongst the Hyrecanians, —

————— τυ“

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

accept it, and beseech the gods, who have made
me the receiver of this blow from you, to grant
that I may behave so as to make you not repent
your present to me.” ‘“ Now,” said he, “ do
you mount my horse, and ride off on him, and
I will be with you presently.” Thus they
parted. _ . assy
Amongst the Cadusians, Rathonices gained
the victory. He likewise put their chariots
severally to the trial of their speed: and to the
victors he gave oxen, that they might sacrifice
and feast, and he gave them cups. He himself
took the ox that was his prize, but his share of
the cups he gave to Pheraulas, because he
thought that he had directed the procession
from the palace-in a very handsome manner.
This method of procession, then settled by

Cyrus, continues still in use with the king to

this day, excepting only that the victims make
no part of it when he does not sacrifice. When
all was at an end they returned again to the
city, and they that had houses given them
quartered in their houses, and they that had
not, in their ranks

But Pheraulas, inviting the Sacian that
presented him with the horse, gave him an
entertainment; he furnished him with all
other things in abundance. And after they
had supped, he filled him the cups that he had
received from Cyrus, drank to him, and made
him a present of them. But the Sacian ob-
serving a great many fine carpets and coverlets,
a great deal of fine furniture, and abundance of
domestics: “ Tell me,” said he, “ Pheraulas,
were you one of the rich when you were at
home?” “ How rich do you mean?” said
Pheraulas: “ I was one of those that lived
directly by the work of their own hands; for
my father, maintaining himself very poorly by
his own labour, bred me up under the disci-
pline of the boys; but when I became a youth,
not being able to maintain me idle, he took me
into the country and ordered me to work.
Here did I maintain him whilst he lived, dig-
ging and planting with my own hands a little
piece of land, that was not ungrateful, but the

justest in the world; for the seed that it
received it returned me justly and handsomely

again, with an overplus that indeed was not
very abundant; but sometimes, out of its
generosity, returned me double of what it
received. Thus then I lived at home: but
now all these things that you see Cyrus has
given me.” Then the Sacian said: “Oh!

189

happy are you in other respects as well as
in this; that, from being poor before, you
are now become rich! For 1 am of opinion
that you grow rich with the more pleasure as
you come to be possessed of riches, after haying
thirsted for them before.” Pheraulas then
said; “ And do you think, Sacian, that I live
with the more pleasure the more I possess ?
Do you not know,” said he, “that I neither
eat, nor drink, nor sleep with one jot more
pleasure now than when I was poor? But,
by all this abundance, thus much I gain: that
I am to guard more, to distribute more to
others, and to have the trouble of taking care
of more: for a great many domestics now de-
mand their food of me, their drink, and their
clothes ; some are in want of physicians ; one
comes and brings me sheep, that have been torn.
to pieces by wolves, or oxen killed by falling
from a precipice, or tells me of a distemper got
amongst the cattle ; so that I think,” said Phe-
raulas, “by possessing abundance, I have now
more afflictions than I had before by having
but little.” <‘ But, by Jove!” said the Sacian,
“when all is well, and you are able to cast your
eyes around on numerous possessions, you are
certainly much better pleased than I am.”
Pheraulas then said: “ Sacian, it is not so plea-
sant to possess riches as it is afflicting to lose
them ; and you will find that what I say is true;
for there are none of those that possess riches
that are forced from the enjoyment of rest by
the pleasure which they afford; but of those.
that lose them, you will see none that are able
to sleep because of the concern it gives them.”
“ΒΥ Jove!” said the Sacian, “nor will you
see any of those fall asleep that at first obtain
them, because of the pleasure it gives them.”
“You say true,” said he; “for if the possess-
ing them was as pleasant as the obtaining them
the rich would very much exceed the poor in
happiness. But then, Sacian,” said he, “he
that possesses abundance must, of necessity,
expend abundance, both on the gods, on his
friends, and on strangers. Whoever therefore
is greatly pleased with the possession of riches
be assured will be greatly afflicted at the ex- Ὁ
pense of them.” ‘ By Jove !” said the Sacian,
“4 am not one of those; but I take it to bea
happiness for a man to have abundanee, and to
expend abundanee.” ‘ Why then,” said Phe-
raulas, ‘in the name of all the gods, are not you
this instant that happy man, to make me so at
the same time? for do you take possession of

140

all these things, and use them as you please ;
maintain me only as a stranger; or yet more
sparingly than a stranger ; for it shall be enough
for me to share with you in what you have.”
“ You jest,” said the Sacian. Pheraulas then
asserted with an oath that he spoke in earnest.
** And I will gain you, Sacian, something far-
ther from Cyrus; and that is, that you shall
not be obliged to attend at his doors, nor to
engage in military service ? but you shall stay
at home, abounding in riches. And those other
affairs I will perform for you and for myself;
and, if I get any thing valuable by my attend-
ance on Cyrus, or by any military expedition,
I will bring it to you that you may still have
the command of more; do you,” said he, “ but
free me from this care; for if I can be at lei-
sure from these affairs, I think that you will
be of very great use both to me, and to Cyrus.”

Having thus disecursed they settled these
affairs and put them in practice. The one
thought himself made a happy man, by having
the command of great riches, and the other
reckoned himself the most fortunate man in
the world, in having a steward, who afforded
him leisure to do what was agreeable to him.
Pheraulas was in his temper extremely kind
and friendly to his acquaintance ; and no care
or culture bestowed on any thing appeared so
pleasing to him, or so profitable, as that be-
stowed on men; for man, he thought, was, of
all other creatures, the best and the most grate-
ful: because he observed of men, that when
they were commended by any one, they were
zealous in their returns of praise; that they
used their endeavours to do kindnesses to those
that had done kindnesses to them ; that they
were kindly affected to those whom they knew
to be kindly affected to them ; and those who
they knew had a love for them, they could not
possibly hate ; and that, of all other creatures,
they were the most inclined to make their pa-
rents all returns of respect and service, both
while living and when dead. And all other
animals he reckoned more ungrateful and more
ill-natured than man. This Pheraulas was
much delighted, that, by being freed from the
care of other possessions, he should be at leisure
to mind his friends. And the Sacian was de-
lighted, because he was to have the possession
of abundance, and was to spend abundance.
‘The Sacian loved Pheraulas, because he was
always bringing him something ; and Pheraulas
loved the Sacian, because he was willing to

XENOPHON ON THE

[Boox vu.

take all; and though he charged himself with
the care of still more and more, yet he gave
him no more trouble. Thus did these men
live.

IV. Cyrus having sacrificed, and making an
entertainment with the prize of his victory, in-
vited those of his friends that appeared the
most desirous to increase his- power, and
that paid him honour in the most affectionate
manner: and with them he invited Artabazus
the Mede, Tigranes the Armenian, the Hyr-
canian commander of horse, and Gobryas.
Gadatas was the commander of his eunuchs;
and all the management within doors was set-
tled as he thought fit to regulate it. When
there were any that supped with him, Gadatas —
did not sit down, but minded the business ;
but when there was no company, he then
supped with him; for he was pleased with his
conversation ; and, in return, he was presented
with many great and noble things, both by
Cyrus himself, and by many others on Cyrus’
account.

As the persons who were invited to supper
came, he did not place every one as it happened
by chance to fall out; but the man that he
most esteemed he placed on his left hand, as if
this side were more exposed to dangerous
designs than the right. The next in his
esteem he placed on his right hand; the third
again on his left, and the fourth on his right ;
and if there were more, he went on with them
in the same manner. He thought it of service
to make it evident how far he esteemed every
one; because where men think that he who
excels others is not to haye his praises pub-
lished, nor to receive his rewards, there it is _
plain they have no emulation to each other;
but where he that excels has the advantage,
there they appear to struggle with the utmost
zeal. ‘Thus Cyrus made those known that
were chief in his esteem; beginning first with
their place, as they sat, and as they stood by
him. Yet this privilege of place, in sitting,
he did not make perpetual, but made it a rule,
that a man might advance, by noble actions, to
the more honourable seat; and if he grew
negligent and remiss, might sink down to the
less honourable. And if he that was possessed
of the principal seat did not appear to have re-
ceived the greatest number of valuable things
at his hands, he was ashamed. And these
things that were practised in the time of Cyrus
I perceive continue still thus to this day.

honourable seat ?”

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

When they had supped, it did not appear at
all wonderful to Gobryas that a man who had
the command of many should have every
thing in great abundance; but that Cyrus,
who had performed such great things, if he
thought that he had got any thing that was
delicate, should never spend it himself alone,
but give himself trouble in desiring his friends

‘that were present to share it; this he thought

wonderful, and frequently he saw him send to
some of his absent friends things that he hap-
pened to be pleased with himself. So that
when they had supped, and Cyrus, by presents
to several, had cleared his table of all that
plenty that was onit, then Gobryas said: “Be-
fore, Cyrus, I thought that you most excelled
the rest of men in being the most able in the
command of an army; but now, I swear by
the gods, that you excel more in benignity and
love to mankind, than in military conduct !”
« And, by Jove!” said Cyrus, “it is much
more agreeable to show acts of love to men
than acts of skill in the conduct of an army.”
“ How so?” said Gobryas. ὁ. Because these,”
said he, “ must be shown by doing mischief to
men, and those by doing them good.” -

After this, when they had drunk a little,
Hystaspes put this question to Cyrus: “ Would
you be offended, Cyrus,” said he, “if I should
ask you something that I am desirous to know
from you?” “ By the gods!” said he, “ quite
the contrary ; I should be offended if I per-
ceived that you retained what you had a mind
to ask me.” “ Tell me then,” said he, “ when
you have called me, did I ever refuse to come ?”
“Pray, be quiet,” said Cyrus. ‘+ Or did I ever
obey your summons slowly?” ‘No, nor this
neither.” ‘ Have I ever neglected to do what
you have ordered me?” “Ido not lay it to
your charge,” said he. ‘ And in what I have
done, can you accuse me of not having done it
with alacrity and pleasure?” “ This,” said
Cyrus, ‘the least of all.” ‘In the name of
all the gods, then, Cyrus!” said he, “ by what
means is it that Chrysantas has prevailed on
you so as to be placed before me in the more
“‘ Shall I tell you?” said
Cyrus. ‘ By all means,” said he. “ And will
you not be offended with me when you hear
the truth?” ‘No, I shall be pleased,” said
he, ‘if I find that I am not wronged.”
“ Then,” said he, ““ Chrysantas here, in the

first place, never waited my call, but before he

was called, was ready at hand for our service:

141

and then, not only what he was ordered, but
whatever he himself thought best for us to be
done, that he did. When it was necessary to
say any thing to our allies, he advised me what
he thought was becoming and proper for me
to say ; and what he perceived I was desirous
that our allies should know, but was ashamed
to say of myself, this he spoke as if he
were declaring his own opinion. So that,
in these matters, what hinders him from
being reckoned of more use to me even
than myself? As to himself, he always says
that the things that he has are sufficient for
him: but it appears evidently that he is always
looking out for what it may be of service for
me to have: and with the advantages that
befall me he is more delighted and pleased
than myself.” To this Hystaspes said: “ By
Here, Cyrus, I am pleased that I have asked -
you these things!” “ And why?” said he.
‘Because J will endeavour too to practise
them. One thing only there is,” said he, “ that
Ido not know; and that is, how to make it
evident that I rejoice at your advantages,
whether I must clap my hands, or laugh, or
what I must do?” Artabazus to this said:
«“ You must dance the Persian dance.” And
at this they laughed.

As the entertainment went on Cyrus put
this question to. Gobryas : “ Tell me,” said he,
“ Gobryas, do you think that you should give
your daughter to one of these that are here
with more satisfaction now than when at first
you became acquainted with us ?” “ And must
I tell the truth then ?” said Gobryas. * Yes,
by Jove!” said Cyrus, “since no question re-
quires falsehood in answer to it.” Be as-
sured then,” said he, “that I should do it with
much more satisfactionnow.” ‘ And can you
give,” said Cyrus, “a reason why Ὁ". “ I can.”
« Give it me then.” ‘* Because, at that time,
I saw these men bear toils and dangers with
alacrity; but now I see them bear prosperity
with discretion and good temper. And to me,
Cyrus, it appears more difficult to find a man
that bears prosperity well, than one that bears
adversity well; for prosperity inspires most
men with pride and insolence, but adversity
gives discretion and modesty of temper to all.”
Then Cyrus said: ‘“‘ Do you hear, Hystaspes,
this saying of Gobryas?” “ Yes, by Jove!”
said he, “1 do; and if he pronounce many
such, he shall much sooner have me for a suitor
to his daughter, than if he showed me abun-

142

dance of cups of great value.” ‘“ Truly,” said
Gobryas, “I have a great many such written
down ; and I will not grudge them to you, if
you. have my daughter for a wife: but my
cups,” said he, “since you seem to dislike
them, I do not know but I will give to Chry-
santas here, especially since he has run away
with your seat.”

«ς Well,” said Cyrus, “if you, Hystaspes,
and the rest that are here present will acquaint
me when any of you are endeavouring after a
wife, you will then know how good an assis-
tant I shall be to you.” Gobryas then said:
« But if one has a mind to dispose of a daugh-
ter, who must one tell it to?” ‘ This,” said
Cyrus, ‘must be told to me too; for lama
notable man in this art.” ‘ What art?” said
Chrysantas. “ Why, in knowing what match
will best suit each particular man.” Then
Chrysantas said : “ In the name of all the gods,
then, tell me what wife you ,think will best
suit me!” ‘ First,” said he, “she must be
little, for you are little yourself; and if you
“marry a tall wife, and would kiss her as she
stands, you must leap up like a little dog.”
«* You are much in the right,” said he, “to
provide against this, for Iam by no means a
good caperer.” ‘ And then,” said he, “she
must have a nose that sinks in the middle.”
“ And what is this for ?” “ Because,” said he,
“you have a crooked nose, and a rising hook
would best suit a sinking in.” ‘ Do you say
then that a fasting wife would best suit one
that had feasted plentifully as I have done
now ?” “ Yes, by Jove !” said Cyrus “ for the
bellies of those that are full rise, and the bel-
lies of those that are fasting sink in.” “ But,
in the name of all the gods !” said Chrysantas,
“can you tell what wife will be best for a frigid
king ?” Here Cyrus fell a-laughing, and so did
the others. And as they were laughing Hys-
taspes said: “ In the whole compass of your
royal dignity, Cyrus, I envy you the most for
this.” ‘ For what?” said Cyrus. ‘“ Why,
that, as frigid as you are, you can make people
laugh.” “ And would not you give a great
déal,” said Cyrus, “ then, that these things had
been said by you, and that she, that you desire
should think well of you, should be informed
that you are a polite agreeable man?” Thus
they jested one with another.

After this he produced a woman’s attire for
Tigranes, and bade him give it his wife, be-
cause she bravely attended her husband in the

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VIII.

service. To Artabazus he gave a golden cup ;
to the Hyrcanian, a horse. And many other
noble presents he made. “ But, Gobryas,”
said he, “1 will give you a husband for your —
daughter.” ‘ And shall not I,” said Hystas-
pes, “be the man that you will give, that I
may get those writings?” “ Have you sub-
stance enough,” said Cyrus, “to deserve the
girl 2” “ Yes, by Jove! Ihave much more than
enough.” ‘ And where,” said he, “is this —
substance of yours ?” “* Here,” said he, “ where
you, my friend, sit.” “ That is enough for
me,” said Gobryas ; and holding out his right
hand—“ Give him me, Cyrus,” said he, “ for
I accept him.” Then Cyrus, taking Hystas-
pes’ right hand, presented it to Gobryas and
he received it. After this he made a great
many noble presents to Hystaspes, that he
might send them to the maid; and pulling
Chrysantas to him, he kissed him. On this
Artabazus said: ““ By Jove! Cyrus, you have
not given me my cup of the same gold with
this present that you have made Chrysantas.”
« But I will give you the same,” said he. He
asked him—‘‘ When ?” “ Thirty years hence,”
said he. “ Well, prepare yourself for me,” said
he, “85 one that intends to wait, and not to ~
die before the time.” , Thus then ended this
conversation : and when they rose, Cyrus rose
with them, and conducted them to his doors.
The next day all those of his allies that had
voluntarily attended him he dismissed to their
homes, excepting such as chose to live near
him. To these he gave lands and houses,
which the descendants of those who then
staid possess still to this day: and they were,
for the most part, Medes and Hyrcanians. To
those that went off he gave many presents, and
dismissed them, both commanders and soldiers,
without leaving them the least cause to com-
plain. After this he divided the treasure that
he gained at Sardis among the soldiers that
were about him. And to the commanders of
ten thousand, and to the officers that were about
him, he gave the choice things, according to
the merit of every one. The rest he par-
celled out, and giving a share to each of the
commanders of ten thousand, he left it to them
to distribute it in the same manner as he had
distributed to them. And these other trea-
sures each commander distributed to the com-
manders under him, giving judgment on the
merit of every one. And the commanders of
six, giving judgment on the private men that

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

were under them, distributed the last remain-
ing treasures severally to them, according to
theirdesert. So they all received their just share.

When they had received what was then
given them, some of them spoke of Cyrus in
this manner: “Surely he must have abun-
dance, when he gives so much to every one of
us.” But others of them said: “ What is the
abundance that he has? Cyrus is not of a
temper to mind wholly the heaping up of trea-
sure; but he is more pleased with bestowing
than with having it.” Cyrus, perceiving these
discourses, and the opinions that men had of
him, assembled his friends and all the other
proper persons together, and spoke to this
effect: ‘‘ My friends, I have seen men that
were willing to be thought possessed of more
than they really had, and who thought by that
means to appear the more generous and noble.

But these men, in my opinion, are drawn into

the very reverse of what they intend; for he
that seems to have abundance, and does not
appear to do that service to his friends that is
suitable to his substance, gains, in my opinion,
the character of being mean and sordid. There
are those,” said he, “on the other side, who
desire that what they have may be concealed.
And these too, in my opinion, are faulty to
their friends: for frequently friends that are
in want avoid telling it to their companions,
because they are ignorant of what they have,
and so are deceived. But the plainest, sim-
plest part, in my opinion, is to make the whole
strength of one’s fortune appear, and with it
to try to get the better of others in generosity.
I intend, therefore,” said he, “to show you
every thing that is possible for you to see of
what I have; and, of what you cannot see, to
give you an account.” MHaving said this he
showed them abundance of rich and valuable
things ; and those that lay so as not easily to
be seen he gave them an account of; and, in
conclusion, said thus: “ All these things, my
friends,” said he, “you ought to reckon not
more mine than yours; for I have collected
them in together, not that I may spend them
myself, nor that I-may myself wear them out,
for I should not be able to do it; but that I
may always have wherewithal to present any
of you, on your performance of any thing great
and noble ; and that in case any of you think
you are in want of any thing, you may come to
me and take what you happen to be in want
of.” ‘Thus were these things said.

145
V. But when he thought that affairs were
now so well settled in Babylon that he might
venture to travel abroad, he himself prepared
for a journey into Persia, and gave out orders
on it to others. And when he judged that he
was sufficiently provided with the things he
thought he should want, he departed. Now,
we will give an account how so great an equi-
page was, in the most orderly manner, set out,
aud then again put up together, in the same
manner, and disposed into the place where it
ought to be; for, wherever the king encamps,
they that are about his person attend the ser-
vice with tents, both winter and summer.
Cyrus then immediately thought fit to place
his own tent fronting to the east: then he first
directed at what distance from the royal tent
the guards should pitch theirs; he then ap-
pointed the bakers, and those that were con-
cerned in making the bread, their station on
the right; the cooks theirs on the left. To
the horses he appointed their station on the
right; and to the other beasts of burden,
theirs on the left. And all the rest was
so disposed, that every one knew his own
station, both as to measure and place. When
they are to put all up, every one packs
up such baggage as it was appointed him to
use, and there are others that place it on the
beasts of burden; so that all the baggage car~
riers come up at the same time to the things
that are severally appointed them to carry ; and
they all, at the same time, place them on the
beasts that severally belong to them; so that
the same time that suffices for the striking of
one tent suffices for all. The case is the same
in the displaying and setting out of all. And
with respect to the doing all things that are
necessary in proper time, every one is, in the
same manner, appointed what he is to do; and
by this means the same time suffices for the
doing things in one part and in all. And as
the servants that despatched all the necessary
business had all severally their proper stations,
so they that bore arms had their stations in
their encampment suitable to the sort of arms
they severally had: they knew what their sta-
tion was, and all disposed themselves in it
without any hesitation. for Cyrus thought the
proper placing of things a noble rule in a
house; because, if one happen to want any
thing, it is known whither one must go to
take it. But the proper placing of the several
different sorts of military men he reckoned a

144

much nobler thing; as the occasions of put-
ting all to their use, in the affairs of war, are
more sudden, and the faults arising from those
that are dilatory in them are of worse conse-
quence ; and the most valuable advantages in
war, he observed, arose from having all things
ready for the occasion. On these accounts
therefore he took the greatest care of this pro-
priety of place.

First, then, he placed himself in the midst
of the camp, as being the strongest and secur-
est station. Then those whom he chiefly con-
fided in he had, according to custom, about
himself. Next to these, in a circle round, he
had the horsemen and charioteers ; for he was
of opinion that a secure station was necessary
for these people, because they encamp with-
out having at hand any of those arms that they
engage with, and require a considerable time
to arm themselves, if they are to advance so
as to do any service. To the right and left
of himself, and of the horsemen, was the sta-
tion of the shield-men. The station of the
archers was before and behind himself and
the horsemen. The heavy-armed men, and
such as had large shields, he had in a circle
round all, as a rampart, that in case there
was any occasion for the horsemen to make
ready, they that were the fittest to make a
stand being placed before them might give
them time to arm securely. And as the heavy-
armed men slept there, in order round him, so
did the shield-men and archers. So that even
in the night-time, if the occasion required, as
heavy-armed men were ready prepared to come
to blows with such as came up close with them,
so the archers and javelin-men, if any-people
approached them, were ready to discharge their
javelins and arrows over the heads of the heavy-
armed. And all the commanders had ensigns
on their tents. And as in cities discreet and
good servants know the habitations of most
people, but chiefly of those that it is proper
for them to know, so did the servants of Cyrus
know the stations that the chief leaders had in
the encampments, and knew the ensigns that
belonged to each of them; so that whatever
Cyrus might want, they were not to seek for
them, but ran the shortest way directly to each
of them. And by means of the several sets
of people being distinct, it was much the more
readily observed when any one was disorderly,
and when any one did not perform what he was
commanded. And things standing thus, he

XENOPHON ON THE

[sBooK vit. —

was of opinion, that if any body attacked him,
either by night or day, such aggressor would
fall into his camp, as into an ambuscade.

And he did not only think it a part of the
tactic art for a man to be able to draw up a
phalanx easily and cleverly, or to increase it in
depth, or to form a phalanx on the wing, or on
the enemy’s appearing to the right, the left, or
the rear, to wheel properly, but to separate
men when it was proper, he took to bea part
of this art: to post each part where they might ~
be most serviceable, and to make despatch
where it might be fit to prevent the enemy.
All these things, and such like, he took to be
the business of a man skilled in tactics. He
took care of all these things alike ; and in his
marches he moved always in a disposition suit-
able to what occurred: but in his encampments
he placed his people, for the most part, as has
been said.

When, in the course of their march, they
arrived in the Median territory, Cyrus turned
off to visit Cyaxares; and after they had em-
braced each other, Cyrus first told Cyaxares
that there were domestics and palaces set apart
for him in Babylon, that when he came thither
he might have what was his own to come to.
And be then made him a great many other
noble presents. _Cyaxares received them, and
sent his daughter to him with a crown of gold,
and with bracelets, with a collar and Median
robe, that was as fine as was possible ; and the
maid put the crown on Cyrus’ head. Cyax-
ares then said: “I give you the maid too,
Cyrus, for your wife. She is my own daugh-
ter. Your father married my father’s daugh-
ter, and from her you are descended. This is
she that, when you were a boy and amongst us,
you used to fondle ; and when any one asked
her, “Who she would marry?” she said,
“ Cyrus.” And with her I give all Media as
her dowry, for I have no legitimate male issue.”
Thus he spoke, and Cyrus replied: “ O Cy.
axares! JI applaud the race, the maid, and the
presents that attend her: and, with the con-
sent,” said he, “of my father and mother, Iam
ready to agree with you.” Thus Cyrus spoke;
but yet he presented the maid with all that he
thought would be pleasing to Cyaxares; and
having done this he continued his march to
Persia.

And when, in the course of his march, he
arrived at the borders of Persia, there he lett
the rest of the army; but he himself, together

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

with his friends, proceeded on to the city, carry-
ing with him such numbers of victims as were
sufficient for all the Persians to sacrifice and
feast on, He brought with him such presents
as were proper for his father and mother and
his other friends, and such as were proper for
the elders and magistrates, and for all the alike-
honoured. He gave likewise to all the Per-
sians, both men and women, such presents as
the king still makes at this day, when he comes
into Persia. After this Cambyses assembled
the Persian elders and magistrates who had
the direction of the greatest affairs: he sum-
moned likewise Cyrus, and spoke to this effect ;

«« Men of Persia, and you, O Cyrus! I have
justly an affection for you both; for over you I
am king, and you, Cyrus, are my son. It is
just therefore that I should lay before you
whatever I judge to be of advantage to you
both. With respect to the time past, you
have advanced Cyrus in his fortune by granting
an army, and by constituting him the com-
mander of it. Cyrus, in the conduct of his
army, has, with the help of the gods, gained
you, Ὁ Persians! glory amongst all men, and
honour throughout all Asia. Of those that
served with him the better sort he has enriched,
and the multitude he has provided with their pay
and with their maintenance : and, by constitut-
ing a Persian cavalry, he, has given the Persians
a share in the command of the plains. If you
continue therefore for the future in the same
sentiments, you will be the authors of many
advantages to each other. But if either you,
Cyrus, elevated with your present happy cir-
cumstances, attempt to rule the Persians as
you do the others, with regard only to your own
interest; or if you, citizens, envying him his
power, endeavour to wrest the empire from
him, be assured that you will hinder each other
from obtaining many advantages. Therefore,
that things may not fall out thus, but rather
happily for you, my opinion is,” said he, “ that
we make a sacrifice in common; and, calling
the gods to witness, stipulate that you, Cyrus,
in case any one make war on the Persian ter-
ritory, or attempt to destroy the Persian laws,
‘shall assist in their defence with your whole
force: and that you, Persians, in case any one
attempt to put an end to Cyrus’ empire, or to
excite any of his subjects to revolt, shall yield
such assistance in defence of yourselves and of
Cyrus as he shall order. Whilst I live, the
royal dignity amongst the Persians is mine;

145

when I am dead, it then plainly belongs to
Cyrus, if he lives. And when he comes into
Persia, it may be perhaps of religious concern
to you that he should make these sacrifices for
you that I now make: but, when he is abroad,
I think it will be proper that that person of
our race that appears to you to be the most
worthy should perform the sacred rites.”

On Cambyses’ saying this, Cyrus and the
Persian magistrates joined in opinion with him.
And having at that time agreed on these things,
(calling on the gods as witnesses,) the Persians
and the king continue still to this day to put
them in practice one towards another.

When these things were performed Cyrus
went away; and when he came into Media, in
his journey back, on its being agreed to by his
father and mother, he married the daughter of
Cyaxares, who at this day has still the fame of
having been extremely beautiful. There are
some authors who say that he married his
mother’s sister; but she must have been a
woman in years, much more probably than one
so young. When he had married her he pre-
sently departed, and took her with him.

VI. When he was at Babylon he thought
it now proper for him to constitute governors,
or satraps, over the conquered nations. But
the commanders of the garrisons in castles, and
the commanders of thousands that were appoint-
ed for the guard of the country, he would not
allow to obey the orders of any but himself.
He used this foresight on consideration, that
if any of the satraps, by means of their riches
and the numbers of their people, should grow
insolent, and attempt to withdraw their obe-
dience from him, they might immediately meet
with opposers on the place. Desiring there-
fore to bring this about, he determined first to
call together all the proper persons, and to
declare it to them, that they who went on these
employments might know on what footing they
went; for by this means he thought they
would the more easily bear it. But if any
one was first constituted a commander and
then made the discovery, he was of opinion
that men would bear this with difficulty, imag-
ining that it was done out of distrust of them. .

So, assembling them together, he spoke to
this effect: “My friends, in the cities that
have been conquered, there are garrisons and
commanders over them that I left there at the
time; and when I went away I gave them

orders not to take on themselves any other
T

146

business than to preserve the fortresses: there-
fore I will not deprive these men of their
power since they have discharged themselves
handsomely in the guarding of what they had
in charge. But I think it proper for me to
send other governors, who shall take on them
the rule of the inhahitants ; and who, receiving
the revenues, shall give the garrisons their pay,
and discharge whatever else is necessary. And
to those of you here that 1 shall give employ-
ment, and send to perform any business in the
several nations, I think it proper to distribute
lands and houses there, that the tribute may
be there paid them, and that they may bring it
to this place, and when they go thither, that
they may have what is their own to go to.”
Thus he said. And to many of his friends he
gave houses and dependents throughout all the
conquered cities. And these precints remain
still at this day in the possession of the descen-
dants of those who then received them, some
in one country and some in another, and they
themselves reside with the king. “And we
ought,” said he, “ to look out for such satraps to
go into these precincts as will remember to send
hither whatever there is that is excellent and
valuable in every country, that we who are
here may share of all that is excellent in every
part; for if any misfortune befall them, it will
lie on us to defend them from it.”

Having said this, he ended his discourse.
And then from amongst his friends, that he knew
were desirous to go on the terms expressed,
choosing out such as he thought the most proper,
he sent them as satraps. To Arabia he sent
Megabyzus ; to Cappadocia, Artabatas ; to the
Greater Phrygia, Artacamas; to Lydia and
Ionia, Chrysantas; to Caria, Cadusius, as that
people themselves had desired ; to Phrygia on
the Hellespont and AZolia, Pharnuchus. To
Cilicia, to Cyprus, and to the Paphlagonians,
he sent no Persian satraps, because they seem-
ed to have joined of their own accord with him
in his expedition against Babylon. But he
appointed these likewise a tribute that they
were to pay, according to Cyrus’ establishment
at that time; so that there are still at this day
garrisons belonging to the king in the fortresses,
and commanders of thousands appointed by the
king to command those forces, and set down
in a list belonging to the king.

The satraps that were thus sent out he be-
forehand directed to imitate, as near as was
pessible, whatever they saw him practise.

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK VIII.

And in the first place, that each satrap, out of
such of the Persians and of the confederates
as attended him, should establish a number of
horsemen and eharioteers ; and then should
oblige such as had lands and palaces to pay
their attendance at his doors, and, practising
discreet and modest manners, to yield them-
selves to the service of the satrap, if any occa-
sion should so require; and that he should
discipline at his doors the boys that these men
had, as was practised by himself ; and that the
satrap should take those that attended at his
doors out with him to hunt, and exercise him-
self and those about him in military affairs.
«* And the man,” said he, “ that, in proportion
to his ability, produces the most chariots, and
the most and best horsemen, him will I reward,
as an excellent fellow-soldier, and as an excel-
lent fellow-guardian and preserver of the em-
pire to the Persians and myself. Let the best
men with you be honoured with the principal
seats, as they are with me; and let your table,
as mine does, maintain in the first place your
domestics, and then letit be sufficiently furnish-
ed to afford your friends to partake of it, and
allow you every day to reward any one that may
have done a handsome action. Get yourselves
parks, and maintain wild beasts. And neither
set meat at any time before yourselves without
having taking pains, nor throw food to your
horses unexercised ; for it is impossible for me,
who am but one, with all the virtue that be-
longs to human nature, to preserve all you in
safety and prosperity ; but it is my part, mak-
ing myself a worthy man, together with other
worthy men about me, to be an assistant to you.
And it is, in like manner, your part, making
yourselves worthy men, together with other
men of worth about you, to be friends and sup-
ports tome. And I desire likewise that you
would observe that of all these orders that I
now give you, I give none to those that are of
servile condition ; and that the things which I
say you ought to do, these I endeavour myself to
practise. And as I exhort you to imitate me,
so do you instruct those that are in command
under you to imitate you.”

Cyrus having thus regulated these affairs at
that time, all the garrisons under the king are
still at this day kept likewise in the same me-
thod. The doors of all the commanders are
frequented in the like manner. All families,
both great and little, are in the like manner
regulated. The most deserving men, in all

INSTITUTION

companies, are honoured with the prircipal
seats. All marches are ordered in the same
method; and the great multitude of affairs is
parcelled out into distinct heads, under a few
principal directors.

Having told them in what manner they were
each of them to manage in these affairs, and
having given to each of them a force, he sent
them away, and told them all beforehand, that
in the following year an expedition would be
undertaken, and a review taken both of men
and arms, horses and chariots. .

There is another thing that we have observ-
ed, which, they say, was begun by Cyrus,
and continues to this day ; that there is a certain
person, who, at the head of an army, takes a
progress every year; and who, in case any of
the satraps want assistance, affords it them,
and if any of them grow insolent, reduces
them to temper. And if any neglect the pay-
ment of his tribute, or the protection of the
inhabitants, or the care of having the land
cultivated, or leaves any other of his orders
unexecuted, he puts all these things to
rights ; or if he is not able to do it himself, he
makes a report to the king; and when the king
has had an account of it, he takes advice how
to deal with the transgressing person. And
commonly he who takes this progress is the
king’s son, or the king’s brother, or one
of those they call the king’s eye. And
sometimes they do not appear, for they each of
them return on the first orders from the king.

We have likewise been informed of another
contrivance of his, with regard to the extent of
his empire, by means of which he had imme-
diate intelligence of what passed in the most
remote parts of his government: for observing
how far a horse was able to travel in a day, he
built stables at that distance, and supplied
them with horses, and persons to have the care
of them. And he appointed a certain person
at each of these stages to receive the letters
and to deliver them out, and to receive those
horses that had completed their stage, and to
furnish fresh ones. And it is said that the
night didnot give any interruption to these
stages ; for as soon as he arrived who had been
on his progress all day, another continued it
during the night. And in this manner they
are said to fly swifter than cranes; but though
that be false, yet it is manifest that this is the
quickest way of travelling for men. Besides,
it is of use to have early intelligence of every
thing, that immediate provision may be made.

OF CYRUS. 147
At the conclusion of the year Cyrus assem-
bled his army together at Babylon, which is
said to have consisted of one hundred and
twenty thousand horse, two thousand chariots
armed with scythes, and sixty thousand foot ;
and having prepared them for it, he undertook
that expedition, in which he is reported to have
subdued all those nations which lie from the
entrance into Syria as far as the Red Sea. His
next expedition is said to have been against
Egypt, which he also subdued. Then Cyrus’

| empire was bounded to the east by the Red

Sea, to the north by the Euxine Sea, to the
west by Cyprus and Egypt, to the south by
Ethiopia; the extremities of which countries
are difficult to inhabit, some of them from
excess of heat, some of them from excess of
cold, some from too great abundance of water,
others from a scarcity of water.

Cyrus, residing in the centre of these ccun-
tries, spent the seven winter months at Baby-
lon, because that climate is warm, the three
spring months at Susa, and the two summer
months at Ecbatana: by which means he is
said to have enjoyed a perpetual spring with
respect to heat and cold. And men stood so
affected towards him, that every nation thought
they did themselves an injury if they did not
send Cyrus the most valuable productions o
their country, whether they were the fruits cf
the earth, or creatures bred there, or manufac-
tures of their own; and every city did the
same. And every private man thought himself
rich if he could oblige Cyrus; for as Cyrus
accepted from each of what they possessed in
abundance, so in return he distributed to them
what he observed they were in want of.

VII. After he had thus spent some consid-
erable time, Cyrus, now in a very advanced
age, takes a journey into Persia, which was the
seventh from the acquisition of his empire,
when his father and mother had probably been
for some time dead. Cyrus made the usual
sacrifices, and danced the Persian dance, ac-
cording to the custom of his country, and dis-
tributed to every one presents, as usual. Then,
being asleep in the royal palace, he had the
following dream. ‘There seemed to advance
towards him a person with a more than human
majesty in his air and countenance, and to say
to,him; “ Cyrus, prepare yourself, for you are
now going to the gods!” After this appear-
ance in his dream he awaked, and seemed
assured that his end drew near. ‘Therefore,
taking along with him the victims, he sacrificed

148

on the summit of a mountain (as is the custom
in Persia) to Jove Paternal, the Sun, and the
rest of the gods, accompanying the sacrifices
with this prayer :

*“ O Jove Paternal, Sun, and all ye gods!
receive these sacrifices as the completion of
many worthy and handsome actions; and as
grateful acknowledgments for having signified
to me, both by the victims, by celestial signs,
by birds, and by omens, what became me
to do, and not to do. And I abundantly
return you thanks, that I have been sensible
of your care and protection ; and that, in the
course of my prosperity, I never was exalted
above what became a man. I implore you
now to bestow all happiness on my children,
my wife, my friends, and my country; and
for myself, that 1 may die as I have always
lived.”

When he had finished his sacrifices and prayer
he returned home, and finding himself disposed
to be quiet, he lay down. At acertain hour |
proper persons attended, and offered him to
wash. He told them that he had rested very
well. Then, at another hour, proper officers
brought him his supper; but Cyrus had no ap-
petite to eat, but seemed thirsty, and aa
with pleasure. And continuing thus the va
cond and third days, he sent for his sons, who, |
as it happened, had attended their father, and |
were then in Persia. He summoned likewise |
his friends, and the magistrates of Persia. |
When they were all met, he began in this
manner :

«Children, and all you, my friends, here |
present! the conclusion of my life is now at |
band, which I certainly know from many.
symptoms. You ought, when I am dead, to
act and speak of me in every thing as a happy ,

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book viit.

leave in great reputation and honour. Neither
do I know that I have not preserved whatever
I acquired. And though, in time past, all
things have succeeded according to my wishes,
yet an apprehension lest, in process of time, I
should see, hear, or suffer some difficulty, has
not suffered me to be too much elated, or teo

‘extravagantly delighted. Nowif I die, Ileave

you, children, behind me, (whom the gods have
given me,) and I leave my country and my
friends happy. Ought not I therefore, in jus-
tice, to be always remembered, and mentioned
as fortunate and happy? I must likewise de-
clare to whom I leave my kingdom, lest that,
being doubtful, should hereafter raise dissen-
sions among you. Now, children, I bear an
equal affection to you both; but I direct that
the elder should have the advising and conduct-
ing of affairs, as his age requires it, and it is
probable he has more experience. And as I
have been instructed by my country and yours
to give place to those elder than myself, not
only brothers, but fellow-citizens, both in walk-
ing, sitting, and speaking ; so have 1 instructed
you, from your youth, to show a regard to your
elders, and to receive the like from such as
were inferior to you in age; receive then this
disposition as ancient, customary, and legal.
Do you therefore, Cambyses, hold the king-
dom as allotted you by the gods and by me, se
far as itisinmy power. To you, Tanoaxares,
I bequeath the satrapy of the Medes, Arme-
nians, and Cadusians ; which when 1 allot you,
I think I leave your elder brother a larger em-
pire, and the title of a kingdom, but to you a
happiness freer from care and yexation: for I
do not see what human satisfaction you can
need; but you will enjoy whatever appears
agreeable and pleasing to men. An affection

man : for, when 1 was a child, I seemed to have | for such things as are difficult to =e ν
received advantage from what is esteemed | multitude of πὰς aga and an impossibility of be-
worthy and handsome in children ; so likewise, | Ng quiet, anxiety from an emulation of a ὑπαὶ
when I was a youth, from what is esteemed so , tions, forming designs yourself, and having de-
in young men; so, when 1 came to be a man, | signs formed against you: these are things
from what is esteemed worthy and handsome , Which must more necessarily attend a king than
in men. And Ihave always seemed to observe , One in your station ; and be assured these give
‘myself increase with time in strength and vi-, many interruptions to pleasure and satisfac-
gour, so that I have not found myself weaker or | tion. Know, therefore, Cambyses, that is not
more infirm in my old age than in my youth. the golden sceptre which poe sg eh pes!
Neither do I know that I have desired or un-| kingdom ; but faithful friends are a prince's
dertaken any thing in which I have not suc-| truest and securest sceptre. But do not
ceeded. By my means my friends have been | imagine that men are naturally faithful (for
made happy, and my enemies enslaved; and | then they would appear so to all, as other na-
my country, at first inconsiderable in Asia, I) tural endowments do); but every one must

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS.

render others faithful to himself: and they are
not to be procured by violence, but rather by
kindness and beneficence. If therefore you
would constitute other joint guardians with
you of your kingdom, whom can you better be-
gin with than him who is of the same blood
with yourself? and fellow-citizens are nearer
to us than strangers, and those who live and
eat with us, than those that do not. And
those who have the same original, who have
been nourished by the same mother, and grown
up in the same house, and beloved by the
same parents, and who call on the same father
and mother, are not they, of all others, the
nearest to us? Do not you therefore render
those advantages fruitless, by which the gods
unite brothers in affinity and relation; but to
those advantages add other friendly offices, and
by that means your friendship will be recipro-
cally solid and lasting. The taking care of a
brother is providing for oneself. ΤῸ whom
can the advancement of a brother be equally
honourable, as to a brother? Who can show a
regard to a great and powerful man equal to
his brother? Who will fear to injure another,
so much as him whose brother is in an exalted
station? Be therefore second to none in sub-
mission and good-will to your brother, since no
one can be so particularly serviceable or injuri-
ous to you. And I would have you consider
how you can hope for greater advantages by
obliging any one so much as him? Or whom

can you assist that will be so powerful an ally:

in war? Or what is more infamous than want
of friendship between brothers? Who, of all
men, can we so handsomely pay regard to as to
a brother? Ina word, Cambyses, your brother
is the only one you can advance next to your
person without the envy of others. There-
fore, in the name of the gods, children, have
regard for one another, if you are careful to do
what is acceptable to me. For you ought not
to imagine, you certainly know, that after I
have closed this period of human life I shall
no longer exist: for neither do you now see
my soul, but you conclude, from its operations,
that it does exist. And have you not observed
what terrors and apprehensions murderers are
inspired with by those who have suffered vio-
lence from them? What racks and torture do
they convey to the guilty? Or how do you
think honours should have continued to be paid

to the deceased, if their souls were destitute of | choice.
al] power and virtue ? No, children, I can never | these matters.

149

be persuaded that the soul lives no longer than
it dwells in this mortal body, and that it dies on
its separation; for I see that the soul com-
municates vigour and motion to mortal bodies
during its continuance in them. Neither can
I be persuaded that the soul is divested of in-
telligence, on its separation from this gross,
senseless body; but it is probable, that when

tire, and is then more intelligent. It is evi-
dent that, on man’s dissolution, every part of
him returns to what is of the same nature with
itself, except the soul ; that alone is invisible,
both during its presence here, and at its depar-
ture. And you may have observed that no-

thing resembles death so much as sleep ; but

then it is that the human soul appears most
divine, and has a prospect of futurity ; for then
it is probable the soul is most free and inde-
pendent. If therefore things are as I think,
and that the soul leaves the body, having regard
to my soul, comply with my request. But if
it be otherwise, and that the soul continuing
in the body perishes with it, let nothing appear
in your thoughts or actions criminal or impi-
ous, for fear of the gods, who are eternal,
whose power and inspection extend over all
things, and who preserve the harmony and order
of the universe free from decay or defect, whose
greatness and beauty is inexplicable! Next to
the gods, have regard to the whole race of man-
kind, in perpetual succession: for the gods
have not concealed you in obscurity ; but there
is a necessity that your actions should be con-
spicuous to the world. If they are virtuous,
and free from injustice, they will give you
power and interest in all men ; but if you pro-
ject what is unjust against each other, no man
will trust you; for no one can place a confi-
dence in you, though his inclination to it be
ever so great, when he sees you unjust, where
it most becomes you to be a friend. If there-
fore I have not rightly instructed you what you
ought to be to one another, learn it from those
who lived before our time, for that will be the
best lesson. For there are are many who have
lived affectionate parents to their children, and
friends to their brothers ; and some there are
who have acted the opposite part towards each
other. Whichsoever of these you shall ob-
serve to have been most advantageous, you will
do well in giving it the preference in your
But perhaps this is sufficient as to
When I am dead, children, do

the soul is separated, it becomes pure and en- .

150

not enshrine my body in gold, nor in silver, nor
any thing else ; but lay it in the earth as soon
as possible ; for what can be more happy than
to mix with the earth, which gives birth and
nourishment to all things excellent and good ?
And as I have always hitherto borne an affec-
tion to men, so it is now most pleasing to me
to incorporate with that which is beneficial to
men. Now,” said he, “it seems to me that
my soul is beginning to leave me, in the same
manner as it is probable it begins its departure
with others. If therefore any of you are de-
sirous of touching my right hand, or willing to
see my face while it has life, come near to me:
for, when I shall have covered it, I request of
you, children, that neither yourselves, nor any
others weuld look on my body. Summon all
the Persians and their allies before my tomb,
to rejoice for me; that J shall be then out
of danger of suffering any evil, whether I
shall be with the gods, or shall be reduced to
nothing. As many as come, do you dismiss
with all those favours that are thought proper
fora happy man. And,” said he, “ remember
this as my last and dying words. If you do
kindnesses to your friends, you will be able to
injure your enemies. Farewell, dear children,
and tell this to your mother as from me. And
all you, my friends, both such of you as are
here present, and the rest who are absent—
farewell!” Having said this, and taken every
one by the right hand, he covered himself, and
thus expired.

VIII. That Cyrus’ empire was the noblest
and most extensive in Asia, is even confirmed
by itself. It was terminated to the east by
the Red Sea, to the north by the Euxine Sea,
to the west by Cyprus and Egypt, to the south
by Ethiopia; and though of such an extent,
was governed by the single will of Cyrus. And
to those who were subject to him he showed
all kindness and regard, as to children; and
they paid Cyrus duty and respect, as to a
father. Immediately on Cyrus’ death his sons
fell into dissension; cities and nations re-
volted ; every thing tended to ruin. To show
that what I assert is truth, I will begin by
things divine.

I know that in the early times of their insti-
tution, the king, and those that were subject to
him, were religious observers of their oaths,
and steady to their promises, even to the most
criminal. If they had not been so, and that
opinion of them had prevailed, no one would

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book Vu.

have trusted them ; as at this time no one will,
since their impiety is notorious: neither had
the commanders of the army, in the expedition
with Cyrus, put the confidence in them they
did; but, relying on the ancient opinion of
their faith, they delivered themselves into
their hands, and being brought to the king, had
their heads cut off. And many barbarians in
that expedition perished, in different ways, by
their treachery and deceit. 1
With respect likewise to these things, they ἢ
are now degenerated from what they were:
for, in their primitive institution, if any one
hazarded himself for his king, or subdued any
city or nation, or performed any great or
excellent action, he had honours conferred on
him. Now, if any one, as Mithridates did
Ariobarzanes, betrays his father, and as Leo-
mithres his wife and children, and his friend’s
children, left as hostages in Egypt, in violation
of the most solemn oaths and engagements, he
is esteemed to have done what is profitable to
his prince, and is loaded with the highest hon-
ours. The Asiatics, being spectators of these
things, are themselves sunk into impiety and
injustice: for governments always resemble
their governors, and the prosperity or declen-
sion, the vigour or decay of all states is derived
from the virtues and vices, the abilities or
weakness of their rulers. For this reason,
they are more unjust now than they were for-
merly. They are likewise more corrupt with

‘respect to riches ; for they do not only imprison

such as are highly criminal, but the innocent ;
and, contrary to justice, enforce the payment
of their arbitrary impositions. So that they
who have great estates are under the same
apprehensions as those that are involved in
great crimes: for this reason, they will not
associate with the better sort, nor dare they
enlist themselves in the king’s army. There-
fore those that are at war with them may
securely ravage the country, without any
opposition, if they are disposed to do it;
which is owing to the impiety of the Persians
towards the gods, and their iniquity towards
men. Thus are their minds and dispositions
debauched to what they had been in their first
institution. }

How defective they are in the care of their
bodies I will, in the next place, relate. It was
part of their institution not to spit, or blow
the nose ; but it is manifest this was not in-
tended to spare the disckarges of the body, but

INSTITUTION

they intended to disperse those humours by
exercise, and by that means to fortify their
bodies. And the custom of not spitting or
blowing the nose yet continues, though that of
exercising is not practised. They likewise
originally used to make only one meal a day,
that the rest of the day might be employed in
action and the despatch of business : and that
custom yet continues. But, beginning their
meal very early, they continue eating and
drinking till the latest sitters up go to bed.

It was likewise an institution among them
not to bring large bottles to their banquets ;
evidently thinking that, by not drinking to
excess, they should neither weaken their
bodies nor impair their understandings. And

that custom too continues, of not bringing such
bottles ; but they drink to such excess, that
instead of bringing in, they are carried out
themselves, not being able to walk without help.
It was also a custom of their countries, when
they were on a journey, neither to eat nor drink,
nor to do publicly what is the necessary conse-
quence of both. Abstinence from these things
yet continues ; but their journeys are so short,
that their abstaining from these necessities
is nothing wonderful or extraordinary.

Formerly they went a-hunting so often, that
those chases were sufficient exercises for them-
selves and their horses; but, since king Ar-
taxerxes and his companions have debauched
themselves with wine, they do not so frequent-

_ ly go out themselves, nor lead others to those
chases. Wherefore, if some, from a fondness
for exercise, have gone out a-hunting, they have
manifestly incurred envy and hatred from those
who thought it a mark of superiority, and of be-
ing better than themselves.

The custom yet likewise continues of a pub-
lic education of the children ; but the practice
of horsemanship is neglected, because there are
no public assemblies where they can gain ap-
plause by those exercises. And this institu-
tion is, in every circumstance, altered. That
the boys, hearing the just and equitable deter-
minations of private causes, were instructed in
justice and equity; for now they see those cer-
tainly prevail who give the most exorbitant
bribes. Formerly, likewise, boys were taught
the virtues of the several productions of the
earth, by which means they made use of such
as were good, and abstained from those that
were noxious. At this time they seem to be
only instructed how to do the most hurt; there-

OF CYRUS. . 15]

fore deaths and poisonings are nowhere so fre-
quent as amongst them. And they are now much
more luxurious than in Cyrus’ time; for then
they practised the Persian institutions and tem-
perance, and conformed to the dress and ele.
gance of the Medes; but now they have suffer-
ed the severity of the Persians to be quite ex-
tinguished, and retain the effeminacy of the
Medes, which effeminacy and delicacy of theirs
I have a mind to explain. .

In the first place, it is not sufficient for them
to have soft couches, but they must have car-
pets for their feet, that the floors may not, by
resistance, make a noise, but that the carpets
may break the sound. ‘There is no diminution
of what victuals used formerly to supply their
tables, but new continually invented. And the
like in sauces; for they are provided with
cooks, who supply them with variety in both
kinds. In winter it is not sufficient for them
to cover their heads, their bodies, and their
feet, but they have hair-gloves for their hands.
In summer, the shade of trees and of rocks
does not satisfy them; but under these, men
stand near them with artificial shades contrived
on purpose. If they possess a great number
of cups, they are puffed up with it as a piece
of magnificence ; and, if these be unjustly ac-
quired, they do not consider it as infamous ;
for injustice, and a sordid love of gain, is might-
ily increased among them. Formerly, it was
a custom of their country never to be seen on
foot on their journeys, for no other reason but
in order to become more skilful horsemen ;
now, they have more coverings on their horses
than on their couches; for they are not so
careful of what concerns their horses, as to sit
soft and at their ease.

With respect to the affairs of war, it is pro-
bable they should not be very much inferior to
what they were at first ? It was customary, in
the beginning that those who possessed lands
should furnish horsemen for their army, and
pay those that were in garrisons, if they fought
in defence of the country : now, porters, cooks,
drawers, bed-makers, dressers, waiters at the
baths, servants at table, and perfumers, are en-
listed in their horse by the great men, that
they themselves may make an advantage of
their pay. ‘These make an appearance in num-
ber, but are of no use in war ; which is mani-
fest in experience, for their enemies have a
freer passage through theiz country than their
friends. When Cyrus had broken them of the

152

XENOPHON.

[Book VIII.

custom of engaging at a distance, he armed| any guides, frequently do more injury to

with breast-plates both them and their horses,
and gave every one a javelin in his hand, which
they might use in a close battle ; but now, they
neither engage at a distance nor at hand. The
foot have yet shields and small swords, or cut-
lasses, as in Cyrus’ time, but they will not ven-
ture to come to an engagement. Neither are
the chariots of that use Cyrus designed them:
for he had made brave and skilful drivers, by
bestowing rewards and honours on them who
would fall on the heavy-armed part of an army.
The Persians now, scarcely knowing who are
in the chariots, imagine that such as are un-
exercised in driving understand it as well as
those that have practised it: they do indeed
make an attack ; but before they can break in-
into the enemy’s ranks some of their own
accord fall off, others jump down and get
away; so that the chariots, being without

their friends than to their enemies. Since
they themselves have been sensible how much
they are defective in martial affairs, they yield
to others, and none of them engage in a war
without the help of the Greeks, whether it be
a domestic quarrel or with the Greeks them-
selves; for they cannot engage in a war with
the Greeks without the assistance of Greeks.

Now I think I have executed what I under-
took ; for I say it is evident that the Persians
and their allies have less piety towards the gods,
less duty and regard to their relations, are less
just and equitable in their dealings with
others, more effeminate, and less fitted for
war than they were in their first institution.
If any one thinks differently, let him consider
their actions, and he will find them confirm
what I say.

XENOPHON

ON THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

TRANSLATED

By EDWARD SPELMAN, Eso.

‘TR ae pce Oa arc te aan Con, Oe hay ee ee en cr
c aes : 4 ; tae ee ΟὟ i; ee ee M
“ - 5 ‘ τ ων

=
i ΤῊ hae

cannes iat onsite’ hs slianiogh: Neat
ae oh gee ere : nee cds hare μ

χιρὴς

Ὁ
μὴν κόμα κδγν ἜΝ χρν ἃ ΣΙ,

᾿ eng ki ee alot sie eet

.
au
Sia
ane

ik ;

ae “abe ἀνα εω
Pere oe Neh Ava : ἀρ A ed : 9 . ᾿
ΩΣ δὰ sare ων oni, are dh ps
rere step ete beeratwes ee Rp AI sib) oye

PREFACE.

TuERE is not, possibly, a more difficult, a more discouraging, or a more useful task than
that of a translator ; when I say this, I mean one who writes a translation, not a para-
phrase, under which name most modern performances of this kind ought to be compre-
hended.: It was very judiciously observed by Mr Pope, in the preface to his incomparable
translation of the Iliad, that there have not been more men misled in former times by a
servile dull adherence to the letter, than have been deluded in ours by a chimerical
insolent hope of raising and improving their author. If these liberties are not to be
allowed in translating poets, much less ought they to be indulged in translating historians.
These paraphrasts, it seems, are men of too exalted a genius to stoop to a literal trans-
lation; they must improve their author, by adding something which he ignorantly
omitted, or by omitting something which he thought material; by this means, the
readers, who cannot compare the translation with the original (for whose use chiefly
translations are intended) have either some wretched modern interpolation imposed on
them for the thoughts of an ancient, or lose some of the author’s thoughts, which the
title of a translation gave them a right to. But these gentlemen have another reason
for paraphrasing, instead of translating, if they will own it; they find less difficulty in
clothing modern thoughts in a modern dress, than in making those of an ancient appear
gracefully in a language so very different from that in.which they were conceived: for
it is a work of greater difficulty, than those, who have not experienced it, can possibly
imagine, to give an appearance of novelty to antiquity, to give light to those things,
which the ignorance of ancient customs and manners has rendered obscure, to give
beauty to those that are obsolete, to give credibility to those that are doubtful, and above
all, to give to a copy the air of an original. Yet all these, however difficult, belong to
the province of a translator; these are embellishments, which he is to acquire, if he can;
but his first duty is fidelity to his author: without that,shis performance is not what it
professes to be, and, in that case, these embellishments, like royal robes upon the back
of an impostor, are rather a mockery than an ornament. If to the most exact fidelity a
translator joins beauty of language, strength of expression, and, above all, perspicuity ;
and if, with these, he has genius enough to animate his translation with the spirit of his
original, he then performs every duty belonging to his profession. I am far from think-
ing that my translation of Xenophon has all these perfections; on the contrary, I.am
sensible that it is in this, as in most other things, much easier to point out a duty, than
to fulfil it. But I should be very much wanting in that respect which every author
owes to the public, if I did not assure them, that no endeavours, no application, no
labour, has been spared to render this translation fit to be laid before them. If the
difficulties a translator meets with are considerable, the discouragements he labours
under are no less so. The great number of anonymous translations, the great. number

156 PREFACE.

of translations of translations, for which we in England are famous; but, above all, some
very unfortunate versions of lives from the Greek into our language, to which the
names of authors justly admired for every other kind of writing are prefixed, show the
small account the world has reason to make of translations, as well as the difficulty of
succeeding in them. These considerations, I say, are powerful discouragements to the
undertaking any thing of this kind; but, if these are not sufficient to deter, let it be
considered how unjust a way of thinking prevails with most readers; if there is any
merit in the performance, it is placed to the account of the author; and if any fault, to
that of the translator. Yet it should seem that translations might deserve more indul-
gence, when it is considered how many persons of great parts, who happen to be —
unacquainted with the learned languages, particularly with Greek, would, without that
assistance, be deprived of the satisfaction and improvement of reading ancient histories
written by ancient authors; for, I dare say, those, who are conversant with both, will
allow that those histories are generally so much disfigured and distorted by modern
relators, as scarce to be known: an instance of this we see in our countryman Sir
Walter Raleigh, who has, in my opinion, treated ancient history with more strength and
dignity than any modern writer of any other.nation, and yet, let his account of the battle
of Cannex, though a military subject, and therefore particularly within his province; let
his account, I say, of that battle be compared with the relation given of it by Polybius,
from whom he took it, and what I have advanced will plainly appear. When I say this,
I do not mean to insinuate that Sir Walter Raleigh was inferior, either as a soldier or a
scholar, to Polybius; for I am thoroughly convinced of his great abilities, his fate alone
is a proof of them: the only disadvantage he lay under, was in being less acquainted
with the manners, customs, and discipline of the two contending nations at Cannz; so
that I am confident, whoever reads the two relations of that battle, will agree with me
that a close translation of the account given of it by Polybius, would have been much
more satisfactory and instructive, to those who cannot read the original.

The reader will observe that I have, in the course of my notes, principally taken notice
of three translations, that of Leuficlavius, of Hutchinson, and of D’Ablancourt; there
is, besides, an Italian translation of the Expedition of Cyrus by Gandini, which I have
occasionally consulted; but, as in cases of difficulty I found no assistance from thence,
and, as I thought a criticism upon a translation in a third language would encumber the
Notes, I have chosen to take no notice of it. I am also sensible there is a Latin trans-
lation of this history by Stephens, which | have mentioned as occasion required. But
I cannot part with this subject without taking particular notice of Mr Hutchinson’s
edition of the Expedition of Cyrus, which I look upon to be the best edited book in the
world, except the Cyropedia published by the same author: if I have sometimes differed
from him, I hope it will be thought I have supported my opinion in such a manner that
he will have no just reason to find fault with me. I have observed the same conduct
with regard to D’ Ablancourt, the looseness of whose translation I have been frequently
obliged to condemn; on the other side, it will be allowed that I have often commended
him; though I cannot carry my commendations of him so far as his countryman Menage,
who says that D’Ablancourt has surpassed even Xenophon himself in the elegance of
his style. Another celebrated French critic, Balzac, says, that D’ Ablancourt’s translation
of Xenophon would be incomparable, if he had placed nothing before it, but that his
preface is so fine, that it obscures the finest things that can be compared to it; he adds
that, if it were possible for D’Ablancourt to have lived in the time of Cyrus the Younger,
and for Xenophon to be now alive, the prefaces of D’Ablancourt would deserve to be

PREFACE. ΒΡ

translated by Xenophon. The reader will observe, that this forced style was in fashion
among the French in Balzac’s time, that is, in the infancy of their taste: the writers of
that age seem to have imposed an obligation upon themselves of being for ever witty ;
they were often so, but that was not enough; this eternal straining after wit obliged
them many times to have recourse to forced turns of thought, and, sometimes, to what
their language calls Pheebis, that is, shining expressions that seem to signify something.
After the reader has compared the passages I have taken the liberty to censure in
D’ Ablancourt with the original, he will be able to judge how far he has surpassed
Xenophon in the elegance of his style, and how far, according to the supposition of
Balzac, his works might deserve to be translated by Xenophon. But there is an old
English translation of the Expedition of Cyrus by John Bingham, printed in 1623, and

dedicated to the Right Worshipful the Artillery Company. The first notice I had of
_ this translation was by a note of Hutchinson about the middle of the last book ; he also
mentions it towards the end of the same book, where Xenophon says Gongylus marched
out to the assistance of the Greeks βίᾳ τῆς Μητρὸς, upon which occasion, Hutchinson
says, vis phraseos omnino latuit versionis Anglicane authorem; and, indeed, he had
great reason to say so; for, upon looking into Bingham’s translation, I find he has ren-
dered that passage, “ by compulsion of his mother,’ whereas he should have said,
“against his mother’s will,” in which sense all the other translators have rendered it.
I do not remember that Hutchinson has taken any notice of this translation but upon
these two occasions. Finding, therefore, by Hutchinson’s note before-mentioned, when
I had not more than half the last book remaining to complete my translation, that there
was an old English version of the Expedition, I employed several of the most eminent
booksellers in town to get it for me, but all in vain; for none of them could find it,
neither would they be persuaded there was any such book extant, till I referred them to
that note of Hutchinson : however, at last I got a sight of it from a public library. Upon
comparing it with the original, I found the author was a man of some learning, from
whence I conclude that he must have made use of some very faulty edition, otherwise,
it is not possible that a man of learning (for such he really seems to have been) should
ever have been guilty of so many mistakes, as are to be met with through the whole
course of his translation: as to his style, it seems to be, at least, a century older than
that in which he writ. There is, in the fourth book, a conversation between Xenophon
and Cheirisophus, in which they rally one another upon the art of stealing, so much
practised by their respective countries; the foundation of which raillery is the advice
given by Xenophon to steal a march to some part of a mountain they were to pass. As
the spirit of raillery is, of all others, the most likely to be lost in a translation, for that
reason, raillery itself is the last thing one would choose to translate, if it did not neces-
sarily come in one’s way; upon this occasion, therefore, I was in hopes of receiving some
assistence from the old English translation, which I should both have made use of, and
acknowledged very readily; but, upon examination, I found this passage translated in
the following manner, “it seemeth to me not impossible to steal some part or other of
the hill.’ After this, I dare say, it will easily be concluded that I could entertain no
great hopes of any assistance from that quarter. Many ancient authors, both Greek and
Latin, and particularly those who were themselves fine writers, as well as judicious
critics, such as Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Tully, have celebrated the beauty of our
author’s style, his perspicuity and peculiar sweetness in his composition, which made his

writings be called the language of the muses: the latter goes so far as to say that Lucul-
_ lus, being sent to make war upon Mithridates, which was no easy province, and being

158 PREFACE.

unacquainted with the duty of a general, acquired, by reading the Expedition of Cyrus,

so great a knowledge in the art of war, as to owe his victories against that prince to the

information he received from it. However this may be, we find, by the Commentaries

of Cesar, that he often made use of the same dispositions against the Gauls, which Xe-
nophon had employed, with so great success, against the Persians: but, what is much
more for the credit of our author, it is obvious that the Expedition of Cyrus was the
model of these Commentaries; the same elegance, the same clearness of expression, the
same unaffected grace, are the distinguishing characters of both; and, possibly, the Greek
and Latin languages have nothing in their kind more perfect than these two admirable

performances. Iam sensible that all commendations bestowed upon the original, tend to

expose the translation to censure, which I ought not, in prudence, wantonly to solicit:

but I was willing, if J could not do justice to Xenophon by translating him, to endeavour

to do it, at least, by commending him: this may be thought a small amends for the

former: however, the determination of this question must be left to the voice of the

people, who are still sovereigns in this; and who, as they were formerly remarkable for

their justice in deciding the fate of mankind, are still not less so in determining that of
their productions; so that, to use the words of my ancestor,* in the preface to his Glos-

sary, [ submit my labours and errors to the prblic.

* Sir Harry Spelman, who was great _great-grandfather to the author.

AN ACCOUNT >

OF

XENOPHON.

XENOPHON was an Athenian; his father’s name was Gryllus, All that we know of him
till he attended Cyrus in his expedition, is, that he was a disciple of Socrates. If, to
have been a disciple of that great man was an instance of his good fortune, the improve-
ment he made of that education is an instance of his merit; and, indeed, nothing less
than the happiest disposition, the best education, and the greatest improvement of both,
could render Xenophon that universal man we find him in his writings; his Cyropedia
shows him to have possessed, in a sovereign degree, the art of government; his Expedi-
tion of Cyrus shows him a complete general; his History, an entertaining, an instructive,
and a faithful historian; his Panegyric of Agesilaus, an orator; and his Treatise of
Hunting, a sportsman; his Apology for Socrates, and the account he gives of his manner
of conversing, show that he was both a friend, and a philosopher; and all of them, that
he was a good man. This appears remarkably in his preserving Byzantium from being
plundered by his soldiers, who having gained no other reward of the dangerous expedi-
tion they had been engaged in, but their preservation, were not only strongly tempted
to plunder that town by the hope of making their fortunes, but justly provoked to it by
the disingenuous behaviour of the Lacedemonian governor; yet these two lawless pas-
sions, avarice and revenge, the authority and eloquence of Xenophon quite subdued.

As Cyrus had assisted the Lacedzmonians in their war against the Athenians, the
latter looked upon Xenophon’s attachment to that prince as criminal, and banished him
for engaging in his service. After this, Xenophon attended Agesilaus, when he was sent
for by the Lacedzemonians with his army from Asia; where the success of his arms gave
something more than uneasiness to Artaxerxes, who, not without cause, began to fear
the same fate from Agesilaus, which his successor, Darius, afterwards found from Alex-
ander ; but the former, by corrupting the Greek cities, and, by that means, engaging them
to make war upon the Lacedemonians, suspended the fate of Persia for a time: but, in
all evils, relief, obtained by corruption, is only a respite, not a cure ; for, when Alexander
invaded Persia, the same low arts were again practised by Darius to recall him from Asia
by a diversion in Greece ; but these proving ineffectual, the Persians, by trusting more
to the vices of their enemies, than to their own virtue, became an easy conquest.
Agesilaus soon after he returned, fought the battle of Coronea, where, though wounded,

160 ACCOUNT OF XENOPHON.

he defeated the Thebans and their allies: at this battle Xenophon was present. After
that, he retired to Scilus, where he passed his time in reading, the conversation of his
friends, sporting, and writing history. But this place being over-run by the Eleans, in
whose neighbourhood it was, Xenophon went to Corinth, where he lived till the first
year of the hundred and fifth Olympiad, when he died in the ninety-first year of his age :
so that, he must have been about fifty years of age at the time of the expedition of Cyrus,
which was the fourth year of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, just forty years before. I
am sensible some learned men are of opinion that he was not so old at the time of the
expedition, though I see no reason to disbelieve Lucian in this particular, who says that
Xenophon was above ninety years of age when he died. However, this is beyond all -
dispute, that he lived till after the battle of Mantinea, which, according to Diodorus
Siculus, was in the second year of the hundred and fourth Olympiad, because he closes
his History of the Affairs of Greece with the account of that battle : in which account it
is very extraordinary that he should say nothing more of the most remarkable incident
in it, I mean the death of Epaminondas, than that he fell in the action; but this may be
accounted for by that modesty, which was the distinguishing character of our author, be-
cause it is well known that Epaminondas fell by the hand of Gryllus, the son of Xen-
ophon, who was sent by his father to the assistance of the Athenians. It will easily be
imagined that a general, at the head of a victorious army, then pursuing his victory,
could not be attacked, much less slain, without manifest. danger to the daring enemy, who
should attempt it. This Gryllus found, for he had no sooner lanced the fatal dart, which
deprived Thebes of the greatest general of that age, but he was cut to pieces by the
friends of Epaminondas. When the news of his death was brought to Xenophon, he said
no more than that he knew he was mortal.

INTRODUCTION.

Notuine seems to contribute more to the forming a clear idea of any transaction in his-
tory than a previous knowledge both of the persons and things that gave birth to it ; for
when the reader is once acquainted with the characters and views of the principal actors,
and with what has been done in consequence of both, the scene unfolds in so natural a
manner, that the most extraordinary events in history are looked upon in the same light
as the most surprising phenomena in philosophy; that is, like these, they are found to be
the necessary result of such principles as the all-wise Creator has thought fit to establish ;
and, like these, are as little to be wondered at, and as easy to be accounted for.
In order, therefore, to enable the reader to view the consequences in their principles, and
contemplate the embryo plant in its seed, I shall lay before him a short account of the
most remarkable transactions that seem to have had an immediate influence upon that which
Xenophon has chosen for the subject of his history. The affairs of the Athenians and
Lacedemonians had been, for some time before the expedition of Cyrus, so much inter-
woven with those of Persia, that all three seemed to have had ashare in every remarkable
event that happened to eachof them. Thus the supplies of money with which Lysander,
the Lacedemonian general, was furnished by Cyrus, enabled him to carry on the war
against the Athenians with advantage, and, at last, to give them a decisive blow at Aigos
Potamos, which ended in the taking of Athens; and, on the other side, the assistance
which Cyrus received from the Lacedzmonians, both by sea and land, in return, en-
couraged him to an attempt of no less moment than the dethroning his brother Arta-
xerxes. The several steps which led to this enterprise equally great, unfortunate, and
unwarrantable, shall be taken notice of in the order of time in which they happened. In
this short survey, I shall avoid entering into any chronological discussions, which often
puzzle, seldom inform, and never entertain, but confine myself almost entirely to Diodo-
rus Siculus, who, besides the character he has deservedly obtained for fidelity and exact-
ness, had the advantage of living many centuries nearer the transactions he recounts, than
those who differ from him in chronology, as well as that of consulting many authors,
whose works are unfortunately lost to modern ages. Neither shall I go further back
than the taking of Athens by the Lacedemonians, which happened in the fourth year of
the ninety-third Olympiad, and put an end to the Peloponnesian war, after it had lasted
twenty-seven years. The same year died Darius Ochus, king of Persia, after a reign of
nineteen years, and left his kingdom to his eldest son Artaxerxes, who was born before
he was king. Parysatis, his queen, the most artful of all women, and mother both to
Artaxerxes and Cyrus, tried the power of every practice to engage Darius to imitate his
predecessor, Darius Hystaspes, who preferred his son Xerxes, born after his accession,
to Artobazanes, who was born before it ; but all her efforts proved ineffectual, and Ar-.
taxerxes succeeded his father without opposition. If the arts of Parysatis could not

162 INTRODUCTION.

prevail with Darius to set his eldest son aside, her fondness for Cyrus not only encouraged —
him to form a design against his brother’s life, but rescued him, if not from disgrace, at
least, from punishment, when it was discovered. The next year, which was the first of
the ninety-fourth Olympiad, there happened an eclipse of the sun, which is only taken
notice of, as it is no small satisfaction to find history, upon this occasion, supported by
astronomy, by which it appears that the eclipse of the sun, mentioned by Kenophon in
his Greek History, to have happened this year, fell out on the third day of September,
upon a Friday, at twelve minutes after nine o’clock. The same year Cyrus returned to
his government in Asia Minor, with a mind more exasperated at his disgrace, than terri-
fied with his danger, and immediately resolved to repair the disappointment of private
treason by open hostility ; to this purpose, he addresses himself to the Lacedzemonians,
who cheerfully espouse his quarrel. This intercourse between Cyrus, and the Lacedz-
monians, could not be carried on so privately, as to escape the notice of Alcibiades, who,
being banished from his country, was now retired to Grynium,a strong place in Phrygia,
appointed by Pharnabazus for his residence, to whom he immediately communicates his
intelligence, desiring him, at the same time, to appoint proper persons to conduct him to
court, that he might give Artaxerxes an account of the whole: but Pharnabazus, being
willing to have the merit of a discovery of so great importance, sent persons of trust to
Artaxerxes to lay the information before him. Alcibiades, suspecting his design, left
Pharnabazus, with an intention to apply himself to the satrap of Paphlagonia, to the -
end that, through him, he might be recommended to Artaxerxes; but Pharnabazus,
fearing the king should, by this means, be informed of the truth, prevented his design, by
ordering him to be put to death.

The next year, that is, the second of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, brings Clearchus upon
the stage ; he makes so considerable a figure in the ensuing history, both by his conduct
and his fate, that the incideut we are going to speak of, which happened just before he
engaged himself in the service of Cyrus, and which seems to have driven him into it,
must not be omitted. It seems, the inhabitants of Byzantium being engaged in factions,
the Lacedemonians sent Clearchus to compose their differences, who uniting them in
nothing but their complaints against himself, the ephori recalled him: but he refusing to
obey their orders, they sent Pantheedas with some troops, to force him to a submission. —
With these he defeated Clearchus, and obliged him to fly to Ionia; here he was received
with open arms by Cyrus, to whom his experience in military affairs, his enterprising
genius, and, possibly, even his rebellion, were, at this juncture, no small recommenda-
tion; since, he could not but look upon a man, who had dared to fly in the face of his
country, as a proper person to bear command in an army, which he was raising to invade
his own. It was upon this occasion that Cyrus gave him the ten thousand daricks men-
tioned by Xenophon, with which he levied a considerable number of forces, and engaged
them in his service.

The next year Diodorus Siculus passes over without taking notice of any thing relating
to this expedition, so we may conclude that Cyrus employed it in continuing his prepara-
tions under various pretences, particularly since we find him in the field early the year
after. Sardes, the capital of Lydia, and formerly the residence of its kings, was the place
of general rendezvous ; from hence Cyrus marched at the head of about 12,800 Greeks,
and 100,000 Barbarians, to dispute the crown of Persia with his brother Artaxerxes ;
and, from hence, Xenophon, who came to him to Sardes, begins his history of this Ex-
pedition.

INTRODUCTION. Se

The year, which decided this great contest, was the 783d year from the taking of
Troy, the 35lst of Rome, Publius Cornelius, Caesar Fabius, Spurius Nautius, Caius Va-
lerius, Marcus Sergius, and Junius Lucullus, being military tribunes ; and the fourth year
of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, Exeenetus being archon at Athens. This expedition has,
I find, been thought of consequence enough to be taken notice of in the Arundel Mar-
ble, the 80th era of which has these words: “From the time those, who ascended
with Cyrus, returned, and Socrates, the philosopher, died, being seventy years of age,
one hundred and thirty-seven years, Laches being archon at Athens.” *

The year the Greeks returned was the year after they marched from Sardes, since
Xenophon says they were fifteen months in their expedition, and consequently that year
was the first of the ninety-fifth Olympiad; the authority of the Arundel Marble is sup-
_ ported by Diodorus Siculus, who says that Laches was archon that year at Athens, and
that Socrates was put to death the same year.

* The words of the Arundel Marble are these.
Ag’ οὗ ἐπανῆλϑον of μετὰ KYPOT ANABANTES KAI ΣΩΚΡΑΤῊΣ SIAOZOPes ἐστε ΛΕΎησε B10; ETH
PAAA ETH HAAATIIL APXONTOS ASHNHSI AAXH ss.

7

rey ἡ kee
ee: oo Hay ἫΝ at

tah

Lares ee ee

Aap eter ERA μᾶς Ε STEHT CONTR ANE
heh het bide: nie Acten diet. ἃ aml ea Ae aaa seas

πως ἢ i pe

a 5 28 tot

cantar nap

XENOPHON

ON THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

—-_

BOOK I.

CONTENTS or BOOK I.

I. Cyrus, younger son to Darius, having been calumniated to Artaxerxes, and accused of treason, retarns to tie
government, of which he was satrap, and secretly preparing to make war against his brother, assembles an
army, principally of Greeks, as though a different expedition were intended.—II. Cyrus marches from Sardis,
and traverses various countries—Tissaphernes repairs to the king, and informs him of the designs of Cyrus—
Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, comes to Cyrus—At her request the army is reviewed—Being arrived at Tarsus,
Cyrus summons to his presence the Cilician king Syennesis, who, yielding to the entreaties of Epyaxa, trusts
himself within Cyrus’s power, and assists him with sams of money.—III. The mutiny of the Greeks detains
Cyrus twenty days at Tarsus; for, suspecting the intention of the expedition, they nearly stone to death
Clearchus, who was for urging them to proceed—Clearchus quells their turbulence—Cyrus having raised the
soldiers’ pay, the Greeks determine to march onward with him.—IV. With their arrival at Issi, arrives also the
ficet of Cyrus—Marches through part of Syria—Two commanders desert—Cyrus speaks civilly of them ; and the
soldiers, moved by his humanity and kindness, proceed with more alacrity—Having advanced to Thapsacus,
Cyrus discloses to the Greeks that his expedition is designed against the king—Promises to gratify the soldiers.
—V. Cyrus advances along the bank of the Euphrates, encountering great difficulties and losses of his cattle for
want of fodder, till he reaches the country over against Carmande, whence provisions are brought him across
the river—A dangerous quarrel arises among the Greeks, but the serious exhortation of Cyrus calms their
animosity.—V1. Orontas, a noble Persian, who had twice been reinstated in the favour of Cyrus, attempts again
to desert to the king ; but on the betrayal of his treachery he is seized, and being convicted, is condemned to
death and executed.—VII. Cyrus, having made some advance in the Babylonian territory, and suspecting that
the*king would appear the next day, musters his troops at midnight, and holds out magnificent promises to the
Greeks—Marching on with his army in order of battle, he passes a trench dug by the king, and then thinking
that the latter had abandoned all intention of fighting, he proceeds with more negligence.—VIII. Artaxerxes
unexpectedly approaches with his army in excellent order—Cyrus and the Greeks are alarmed, and quickly
azvm themselves and form their line—Having taken up their position, the Greeks, on the first onset, easily put’
to flight the Barbarians opposed to them—Cyrus, attended by a few faithful friends, fights too eagerly, and
attacking the king in person, is himself slain.—IX. The character and encomium of Cyrus.—X. Artaxerxes
pursues Arizeus, and taking possession of the camp of Cyrus, plunders it—Thence he returns against the Greeks,
who are victorious on their side—The Greeks again put his army to flight, and having recovered their lost
baggage, retire to their camp.

THE

EXPEDITION' OF CYRUS.’

BOOK If.

1. Cyrus was the youngest son of Darius,* by
Parysatis, and brother to Artaxerxes. Darius
being sick, and apprehensive of his approaching
end, desired both his sons might attend him.
Artaxerxes the eldest being then present, he
sent for Cyrus from his government with which
he* had invested him, as ‘satrap, having also

1 D’Ablancourt has thought fit to change the fitle
given by Xenophon to his history, and, instead of The
Expedition of Cyrus, to call it, La Retraite des dix
mille: the reason he gives for it is this, he says, Things
ought to derive their name from that which is most re-
markable in them, and that the Expedition is nothing in
comparison to the Retreat. 1 own this reason does not
persuade me; whatever weight it ought to have had
with the author, I think it should have none with a
translator,

2 ᾿Αναβάσεωξ,{Ἠ Every one who is conversant with the
Greek authors knows, that whenever they speak not
only of military expeditions, but even of journeys under-
taken by private persons from the Lesser Asia to Baby-
lon or Susa, the residence of the Persian kings, they use
the words ἀναβαίνειν : the same words came afterwards
to be applied to the city of Rome, though more rarely.
Arrian, who, in his Expedition of Alexander, has follow-
ed our author, not only in the distribution of his work
into seven books, but in his style as far as he was able,
his also copied him in his title, calling his history also,
ἀνάβασις ᾿Αλεξάνδρου. Hutchinson thinks that the river
of that part of Asia in question falling into the Mgean
aud Mediterranean seas, gave occasion to these terms
ἀναβαίνειν and καταβαίνειν ; but it is certain that almost
all the great rivers of that part of run either to the
north or south, as the Halys, the Iris, the Thermodon,
the Tigris, and the Euphrates.

3 Δαρείου zai Παρυσάτιδος, &¢. This first period is
much celebrated by Demetrius Phalareus, as full of dig.
“nity and historical simplicity.

4 Kai στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτὸν ὠπέδειξε. 17)" Ablancourt has
visibly mistaken this passage; he makes Darius consti-

appointed him general of all the people, who
assemble in the plain of Castolus. Hereupon,
Cyrus came to court, accompanied by Tissa-
phernes as his friend, and attended by three
hundred ° heavy-armed Greeks, under the com-
mand of Xenias of Parrhasie.

tute Cyrus general at his arrival at court, ὦ sa venue;
whereas it not only appears from this passage, but from
history also, that he was actually invested with that
employment when he was sent for: I wish the old Latin
transiation, which says, pretorem designat, did not lead
him into this error: Hutchinson has translated it pro-
perly prefectum designaverat, said that this also ap-
peared from history. Our author, in his account of the
affairs of Greece, mentions a letter to have been written
by Darius to the people of Lesser Asia, six years before
this Expedition of Cyrus: in this letter, Darius gives
them notice of his having appointed Cyrus commander.
in-chief of those people, who assemble in the plain of
Castolus. The words of the letter are these : Ζωτωπέρπω
Κύρον κάρωνον τῶν εἰς ἹΚαστωλὸν ἃ δ οοιζομένων. τὸ δὲ χά-
φανόν ἐστι ZICIOVe

5 Σωτράπης:γ though used both by Latin and Greek
authors, is a Persian word, and signifies a commander,
a general; 2urcarely ᾿Αἐεχηγοὶ; στρωτηλάται, ἹΠερσικὴ δὲ ἡ
λέξις. Hesychius. Herudotus says, Darius Hystaspes
appointed twenty of these governments, ἀρχὰς κατεστή--
Ture εἴκοσι τὰς αὐτοὶ καλέουσι σωτρουπηϊους-.

6 ᾿Οσλίτας. D’Ablancourt excuses himself for not
distinguishing these heavy-armed men in his translation ;
but I do not only think it necessary to distinguish them
from the light-armed, but to give some account of their
distinction. ‘There are three different kinds of foot-sol-
diers chiefly mentioned by our author in the course of
this history, the 67A/ras, the Aci, and the πελτασταί ς
of whom, and of their respective armour, Arrian gives
the following account in his Tactics: τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν» says
he, ἔχει ϑώρακας, καὶ ἀσπίδας παραμιήκεις, καὶ μαχαΐ-
Cos, “αὶ δόρωτοα; ὡς “Ἑλληνες) καὶ σαρίσσοιςγ ὡς Νίωκεδονές.
‘The heavy-armed men have corslets, lung shields, and

168

After the death of Darius, and the accession
of Artaxerxes,’ Tissaphernes accuses Cyrus to
his brother of treason. Artaxerxes gives
credit to the accusation, and orders Cyrus to
be apprehended, with a design to put him to
death ; but his mother having saved him by
her intercession, sends him back to his govern-
ment. Cyrus, as soon as he left the court af-
ter this danger and disgrace,* deliberates by
what means he may no longer be subject to his
brother, but if possible reign in his palace.
In this he was*® supported by his mother

swords, and pikes like the Greeks, and spears, like the
Macedonians, τὸ δὲ Ψιλὸν ἐνωντιώτατον ἔχει τῷ ὁπλιτιξῷ
πᾶν, ὅτι περ ἄνευ ϑώραπος, καὶ ἀσπίδος, καὶ κνημίδος» καὶ
πράνους, ἑχκηδόλοις τοῖς ὁπλοῖς διαχρώμενον, τοξεύμασιν, ἢ
ἀποντίοις», ἢ σφενδόνωις. ἢ λίϑοις ἐκ χειρός. The light-
armed men are armed in a quite different manner from
the heavy armed; they have no corslets, or shields,
greaves, or helmets, but altogether make use of mis-
sive weapons, such as arrows, darts, and stones thrown
by slings, and out of the hand. τὸ δὲ πελταστικὸν δὲ που--
φότερον μὲν τυγχάνει ὃν τοῦ ὁπλιτικοῦ" ἡ γὰρ πέλτη, σμεικρότερον
τῆς ἀσαίδος δὲ ἐλαφρότερον, καὶ τὰ ἀπόντιω τῶν δοράτων δὲ
σαρισσῶν λειπόμενον, βαρύτερον δὲ τοῦ Ψιλοῦ The targe-
teers are armed in a lighter manner than the heavy
armed men, for their buecklers are smaller and lighter
than the shields of the latter, and their darts shorter
than their pikes and spears ; but their armour is heay-
ier than that of the light-armed. These three kinds of
foot-soldiers are so often mentioned by Xenophon to
have been employed by the Greek generals, and parti-
cularly by himself upon different occasions, according
to the difference of their armour and manner-of fighting,
that I thought it necessary at first to give the reader a
clear idea of that difference.

1 Τισσαφέρνην. This is the same Tissaphernes, over
whom Alcibiades gained so great an ascendant, that he
governed him not only in his politics, but in his plea-
sures, We shall find him in the course of this history
at the head of the Persian army, that endeavoured in
vain to cut off the retreat of the Greeks. But the
treachery he was guilty of in relation to the Greek
generals, after they had incautiously put themselves in
his hands, must render his name so odious, that it may
not be unacceptable to the reader to be informed of his
fate after this history leaves him. Agesilaus being sent
by the Lacedemonians at the head of an army into

_ Asia, and having gained many advantages over the
Persians, Artaxerxes looked upon Tissaphernes as the
cause of the illsuccess of his arms; and being incensed
against him by Parysatis, inrevenge for his behaviour
to Cyrus, he appointed Tithraustes to succeed him in
his government, with orders to cut off his head: this
happened in the first year of the ninety-sixth Olympiad,
that is, about five years after the expedition of Cyrus.

2 Βουλεύεται ὡς μήποτε ἔτ; ἔσται ἐπὶ τῷ ἀδελφῷ. This
is rendered by D’ Ablancourt ἐΐ songea aux moyens de se
wenger de cet affront, which may be a translation of any
other passage, as well as of this.

8 Παρύσατις μὲν δὴ μήτηρ ὑπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ, &e. Leun-
clavius has translated this passage as if ὑπάρχω signified
here sii in the same sense as Plutarch uses the word,

XENOPHON ON THE

τς

[ BOOK I.-

Parysatis, who had a greater love for Cyrus
than for the king Artaxerxes ; and when any;
persons belonging to the court resorted to him,
he sent them back more disposed to favour
him than the king. Besides, he took so great
care of the Barbarians who were with him,
as to render them both good soldiers, and af-
fectionate to his service: he also levied an
army of Greeks with all possible secrecy, that
might find the king in no degree prepared to
resist him. And whenever he recruited the .
garrisons that were dispersed in the several
cities under his command, he ordered each of
their officers to enlist as many Peloponnesians
as possible, and of those the best men they
could get, under pretence that Tissaphernes
had a design upon those cities. For the cities
of Ionia formerly belonged to Tissaphernes,
having been given to him by the king, but at
that time they had all revolted from him to
Cyrus, except* Miletus; the inhabitants of
which being engaged in the same design, and
Tissaphernes having early notice of their in-
tentions, put some of them to death, and ban-
ished others ; these Cyrus received, and rais-
ing an army besieged Miletus both by sea and
land, endeavouring to restore the banished
citizens : thus he made another pretence for
raising an army; and sending to the king, he
desired, that, as he was his brother, he might
have the command of these cities rather than
Tissaphernes. In this also he was assisted by
his mother ; so that the king was not sensible
of the design that was formed against him, but
looking upon these preparations as directed
against Tissaphernes, was under no concern
at their making war upon one another; for

speaking of this very thing, ἡ δὲ μήτηρ ὑπῆσχε μᾶλλον
τὸν Κῦρον φιλοῦσω 5 but every body knows that ὑσάρχω
with a dative case, signifies to favour: Hutchinson has
said very properly mater a Cyri partibus stetit. D’ Ab-
lancourt has thought fit to leave out this period entire-
ly.

4 Μιλήτους A considerable city of “Ionia, not far
from the mouth of the Meander: at the time of the
Trojan war it was inhabited, according to Homer, by
the Carians, whom he mentions among the allies of
Troy.

Νάστης αὖ Καρῶν ἡγήσατο βαρβαροφώνων

Οἱ Μίλητι OV.
This town, having revolted from the Persians, at the
instigation of Aristagoras, was retaken.by them six
years after that revolt. About sixty-seven years after
the time our author speaks of, Alexander took Miletus,
after a brave resistance from the garrison, consisting of
three hundred Greeks, then in the service of the king
of Persia. ;

a

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

Cyrus sent the king all the taxes that were
raised in those cities, which had been under
the government of Tissaphernes.

He had also another army raised for him in

the Chersonesus, over against Abydus, in this
manner. ‘There was a banished Lacedemo-
nian, his name Clearchus; Cyrus, becoming
acquainted with him,*® admired the man,
and made him a present of ten thousand ® da-

5 Hyacdy τε αὐτόν. "Αγαμαι" ϑαυμάξω. Phavorinus,
In this sense I have translated it, though 1 must own
Jam pleased with what D’Ablancourt says, Cyrus le
gouta. As Clearchus makes a considerable figure in this
expedition, our author has given his character at the
end of the second book; but there being some particu-
lars relating to him mentioned in Diodorus Siculus,
which are not there taken notice of, I thought the read-
er might not be displeased to be informed of them, for
which reason I have mentioned them in the introduc.
tion,

6 Δαρεικούς. The darick was a Persian gold coin.
Suidas, Harpocration, and the Scholiast of Aristophanes,
say it was of equal value with the Attick χρυσοῦς» or
with twenty silver drachms, that is, the 5th part of a
silver mine, sixty of which made a talent, which last
amounted to £193: 15: 0 sterling ; so that 10,000 daricks
will make 33 talents and 1-3d, or £6458: 6:8 of our
money. On the reverse of this coin was an archer,
which gave occasion to Agesilaus to say, that he was
driven out of Asia by thirty thousand archers, meaning
so many daricks distributed among the Greek cities by
the king of Persia. The authors before mentioned in-
form us that this coin did not derive its name from Darius,

the father to Xerxes, but from another more ancient |-

king: who that should be, is not so well understood,
since Darius Hystaspes, the father to Xerxes, and one
of the seven Persian noblemen, who put the Magi to
death, was the first Persian king of that name. I am
sensible Prideaux is of opinion, that Cyaxares, brother
to Mandane, and uncle to the first Cyrus, is Darius the
Mede mentioned by Daniel, from whom, hé says, this
coin took its name, and who caused it to be struck at
Babylon during the two years he reigned there; but
Xenophon, in his Cyropedia, mentions some of this
coin to have been found, among other riches, by Cyrus,
in a castle belonging to Gobryas, even before the taking
of Babylon by the Medes and Persians. Sir Isaac New-
ton thinks that Darius the Mede, when he and Cyrus
took Sardes, melted down all the Lydian money he
found there, and re-coined it with his own effigies. But
Xenophon speaks of daricks upon the occasion already
mentioned even before the taking of Sardes, which pre-
ceded that of Babylon. It is not possible this could have
escaped a man, to whom nothing either in history or
nature was unknown ; it is much more probable that he
looked upon it as an anticipation in Xenophon, which
opinion, I find, prevails with some learned men. There
is however a passage in Herodotus in Melpomene,
which almost inclines one to think, that Darius Hystas-
pes was the author of this coin, notwithstanding what
Suidas, Harpocration, and the Scholiast of Aristophanes
say to the contrary ; he says there, that Darius Hystas-
pes refined gold to all the pureness that was possible,
and coined it into money, Acesios μὲν χρυσίον za daued.
τῶτον ἀτωψήσας εἰς τὸ δυνωτώτωτον, νόμισμιωο ἐκόψειτο.

169

ricks ; with which money Clearchus raised an

army, and marching out of the Chersonesus,
made war upon the Thracians, who inhabit
above the Hellespont, which, being a great
advantage to the Greeks, induced the cities
upon the Hellespont to subsist his forces with
greater cheerfulness. Thus was this army also
secretly maintained for his service. Aristip-
pus of Thessaly, between whom and Cyrus
there was an intercourse of” hospitality, being
oppressed by a contrary faction at home, came
to him, demanding two thousand mercenaries,

.and their pay for three months, in hope, by

their assistance, to subdue his adversaries. Cy-
rus granted him four thousand men, and six
months’ pay, desiring him to come to no terms
with his adversaries without ὃ. consulting him.
In this manner the army in Thessaly was also
privately maintained for his use. At the same
time he ordered Proxenus, the Beeotian, a friend
of his, to attend with all the men he could raise,
giving it out that he designed to make war
upon the " Pisidians, who, it was said, infested

Now it is certain that all authors celebrate the daricks:
for the fineness of the gold; and, a few lines before, the
same author says, Darius did this with a view of leay-
ing behind him such a monument as no other king had
done, μνημόσυνον ἑωυτῷ λιπέσϑιαι τοῦτο τὸ μυὴ ἄλλῳ εἴη βω-
σιλέϊ κατεογοσμένον.

ἢ Ἐξένο;. Ἐξένος καλεῖται ὁ ὑποδεχόμενος, “αἱ ὁ ὑποδοχ Seis.
Phavorinus. In the same manner hospes, every one
knows, has both an active and passive signification.
These rights of hospitality were of ancient date, and of
so sacred a nature, that Jupiter himself was thought to
preside over them, and to punish the violations com-
mitted against them, for which reason he was called
Eévios ; with whom Ulysses in Homer endeavours, to
very little purpose, to threaten Polypheme.

Ζεὺς δ᾽ eaitipentwe ἱκετάων τε ξείνων τε

Flelviosy ὃς ξείνοισιν ἅμ᾽ αἰδοιοίσιν ὀπηδεῖ»
This tradition Virgil has, among many others, trans-
planted into his Aneid ; where the unhappy Dido, when
she first entertained her Trojan guest, implores the
favour of Jupiter :

Jupiter, hospitibus nam te dare jura loquuntur.
Pliny has translated ξένιος, hospitalis, in the account he
gives of astatue of Jupiter under that denomination ;
this statue was the work of Pamphilus a disciple of
Praxiteles, and to be seen in the collection of Asinius
Pollio. The same word signifies mercenaries a little
lower, whence comes Zevirtier dos, psotogogeiv, ξένοι δὲ
οἱ pio SoGogole Earpocration.

8 Supbovasionras. The difference between συμεθουλεύε-
σϑαι, and συμ(ουλεύειν, appears very particularly from
a passage in Herodotus in Polyhymnia, cuGovrcvopeévon
τε ἂν συμθουλεύσειε τὰ ἄριστω ; where the former signifies
to ask advice, and the latter to give it.

9 Πεισίδως. The Pisidians inhabited the mountain-
ous part of Asia Minor, which lies between the Phry-
gians, Lydians, and Carians, to whom they were very
troublesome neighbours,

Y

170

bis country. He then ordered Sophznetus the
Stymphalian, and Socrates the Achaian, with
whom also he had an intercourse of hospitality,

to come to him with as many men as they
could raise, pretending to make war upon Tis-
saphernes, in conjunction with the banished

Milesians. These too obeyed his commands,

Having now determined to march into the
Upper Asia, he pretended his design was to

drive the Pisidians entirely out of the country :

and, as against them, he assembles there both
his Barbarian and Greek forces ; commanding
at the same time Clearchus with all his troops
to attend him, and Aristippus to come to an
agreement with his fellow-citizens, and send
He also appointed Xenias
the Arcadian who had command of the merce-
naries in the several cities, to come to him with
all his men, leaving only sufficient garrisons in
He next ordered all the troops
that were employed in the siege of Miletus,
together with the banished citizens, to join
him,’ engaging to the last, if his expedition was
attended with success not to lay down his arms,
These cheerfully
obeyed him (for they gave credit to what he
said), and, taking their arms with them, came
Xenias also came thither with the
garrisons he had drawn out of the cities, con-

his army to him.

the citadels.

till he had restored them.

to Sardes.

sisting of four thousand heayy-armed men.

Proxenus brought with him fifteen hundred
heavy-armed and five hundred 5 light-armed
men. Sophenetus, the Stymphalian, a thousand
heavy-armed; Socrates, the Achaian, about

five hundred heavy-armed ; Pasion, the Maga-
rean, seven hundred men.

in the siege of Miletus. These came to him

to * Sardes, Tissaphernes observing all this, and

looking upon these preparations as greater than
were necessary against the Pisidians, went 4 to

a

1 Ὕποσχόμενος αὐτος, εἰ καλῶς καταπράξειεν ig ἃ
ἐστρατεύετο, μὴ πρόσϑεν παύσασϑαι, πρὶν, &C. This sen-

tence is thus translated by D’ Ablancourt, avec assurance

de ne plus faire d'entreprise avant leur retablissement,
which is so apparently foreign from the author’s sense,
that it is unnecessary to make any observations upon it.

2 Τυμνήτας. These are the same with Ψιλοὶ, men.
tioned above.

3 ΣάρξΣεις. Sardes was the capital of Lydia, and the
seat of its kings:
fourteen days, and in it Croesus, after he had reigned as
many years. It was afterwards set on fire by the Ioni-
ans, and with it the temple of the goddess Cybele ; which
was the pretence afterwards made use of by Xerxes for
burning the temples of the Greeks,

4 ‘Ds βασιλέο. ὧς is frequently used by the Attic

XENOPHON ON THE

Both he and So-
crates were among those who were employed

the first Cyrus took it after a siege of

[ 800K I.

the king with all the haste he could, taking
with him about five hundred horse; and the
king being informed by Tissaphernes of the
intended * expedition of Cyrus, prepared acne
self to oppose him.

Cyrus, with the forces I have mentioned,
marched from Sardes; and advancing through
Lydia in * three days, made twenty-two ’ para-_
sangs, as far as the river Mander. This

writers for 724s, which possibly may be anderstood. I5
this sense it is employed in the first of those two verses
which Pompey repeated, when he put himself in the
hands of Ptolemy, king of Egypt.

“Ὅστις γὰρ ὡς τύραννον» ἐμπορεύεται

Κείνου ᾽στι δοῦλος κἂν ἐλεύϑερος μόλῃ.

5 Τὸν Κύρου στόλον. roves ἘΣ ἌΝ στράτευμα.
Suidas. σαὶ ἡ διὰ γῆς πορεία. Phavorinus. The author
first mentioned quotes a passage out of Arrian, in which
στόλος is taken in the same sense our author uses it in
this place. Σποράκις μαδὼν σὸν στόλον βασιλέω: ἐπὶ τὴν
αὐτοῦ ἐπιπεάτειαν γινόμενον, ἔφυγε.

6 Σταϑι μοὺς τρεῖς. I have said three days’ march, in _
the same manner as the Roman authors say, fertiis cas-
tris, without any regard to the particular distance from
one place to another, but only to the motion of the
army. In this I am confirmed by Diodorus Siculus, who
speaking of the march of the Greek army in their re-
treat through the country of the Mosyneecians, explains

ὀκτὼ στα μοὺς, mentioned by our author upon that oc-
casion, by ἐν ἡμέραις 02 Tie

7 Παρασάγγας. Παρασάγγης» μέτεον ὁδοὺ τριάκοντο
σταδίους ἔχον. Ἡρεγομῖαβ, Herodotus says the same —
thing, On the other hand, Strabo says, some make it
sixty, others thirty or forty stadia; but this may in
some degree be reconciled by the Etymological Lexicon,
which explains it thus, ταξασάγγαι, τριάκοντῶ στάδια
παρὰ Πέρσαις, παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις δ᾽ ἑξήκοντα ; so that the
parasang was thirty stadia among the Persians, and
sixty among the Egyptians; but as the march of the
Greek army, described by our author, lay through Per-
sia, there can be no doubt but he followed their account.
It may not be improper to observe, that a stadium con-
tains one hundred ὀργυιαὶ or fathoms, στάδιον ὀργυιαὶ
ἑκατὸν, Phavorinus, that is, 600 feet, éeyu being, ac-
cording to the same author, ἡ ἔκτασις τῶν χειρῶν σὺν τῷ
“πλάτει στήϑους» that is, ἃ fathom. I know very well,
that the Greek foot contained .0875 decimals more than
an English foot, so that whoever has a mind to be exact,
must compute according to that fraction. As the para-
sang, stadium, and plethrum are frequently mentioned
in the course of this history, I thought it proper to ex-
plain them at first, that we may have done with them :
the plethrum has not yet been taken notice of: Suid: as
says it contains one hundred feet, ἔχει δὲ τὸ σλέϑερον πέ-
λᾶς 6΄ ; or, as both he and Phavorinus affirm, together
with the Greek scholiast upon this passage of Homev,
where he speaks of Tityus |
'O δ᾽ ἐπ᾿ ἐννέα κεῖτο πέλεϑρω,
τὸ τοῦ σταδίου ἕκτον μέρος ; the sixth part of ἃ stadium,
that is, one hundred feet. As the Latin fongue has no
ord to express σλέϑρον in this sense, with accuracy,
jugerum, signifying a square measure, (though I am
sensible the poets use it also for σλέϑρον) the Latin
translators have thought themselves under a necessity
of using the word plethrum: I hope I shall also be al-
lowed to use the words parasang, stadium, and pie-
thrum, after having explained them.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

river is two plethra in breadth; and having a
bridge over it, supported by seven boats, he
passed over, and advanced through Phrygia,
making in one day’s march eight parasangs, to
Colosea, a large city, rich and well inhabited,
where he staid seven days, when Menon the
Thessalian, came to him, with a thousand
heavy-armed men, and five hundred targeteers,
consisting of Dolopians, A®nians, and Olyn-
thians. From thence he made, in three days’
march, twenty parasangs to Celene, a city of
Phrygia, large, rich, and well inhabited. Here
the palace of Cyrus stood, with a large ® park
full of wild beasts, which Cyrus hunted on
horse-back, when he had a mind to exercise
himself and his horses. Through the middle
of this park runs the river Meander, but the
head of it rises in the palace; it runs also
through the city of Celenz. There is besides
a fortified palace belonging to the ® great king in
Celene, at the head of the river Marsyas, under
the citadel. This river likewise runs through
the city, and falls into the Meander. The Mar-
syas is twenty-five feet broad: here Apollo is
said to have slain Marsyas, whom contending
with him! in music, he had overcome, and to

have hung up his skin in the cave, from whence

the springs flow: for this reason the river is | Syennesis king of the Cilicians, came to Cyrus ;

called Marsyas. Here Xerxes, when he fled
from Greece after his defeat, is said to have

built both this palace and the citadel of Ce-

lenz. Here Cyrus staid thirty days, and hither

Clearchus the banished Lacedemonian ΘΒΕΙΘῚ Italy, when he, with his fullowers, settled upon the

| Palatine Hill.
Thracian" targeteers, and two hundred Cretan |

with a thousand heavy-armed men, five hundred

8 Παράδεισος.
original, and like many other Persian words, as Julius
Pollus says, commonly used by the Greeks. ‘These
parks, planted with stately forest and fruit-trees of every
kind, well watered, and stocked with plenty of wild
beasts, were very deservedly in great request among
the Persians, Plutarch tells us, that Tissaphernes, to
show his opinion of the elegance of Alcibiades’s taste,
gave this name to that which belonged to him. The
ecclesiastical writers after St Jerome have thought fit to
translate the garden of Eden i in Moses, Paradisus volup.
tatis ; and the Septuagint by τῷ παραδείσῳ τρυφῆς, making
Eden an appellative, though they oftener make it a pro-
per name.
Eden, which agrees with the Hebrew.

9 Miyéaou βασιλέως. This is the title given by all the
Greek authors to the king of Persia, which is preserved
to the successors of Mahomet in that of the Grand
Seignior,

10 Περὶ σοφίας. Hutchinson has proved from several
authorities that copia in this place signifies skill in music,
rather than wisdom.

1) Πελτασταί. Here πελτωσταὶ seems to be takenina

This word is, no doubt, of Persian

The English translation says the garden of |

17]

archers. At the same time Sosias the Syra-
cusan came with a thousand heavy-armed men,
and Sophenetus the Arcadian with a thousand
more. Here Cyrus reviewed the Greeks in
the park, and took an account of their num-
bers ; they amounted in the whole to eleven
thousand heavy-armed men, and about two
thousand targeteers.

From hence Cyrus made in two days’ march
ten parasangs, and arrived at Peltw, a city
well inhabited: there he staid three days, dur-
ing which Xenias the Arcadian solemnized the
15 Lupercalian sacrifice, and celebrated a game ;
the prizes were golden ’* scrapers ; at this game
Cyrus was present. From thence he made in
two marches twelve parasangs, and came to
the market of the Cramians, a city well inhab-
ited, the last of the country of Mysia. From
thence he made in three days’ march thirty pa-
rasangs, and arrived at a well peopled city, call-
ed!‘ the Plain of Caystrus, where he staid five —
days. There was now due to the soldiérs
above three months’ pay, which they, coming
often to! his door, demanded. He continued
to give them hopes, and was visibly concerned ;

for he was not of a temper to deny money,

when he had it. Hither Epyaxa, the wife to

comprehensive sense, and to include all those who were
not heavy-armed men,

12 Ta Λύκαια. This was an Arcadian sacrifice, insti-
tuted in honour of Pan, and brought by Evander into

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, from whom
I have this, adds, that after the sacrifice was over, the
priests ran through the streets naked all but their middle,
which was covered with the skins of the victims newly
sacrificed ; this sacrifice, he says, continued to his time,
which is confirmed by Dion Cassius and Plutarch. Vir-
gil has taken notice of this circumstance of the Luper-
calian priests running naked, among the other points of
history, With which the shield of 7Eneas is embellished :

Hic exultantes Salios, nudosque Lupercos,

Lanigerosque apices, et lapsa ancilia ccelo

Extuderat.

13 Στλεγγίδεε. In Latin, strigiles. They were instru-
ments used in bathing, both by the Greeks and Romans;
with these they scraped their bodies. D’Ablancourt has
rendered it, des etrilles d’or; for which he makes an
excuse: the best I can make for the word I have made
use of is, that I know no other.

14 Καὕσσρου πεδίον. D*Ablancourt euspects this pas-
sage to be corrupted: but Hutchinson says, this plain
may very probabl y have given name to the city.

15 ᾿Ιόντες ἐπὶ τὰς ϑύρας. The custom of attending at
the door of the kings of Persia, was introduced by the
first Cyrus, as we find in the Cyropzedia, οὕτω καὶ νῦν ἔτι
ποιοῦσιν οἱ κατὼ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ὑπὸ Boosarsi’ ὄντες ϑεραπεύουσι
τὰς τῶν ἀρχόντων ϑύρας. It was in use in the time of
Herodotus and Xenophon, and continued as long as the
Persian empire. This compliment was paid to the satraps

172

it was said she made him a present of great
sums of money. Cyrus therefore gave the
army four months’ pay at that time. The Ci-
lician queen had a guard of Cilicians and Aspen-
dians; and Cyrus was reported to have an
amour with her.

From thence he made, in two days’ march,
ten parasangs, and came to the city of ! Thym-
brium, a town well inhabited. Here was a
fountain near the road, called the fountain of
Midas, king of Phrygia, where Midas is said to
have * caught the satyr, by mixing the fountain
with wine. From thence he made, in two
days’ march, ten parasangs, and arrived at. Ty-
rizum, a populous town, where he staid three
days.. And here, it is said, the Cilician queen
desired Cyrus to show her his army; in com-
pliance therefore with her request, Cyrus re-
viewed in the plain, both his Greek and Bar-
barian forces; ordering the Greeks to dispose
themselves, according to their custom, and
stand in order of battle, and that each of the
commanders should draw up his own men; so
they were drawn up * four deep. Menon had
the right with his people, and Clearchus the left
with his men; the rest of the generals being
in the centre. First therefore Cyrus viewed
the Barbarians, (they marched by him drawn
up in troops‘ and companies, ) then the Greeks,
Cyrus driving by them on a car, and the Cili-
cian queen in a chariot.° \ They had all brazen
helmets, scarlet vests, greaves, and burnished

as well as to the kings. It is possible the name of
the Port given to the court of the Grand Seignior was
derived from hence, rather than from the great gate
leading to the seraglio, as is generally thought.

1 ©duCeovr. A town of Phrygia.

2 Θηρεῦσαι. 1 have translated this in the same man-
ner as if our author had said λαξεῖν» which is the word
made use of by Maximus Tyrius, speaking of this ad-
venture ; λαμβάνει τὸν Σάτυρον κεράσας οἴνω κρήνην. For
this reason I am of opinion, that satyrwm venatus is not
so proper in Leunclavius and Hutchinson.

8 ᾿Επὶ τεττάρων. This is what Arrian in his Tacties
calls τὸν τάξιν ἐκτεῖναι ἐπὶ τέσσαρας. Leunclavius and
Hutchinson have said, ἐπὶ guaternis dispositi, which, I
think, signifies rather that they were drawn up in pla-
toons of fuur men each. D’Ablancourt is much clearer,
« quatre de hauteur.

4 Kar’ ἴλας, καὶ κατὰ τάξεις. Ιλη in Greek, and
turma in Latin, are proper to the horse, as τάξις and
esiors are to the foot; though I know there are some
examples where the two last are applied to the horse
also; however in this place there can be no doubt but
τάξεις signifies companies of foot.

5 “Αρμωμάξης. Plutarch employs this word for a
close carriage used by women. D’Ablancourt has not
distinguished it in his translation from ἅμαξα.

XENOPHON.

| battle :

ON THE

shields. After he had * passed by them all,
he stopped his car in the centre of the front,
and sending Pigres his interpreter to the
Greek generals, he ordered the whole line?
to present their pikes, and advance in order of
these conveyed his orders to the sol-
diers; who, when the trumpets sounded, pre-
sented their pikes and advanced ; then, march-
ing ® faster than ordinary, with shouts, ran of
their own accord to the tents. Upon this,
many of the Barbarians were seized with fear ;
the Cilician queen quitted her chariot, and
fled ; and the sutlers leaving their commodi-
ties, ran away: the Greeks, not without
laughter, repaired to their tents. The Cili-
cian queen, seeing the lustre and order of their
army, was in admiration, and Cyrus pleased to
see the terror with which the coe had
struck the Barbarians.

Thence, in three days’ march, he is twen-
ty parasangs, and came to Iconium, the last
city of Phrygia, where he staid three days.
Thence he made in five days’ march, thirty
parasangs through Lycaonia; which, being an
enemy’s country, he gave the Greeks leave to
plunder it. From hence he sent the Cilician
queen into Cilicia the shortest way, and ap-
pointed Menon the Thessalian, himself, with
his soldiers, to escort her. Cyrus, with the
rest of the army, moved on through Cappa-
docia, and in four days’ march, made five and
twenty parasangs to Dana, a large and rich
city, well inhabited. Here he staid three days,
during which he put to death Megaphernes,
a Persian, one of his courtiers,? with another

[ BOOK I. ᾿

[
[
|
i

6 ᾿Επεὶ πάντας παρήλωασε. This is rendered by 1)’ Ab-
lancourt, apres les avoir contemple.

7 Πεοξαλέσϑαι τὰ ὅπλα. There isa passage quoted
by Suidas out of Demosthenes in his first Philippic, in
which ποοδάλλεσϑεαι is used in the same sense our author
uses it here, προράλλεσϑαι δὲ τὰς χέρας καὶ βλέπειν ἐναν-
σιον οὔτε οἱ ἴδεν», οὔτε ἐϑέλει» where Suidas explains
resburreTaras τὰς χεῖρας by προτεῖναι τὰς χείρας ὡς εἰς
μάχην : so that πεοδάλλου τὰ ὅπλα will be the same with
wades τὰ δόρωτω, a word of command mentioned hy
Arrian in his Tactics, D’Ablancourt has, I think, said
very properly gu’tls fissent baisser les pigues.

Θῶττον. Iam sensible that Sécrs is not always
used in a comparative sense ; it sometimes, though
rarely, signifies no more than εὐϑὺς, ταχέως, as Hesy-
chius explains it; however, it is generally used in the
sense I have given it by the Attict writers, Oz7rey‘ Ar-
τιον" τάχιον, Ελληνες. Phavorinus.

9 Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον. Ihave never met with the
word φοινικιστὴς in any author but Xenophon, or in any
Lexicon ancient or modern, but Hesychius, who quotes
this passage without explaining it; so that the readers

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

person who had a principal command, accus-
ing them of treachery. Thence they prepared
to penetrate into Cilicia; the entrance’ was
just broad enough for a chariot to pass, very
steep, and inaccessible to an army, if there had
been any opposition; and Syennesis was said
to have possessed himself of the eminences,
in order to guard the pass; for which reason,
Cyrus staid one day in the plain. The day
after, news was brought by a messenger that
Syennesis had quitted the eminences, upon
information that both Menon’s army were in
Cilicia, within the mountains, and also that
Tamos was! sailing round from Ionia to
Cilicia with the galleys that belonged to the
Lacedemonians, and to Cyrus, who immedi-
ately marched up the mountains without op-
position, and’? made himself master of the
tents, in which the Cilicians lay to oppose his
passage. From thence he descended into
a large and beautiful plain, well watered, and
full of all sorts of trees and vines ; abounding
in 8 sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and barley ;
and is surrounded with a strong and high ridge
of hills from sea to sea.

‘and translators are left to shift for themselves as well as
they can, Leunclavius and Hutchinson have said,
regium purpure tinctorem, which I can by no means
approve of, since the king’s purple dyer does neither
seem to be a proper person to attend Cyrus ina mili-
tary expedition, neither does he appear a proper ac-
complice in a design of this nature, with so considerable
a person as the other is represented. D’Ablancourt
has said maitre de sa garderobe; this indeed answers
the two objections I made to the other interpretation,
but I am apt to believe, if Xenophon had designed to
denote any particular notice, he would have made use
of the article, and have said τὸν φοινιχιστὴν βασίλειον.
H. Stephens has employed a very classical word, purpu-
vatus, which answers properly to Φοίνιξ, whence φοι-
νιχισσὴς is derived; this is the sense I have given to the
word, though I am very far from being fond of it.

10 Ἢ δὲ εἰσδολή. This is the pass which Arrian calls
τὰς πύλας τῆς Κιλικίας, which Alexander possessed
himself of, as he marched into Cilicia to engage Darius.
The day before, he encamped in the place, where we
now find Cyrus, ἀφικόμενος, says Arrian, ἐπὶ τὸ ἹΚυροῦ
τοῦ ξὺν Ἐξενοφῶντι σπτρωτόπεδον, where he left Parmenion,
when he went himself to attack the pass.

11 Περιπλεούσας. Hutchinson very justly observes,
that περιπλεῖν is properly used by Xenophon to describe
the course a ship must take from the coast of Ionia to
that of Cilicia: but this has not been preserved either in
his or Leunclavius’s translation, any more than in that
of D’ Ablancourt.

12 Eide. Lhave followed the conjecture of Muretus,
who reads εἷλε instead of εἶδεν in which I am Supported
by Hutchinson.

13 Σήσωμον. This plant is common in the Levant,
and is called by Tournefort, digitalis orientalis ; of the
seed of which they make an oil, that is good to eat, and

173

_ After he had left the mountains, he advanced
through the plain, and having made five and
twenty parasangs in four days’ march, arrived
at Tarsus, a large and rich city of Cilicia,
where stood the palace of Syennesis king of
Cilicia; having the river ” Cydnus running
through the middle of it, and is two hundred
feet in breadth. . This city was '° abandoned by
the inhabitants, who, with Syennesis, fled to a
fastness upon the mountains, those only except-
ed who kept the public houses: but the inhabi-
tants of 17. Soli and Issi, who lived near the sea,
did not quit their habitations. Epyaxa, the

for several other uses, Panic and millet are so like one
another, that they are scarce to be distinguished but by
the manner in which they bring forth their grain, the
former bearing it in ears, and the latter in bunches
they both make very bad bread, and are chiefly used to
fat fowls. D’Ablancourt has thought fit to render this
period by remplie de toutes sortes de fruits et de grains ;
but his reason for it is still more curious than his trans-
lation. I was so much entertained with the vivacity of
it, that I cannot help transcribing his words: Je l’ai
tranche, says he, en dewx mots, pour ne pas venir a
un detail ennuyeux.

14 Ταρσούς. Tarsus, aconsiderable city of Cilicia, was
built by Sardanapalus, who built both that and Anchia-
lus, another city not far from it, in one day; which,
though incredible to those who do not consider how
many millions of men the Assyrian kings had at their
command, is however attested by an Assyrian inscrip-
tion, which Arrian has translated. This inscription was,
it seems, engraved on the monument of this prince, upon
which stood his statue, in the attitude of a person who
expresses a contempt, with his hands clapped together,
or, as Strabo says, I think more probably, by seeming to
snap his fingers. The sense of this inscription is so yery
philosophical, that I cannot omit it, though at the same
time, the phrase is so very libertine, that I shall not
trauslate it. Σαρδανάπαλ 0s ὃ ᾿Ανακυνδαράξου παῖς, "Ac~
χίαλον καὶ Ῥαρσὸν ἐν ἡμέρῳ hee ἐδείμιωτο. av δὲ, ὦ ξένε,
ἔσθιε, καὶ πίνε, καὶ Tale, ὡς τ' ἄλλω τὰ ἀνϑ)εώπινα οὐκ
ὄντω τούτου ἄξιο : instead of raiZey others read ὄχευε;
which Arrian says is the sense of the Assyrian word :
and which Plutarch, speaking of this inscription, has
rendered by ἀφροδισίαξε.

15᾽ Kudvés.—This river rises out of Mount Taurus and
running through a clean country, is remarkable for the
coldness and clearness of its stream ; this tempted Alex-
ander after a long and sultry march to bathe in it, which
had like to have put an end both to his life and his vic-
tories : but the care of his physician, or the strength of
his constitution, soon recovered him, and once more let
him loose upon mankind.

16 ᾿Εξέλιπον; &c, I agree entirely with nechitege
against Leunclavius and Stephens that there is no neces-
sity of having recourse to φυγόντες or of any thing of that
kind to perfect this sentence. These aposiopeses are
frequent in the Attic writers.

17 Σόλοις. This city was afterwards called Pompeio-
polis. It was formerly a colony of the Athenians, who
forgetting by length of time their mother-tongue, or at
least the grammar of it, spoke a barbarous language,
from whom the word solecism, so dreadful in the ears
of school-boys, took its name.

174

wife of Syennesis came to Tarsus five days
before Cyrus. In the passage over the moun-
tains into the plain, two companies of Menon’s
army were missing. It was said by some, that,
while they were intent on plunder, they were
cut off by the Cilicians, and by others, that
being left behind, and unable to find the rest
of the army, or gain the road, they wan-
dered about the country, and were destroyed:
1 The number of these amounted to one hun-
dred heavy-armed men. The rest, as soon as
they arrived, resenting the loss of their com-
panions, plundered both the city of Tarsus,
and the palace that stood there. Cyrus, as
soon as he entered the city, sent for Syennesis ;
but he alleging that he had never yet put him-
self in the hands of any person of superior
power, declined coming, till his wife prevailed
upon him, and received assurance from Cyrus.
After that, when they met, Syennesis gave
Cyrus great sums of money to pay his army,
and Cyrus made him such presents as are of
great value among kings; these were a horse
with a golden bit, a chain, bracelets, and a sci-
mitar, of gold, with a Persian robe, besides "
the exemption of his country from further plun-
der ; to this he added the restitution of the pri-
soners they had taken, wherever they were found.
‘) /Here Cyrus and the army staid twenty days,
the soldiers declaring they would go no further;
for they suspected he was leading them against
the king, and said they were not raised for that
service. Clearchus was the first who endea-

voured to force his men to go on; but as soon

as he began to march, they threw stones at him
and at his sumpter horses, so that he narrowly
escaped being then stoned todeath. Afterwards,
when he saw it was not in his power to prevail
by force, he called his men together, and first
stood still a considerable time, shedding many
tears, while the soldiers beheld him in amaze
and silence: then spoke to them in the follow-
ing manner :

** Fellow-soldiers ; wonder not that I am
concerned at the present posture of affairs: for
I am engaged to Cyrus by the rights of hospi-
tality, and when I was banished, among other
marks of distinction with which he honoured

1 Ἦσαν δὲ οὗτοι ἑκατὸν ὁπλῖται. By this passage it
seems that their companies consisted of fifty men each.

2 Kai τὴν χώξαν μηκέτι, &c, This period is celebrated
by Demetrius Phalareus for the proper placing of this
uncommon gift, which, he says, if it had been placed
either in the beginning, or in the middle, would have
been disagreeable, but is graceful at the close of it.

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK I.

me, he gave me ten thousand daricks. After
I had received this money, I did not treasure
it up for my own use, or® lavish it in pleasures,
but laid it out upon you. And first, I made
war upon the Thracians, and with your assis-
tance revenged the injuries they had done to
Greece, by driving them out of the Chersone-
sus, where they were endeavouring to dispossess
the Greek inhabitants of their lands. After
that, when I was summoned by Cyrus, I carried
you to him with this view, that, if there were
occasion, I might in return for his‘ favours be
of service to him; but, since you refuse to go
on with me, and I am under a necessity either,
by betraying you, to rely on the friendship of
Cyrus; or, by being false to him, to adhere to
you, though I am in doubt whether 1 shall do
right or not. However, I have determined to
give you the® preference, and with you to suf-
fer every thing that may happen. Neither
shall any one say, that, having led the Greeks
among Barbarians, I betrayed the Greeks, and
preferred the friendship of the Barbarians;
but, since you refuse to obey me, and to follow
me, I will follow you, and share in all your
sufferings ; for 1 look upon you as my country,
my friends, and fellow-soldiers, and that with
you I shall live in honour wherever I am; but
without you, that I shall neither be useful to
my friends, nor formidable to my enemies.
Be assured, therefore, that whithersoever you
go, I resolve to go with you.” Thus spoke
Clearchus. The soldiers, both those who be-
longed to him and the rest of the army, hear-
ing this, commended him for declaring he would
not march against the king: and above two
thousand left Xenias and Pasion, and taking
their arms and® baggage with them, canie and
encamped with Clearchus.

8 Οὐδὲ καϑηδυπάϑησωα. Que je n’ai pas emploie a mes
plaisirs, ia D’ Ablancourt, does not, I think, come up to
the strength of the Greek word: nec per voluptatem et
luxum absumpst, in Hutchinson, is far better. Sure this
word, which has great energy, was never more properly
employed than by Piutarch to Mark Antony’s lavishing
the most precicus thing he could throw away, his time,
in the arms of Cleopatra, κωϑηδυπαϑ εἶν τὸ πολυτελέστατον
ἀνάλωμα, τὸν χρόνον, where by the way Plutarch has
taken that fine application of πολυτελὲς ἀνάλωμεα to time,
from Theophrastus. ᾿

4. ᾽Ωφελοίην αὐτόν. Leunclavius and Hutchinson hare
said, wt ei commodarem, which is not only the sense, but
elegantly expresses uf ei commodo essem; Tully uses
the word in the same sense in his Epistles. D*Ablan-
court has said, pour payer ses faveurs de quelque service,
which I think, at least, equal to the other.

5, Αἱρήσομαι δ᾽ οὖν ὑμᾶς. αἰἱφοῦμεαι, wreoxelvw. Phavo-

rinus.
6 Lxtvopocse

The passage quoted by Iutchinsou out

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. «

These things gave Cyrus great perplexity
and uneasiness: so he sent for Clearchus, who
refused to go, but despatched a messenger to
him, unknown to the soldiers, with encourage-
ment that this affair would take a favourable
turn. He advised Cyrus to send for him, but
at the same time let him know that he did not
design to go to him. After this, assembling
his own soldiers, with those who were lately

come to him, and as many of the rest as.

desired to be present, he spoke to them as
follows :

‘and still possess) may prevent us.

173

(there being a market in the Barbarians’
camp) and pack up their baggage; then go to
Cyrus and demand ships of him to transport
them; which if he refused, to desire a com-
mander to conduct them, as through a friend’s
country ; and, if this also be refused, continued

he, we ought forthwith to draw up a declara-
‘tion of battle, and send a detachment to secure
‘the eminences, that neither Cyrus, nor the

Cilicians (many of whom’we have taken pri-
soners, and whose’ effects we have plundered,
After him

* Fellow-soldiers! it is certain the affairs of | Clearchus spoke to this effect :

Cyrus are in the same situation in respect to
us, with ours in regard to him; for neither
are we any longer his soldiers, since we refuse
to follow him, neither does he any longer give
us pay. I know he thinks himself unjustly
treated by us; so that, when he sends for me,
I refuse to go to him, chiefly through shame,
because I am conscious to myself of having
deceived him in every thing; in the next place,
through fear, lest he should cause me to be
apprehended and punished for the wrongs he
thinks I have done him.
opinion, that this is no time for us to sleep, or
to neglect the care of ourselves, but to consult
what is to be done. If we stay, we are to con-
sider by what means we may stay with the
greatest security ; and if we resolve to go away,
how we may go with the greatest safety, and
supply ourselves with provisions ; for without
these, neither a commander, or a private man,
can be of any use. Cyrus is a very valuable
friend, where he is a friend; but the severest
enemy, where he is an enemy. He is also
master of that strength in foot, horse, and at
sea, which we all both see and are acquainted
with, for truly we do not seem to be encamped
at a great distance from him; so that this is
the time for every one to advise what he judges
best.” Here he stopped.

Upon this some rose up of their own accord
to give their opinions ; others, by his direction,
to show the difficulties either of straying, or
going without the approbation of Cyrus.
One, pretending to be in haste by returning
to Greece, said, that if Clearchus refused to
conduct them thither, they ought immediately
to choose other generals, to buy provisions

of Herodian, which is also quoted by Constantine in his
Lexicon, plainly shows, that σκευοφός signifies both the
carriages and the beasts of burden.

I am therefore of | whose undertaking we had defeated.

ἐς Let none of you propose me to be general

in this expedition, (for I see many things that

forbid it,) but consider me as one resolved to
obey, as far as possible, the person you shall
choose, that you may be convinced I also
know, as well as any other, how to submit to
command.” After him another got up, show-
ing the folly of the man who advised to de-
mand the ships, as if Cyrus would not resume
his expedition. He showed also how weak a
thing it was to apply for a guide to that person
66 ΤΠ»
says he, “we can place any confidence in a
guide appointed by him, what hinders us from
desiring Cyrus himself to secure those emi-
nences for us? I own I should be unwilling
to go on board the transports he may give us,
lest he should sink the ® ships. I should also
be afraid to follow the guide he may appoint,
lest he should lead us into some place, out

ἢ Χρήματω. This word in this and in many other
places in Xenophon, as well as in other good authors,
signifies effects rather than money: in this sense it is
explained by Hesychius, venpoura, ols τις δύναται χρῆ-
oH. κτήματα, βοσκήφοωτα. This explains a passage in
Homer, where Eurymachus, one of the suitors, telis
Halitherses, that, if satus continues to amuse them,

Χρήματα δ᾽ αὖτε κακῶς βεθδρώσεται.
Hutchinson has rendered χοήματο here bona, and
Leunclavius, opes, the latter not so properly. D’Ab
lancourt has said ceuwaw du pais gu’on avoit pille, which,

-in my opinion, is too general, because it is applicable

both to their money and effects: on the other side it is
not applicable to the seizing their persons ; for I dare
say those who are critics in the French language wil]
own, that piller quelqu’un does not signify to seize a
man’s person.

8 Αὐταῖς ταῖς τριήρεσι κατοαδύσγη. This ellipsis is very
frequent in Thucydides and Homer ; the latter speaking
of the waste made by the wild boar on ie lands «εἴ
Gineus, says, in the same figure, δὶ

Πολλὼ δ᾽ ὅγε προϑέλυμινο χαμαὶ βάλε δένδρεω μαπεὰ

Αὐτήσιν ῥίζησι, καὶ αὐτοῖς ἄνϑεσι μήλων.

176

of which we could not disengage ourselves ;
and since it is proposed we should go away
without the consent of Cyrus, I wish we
could also go without his knowledge, which is
impossible. ‘These then are vain thoughts ;
I am therefore of opinion that proper persons,
together with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus,
and ask him in what service he proposes to
employ us; and to acquaint him, that, if the
present undertaking be of the same nature with
that in which he before made use of foreign
troops, we will follow him, and behave our-
selves with equal bravery to those who! at-
tended him upon that occasion; but if this
enterprise appears to be of greater moment
than the former, and to be attended with
greater labour? and danger, that we desire he
will either prevail on us by persuasion to fol-
low him, or suffer himself to be prevailed upon
to allow us toreturn home. By this means,
if we follow him, we shall follow him as
friends, with cheerfulness; and if we return,
we shall return with safety. And let them
report to us what he says, which we may then
consider of.” This was resolved.

Having chosen the persons therefore, they
sent them with Clearchus, who asked Cyrus
the questions appointed by the army; to
which he made this answer: “ J am informed,
that Abrocomas, my enemy, lies near the
Euphrates, at the distance of twelve days’
march : therefore, my intention is, if I find
him there, to punish, by leading my army
against him; but if he flies from the place, I
will there consider what we are to do.” This
coming to the ears of those who were ap-
pointed to attend Cyrus, made their report to
the soldiers, who suspected his design was to
lead them against the king; yet they resolved
to follow him; and when they demanded an
increase of pay, he promised to give them half
as much more as they had already; that is,
instead of one darick, a darick and a half
every month to each man. But it was not
even then known that he intended to lead them
against the king, at least, it was not public.

./ IV. Hence he made in two days’ march ten

1 Συναναδάντων. This relates to the three hundred
Greeks, who, as our author tells us, attended Cyrus to
court under the command of Béues of Parrhasie.

2 ᾿Επιπονωφέρω καὶ ἐπικυνδυνωτέρα. These are the
proper characters that distinguish this expedition from
the former; however, D’Ablanccurt has not taken the
east notice of it in his translation.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK f.

parasangs, to the river Pharus, which was
three hundred feet broad; from thence to the
river Pyramus, which is one stadium: in
breadth, making in one march five parasangs ;
from which place he made, in two days’ mareh,
fifteen parasangs, ‘and arrived at Issus,? the
last town of Cilicia, situated near the sea; a
large city, rich, and well inhabited; where he
staid three days, during which time, five-and-
thirty ships, with Pythagoras, a Lacedemo-
nian, (the admiral) at the head, sailed from
Peloponnesus, and came to Cyrus, being con-
ducted from Ephesus by Tamos, an Egyp-
tian, who carried with him five-and-twenty
other ships belonging to Cyrus, with which he
had besieged Miletus, because that city was
in friendship with Tissaphernes, against whom
Tamos made war in conjunction with Cyrus.
With these ships alse came Cheirisophus, the
Lacedemonian, whom Cyrus had sent for,
with seven hundred heavy-armed men, which
he commanded under Cyrus, before whose
tent the ships lay* at anchor. Hither also
four hundred heavy-armed Greeks came to
Cyrus, (leaving Abrocomas, in whose service
they were,) and marched with him against the
king.

Hence Cyrus made in one march five para-
sangs to the ®gates of Cilicia and Syria.

3 Ἰσσούς. Hard by stands a town now called Sean-
deroon, a place very well known to our Turkey mer-
chants, built by Alexander in memory of the great vic-
tory he obtained there over Darius, whose mother, wife,
and children were taken prisoners in the action. The
bay called by Strabo ζόλπος ᾿Ισσικὸς, took its name from
this town, and is now called the Bay of Scanderoon.

4 Αἱ δὲ νῆες ὥρμουν, &c. I will not say that deme
is never used to signify a ship that comes to land, but I
am sure it is generally applied to a ship that lies at an-
chor, and that ὁρμίφω is almost universally the word
made use of to express the former: the difference be-
tween the two words is particularly set forth by Pha-
yorinus, é¢#, sayshe, ἐν τῷ λιμένι ἵσταμαι, denice δὲ τὸ
εἰς τὸν λιμένω εἰσάγομαι. 1 will not therefore absolute-
ly say that the French and Latin translators have mis-
taken this passage, but wish the former, instead of say-
ing, elles vinrent mouiller Vancre, had said, elles etoient
alancre pres de la tente de Cyrus ; and that the lat-
ter, instead of saying naves propter Cyri tentortum ad-
pullerant, had said, in anchoris stabuant.

5 Ἐπὶ πύλας τῆς Κιλικίας καὶ τῆς Συρίας. There are
two passes upon the mountains that divide Cilicia from
Syria, as we find in Pliny and Tully’s Epistles, where
the latter gives the reasons why he led the army, which
he commanded as proconsul, into Cappadocia rather
than into Cilicia: duo enim sunt aditus in Cilictam ex

Syria ; one of these is called σύλαι ᾿Αμανικαὶν by Pliny
porte Amani montis, aud the other simply TAK, OF, aS

“ams

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

‘These were two fortresses, of which the inner
next Cilicia was possessed by Syennesis with

a guard of Cilicians, and the outer next to

Syria, was said to be defended by the king’s
troops. Between these two fortresses runs a

river called Kersus, one hundred feet in breadth.
The interval between them was three stadia in

the whole, through which it was not possible
to force a way; the pass being narrow, the
fortresses reaching down to the sea, and above
were inaccessible ὁ rocks. In both these for-
tresses stood the gates. In order to gain this
pass, Cyrus sent for his ships, that, by landing
his heavy-armed men both within and without
the gates, they might force their passage through
the Syrian gates, if defended by the enemy ;
which he expected Abrocomas, who was at the
head of a great army, would attempt: however,
Abrocomas did not do this, but as soon as he
heard Cyrus was in Cilicia, he suddenly left
Pheenicia, and went back to the king, with an

army consisting, as it was said, of three hun-

dred thousand men.

Hereupon Cyrus proceeded cabs Syria,
and, in one march, made five parasangs to
Myriandros, a city near the sea, inhabited by

the last mentioned author calls them, porte Cilicie ; the
former are to the eastward of the latter, which, as we
‘find in this account of Xenophon, lie close to the sea.
There is a doubt which of these is meant by our author ;
but this will be clearly rectified, if we look into Arrian,
where we shall find Alexander to have taken the same
route with Cyrus for a great way, and to have often
encamped in the same places. After that prince had
passed these πάλαΐν mentioned by Xenophon, and while
he lay with his army at Myriandros, the same place
where Cyrus encamped after he had passed them, he
received advice that Darius had left his camp at Sochi,
within two days’ march of the Πύλωι ; and having passed
the mountains at the Πύλα;, ’Awevzel, or the eastern
pass, was got behind him, and marching to Issus. Alex.
ander was pleased to find his enemy had abandoned the
advantage of a campaign country, and shut up his nu-
merous army, the chief strength of which consisted in
horse, between the mountains and the sea ; and, march-
ing back, possessed himself again of the 74a that night ;
the next day he engaged Darius, and the ground be-
neath this pass and Issus was the scene of that memor-
and victory. This happened in the 4th year of the
111th Olympiad, 68 years after Cyrus marched through
Cilicia,

6 Πέτραι ἠλίβατοι. This expression is very poetical,
and often made use of by Homer, whose scholiast ex-

plains it in this manner, ἧς ὁ ἥλιος μόνος ἐπιβαίνει, a rock

᾿ inaccessible to every thing but to the rays of the sun.

When Patroclus reproaches Achilles with his cruelty by
suffering the Greeks to be slain in such numbers for
want of his assistance, he tells him,
, π--οὐκ ἄφο σοί ye πατὴρ ἣν ἵππότα ΤΠυλεὺς,
Οὐδὲ Θέτις μεοήτηρ' γλαυκὴ δέ σε τίκτε ϑάλασσα
Πέτραι τ᾽ ἠλίβατοι, ὅπι τοὶ νόος ἐστὶν ἀπηνής.

177

the Pheenecians, 7which being a mart-town,
where many merchant ships lay at anchor, they
continued seven days; during which Xenias”
the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Mega-
rean, took ship, and putting their most valuable
effects on board, sailed away. It was the ge-
neral opinion, that this was owing to their re-
sentment against Clearchus, whom Cyrus had
suffered to retain the troops that left them, and
put themselves under his command with a view
of returning to Greece, and not of marching
against the king. As soon therefore as they
disappeared, a rumour was spread that Cyrus
would follow them with his galleys. Some
wished that, having acted perfidiously, they 5
might be taken, others *pitied them, if they
should fall into his hands.

Cyrus immediately assembled together the
general officers, and spoke thus to them: ““ Xe-
nias and Pasion have left us, but let them be
assured that they are not '° gone away so as to
be concealed (for I know whither they are

ἡ Ἔμπόριον δ᾽ ἣν τὸ χωρίον, καὶ Bemovy αὐτόϑι ὁλκάδες
πολλαί. Were Hutchinson has translated ὥρμουν in the
manner I have contended for in note, page 1'76. Leun-
clavius has still adhered to adpulerant, D’ Ablancourt
has left out the whole period in his translation. ὁλκὰς,
παρὰ Θουκυδίδη, ἡ ἐμυπορι» ἢ νοῦς. Suidas.

8 Οἱ δ’ ῴκτειρον εἰ ἁλώσοιντο. I own I cannot, with
the Latin translators, see the necessity of supplying this
sentence with any word in order to complete it: I think
the expression elegant, the sense plain, and the eventual
commiseration fully pointed out by the conditional par-
ticle εἰ.

9 ᾿Αποδεδράκωσιν. Ammonius and Phavorinus are
quoted upon this occasion by Hutchinson, to show the
difference between ἀποδράνα, And ἀποφεύγειν ; the first,
say they, signifies τὸ ἀναχωρήσαντά sive εὔδηλον εἶναι
ὅπου ἔστι» the other τὸ μὴ δύνασϑαι ἐπιληφϑῆναι; and, to
support this, the passage now before us in Xenophon is
cited by Ammonius. Now I own, that, notwithstanding
the very great deference which I have, and which every
one ought to have, for those two grammarians, and the
person who quotes them, yet I cannot help thinking that
the very passage they quote destroys the difference they
have established ; for, if ἀποδράνοι signifies, as they say,
to retire in such a manner that the place of retreat is
known, ἀποδεδράπκωσι here must signify the reverse ; for
Cyrus tells the Greeks that they have zo? retired to a
place unknown to him, οὐδὲ ἀποδεδράκασι, because he
says he knows whither they are going. Hutchinson
himself confirms what I say by this translation, even
against his own quotation; for he says, nec clam se
aufugisse ; whereas, if the observation of the authors he
quotes is just, and that ἀποδράναι signifies ἀνα χωρήσωντῷ
Tivo εὔδηλον εἴνοιι, he should have translated it, nee palam
se aufugisse. wish, I do not say for the advantage of the
sense, but for the ease of the translator, that Xenophon
had said ἀποδεδράκωσι μὲν. οὐ ἀποπεφεύγασι dé; I should
then have translated it, they are fled, but not escaped.

10 Μὰ τοὺς ϑεούς. Μὰ is a negative asseveration, and
ναὶ an affirmative one.

Z

178

going, neither are they escaped (for my galleys
can come up with their ship.) But I '! call
the gods to witness that I do not intend to
pursue them, neither shall any one say, that
while people are with me, I use their service ;
but that, when they desire to leave me, I seize
them, treat them ill, and rob them of their
fortunes. Let them go therefore, and remem-
ber they have behaved themselves worse to me
than I to them.
are under a guard at Tralles; however, not
even these shall they be deprived of, but shall
receive them in return for the gallant behaviour
they have formerly shown to my service.”
The Greeks, if any before showed a back-
wardness to the enterprise, seeing: this instance
of Cyrus’s virtue, followed him with greater
pleasure and cheerfulness.

After this, Cyrus, in four days’ march, made
twenty parasangs, and came to the river
Chalus, which is one hundred feet broad, and
full? of large tame fish, which the Syrians

1 ἸἸόντων. The use of the genitive case plural of the
participle is very common with the Attic writers, in-
stead of the third person plural of the imperative mood
in the same tense, unless ἔστωσαν, according to the opin-
ion of some critics, is upon those oecasions to be under-
stood. Diogenes Laertius gives a remarkable instance of
something like this: it relates to the trial of Socrates,
where Plato offering to speak to the judges in defence of
his master, began his speech in this manner: Νεώφατος
ὧν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αϑηναῖοι, τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ βήμμωα ἀναβάντων» upon
which the judges interrupted him by calling out zera-
βάντων for κατάβηϑι, and made him come down. But
the Attic authors are not singular in the use of this
phrase: Homer says

--πήρυκες μὲν ᾿Αχαιῶν χαλπκοχιτώτων

Rasy κηρύσσοντες ἀγειρόντων κωτὰ νῆας»
for ἀγειρέτωσαν. This atticism is often made use of by
the best authors.

2 Τιλήρη δ᾽ ἰχϑϑύων μεγάλων, &e. Lucian, in his trea-
tise of the Syrian goddess, has a passage that will ex-
plain this of Xenophon; he says, the Syrians looked
upon fish as a sacred thing, and never touched them;
and that they ate all birds but pigeons, which they es-
teemed holy: he adds, these superstitions were owing
to their respect for Derceto and Semiramis, the first of
whom had the shape of a fish, and the other was changed
into a pigeon. That author has affected to write this
treatise in the Ionic style, his words are these : ἰχϑύας»
χεοῆμεω ἱρὸν νομίφουσι καὶ ovzore ἰχϑύων «Ψαύουσι καὶ
δρονιϑας τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους σιτέονται, περιστερὴν δὲ μούνην οὐ
σιτέονται, ἀλλὰ σφίσι ἥδε ἱοή. Τὰ δὲ γιγνόμεναι δοκέει αὐτοῖς
ποιέισϑαι Δερκετοῦς, καὶ Σεμιράμιος εἵνεκα τὸ μὲν, ὅτι
Δερπετὼ μορφὴν ἰχϑύος ἔχει" τὸ de, ὅτι τὸ Σερειρά mesos τέλος
ἐς περιστερὴν ἀπίκετο. This tradition is somewhat varied
by Diodorus Siculus; who says, that Derceto being
brought to bed of Semiramis, threw herself into a lake,
and was changed into a fish ; for which reason, he says,
the Syrians worship fish as gods, The same author

XENOPHON ON THE

Their wives and children

[ BOOK ἽΝ

look upon as gods, and do not suffer them to
be hurt any more than pigeons. The villages
in which they encamped belonged to Parysa-
tis, and were given to her for her table.*
Thirty parasangs more, in ‘five days’ march,
brought him to the source of the river Dara-
dax, the breadth of which was one hundred
feet, having near it the palace of Belesis, who
was formerly governor of Syria, with a very
large and beautiful park, producing every
thing proper to the season. Cyrus laid waste —
the park, and burned the palace. From
thence, in three days’ march, he made fifteen

adds, that Semiramis, when a child, was fed by pigeons,
till a person who had the superintendency ever the
king’s herds, took her home to his own house, and cal-
led her Semiramis, a name derived, as he says, from
pigeons, in the Syrian language; and that this was
the occasion of the worship the Syrians paid to pigeons.
It may not be improper to acquaint the reader, that the
goddess called Derceto by the Greeks, and Atargatis by
the Syrians, was looked upon by the last as the mother
of Semiramis, and worshipped as a goddess in Bambyce,
by them called Magog. Lucian says she was represent-
ed in Phenicia as a woman to the waist, and from
thence as a fish; which made Selden of opinion, that
Derceto and Dagon who was also represented in the
same manner, were the same divinity, though it is cer-
tain that Dagon. was looked upon as a god, and Derceto
as a goddess. Had D’Ablancourt considered these
matters, he would not have been so hasty in eondemn-
ing Xenophon of too great credulity ; neither would
he have thought himself under any obligation of soften-
ing, as he calls it, these facts, for fear of corrupting the
truth of history: particularly since Diodorus Siculus
also says, the fabulous tradition of Derceto being
changed into a fish, prevailed so far, that the Syrians,
even in his time, abstained from fish, and honoured them
as gods,

3 Eis ζωὴν δεδόμεναι; &c. Hutchinson has departed
from the text, and without the authority of any manu-
script, has followed Muretus and Jangermannus in read-
ing ζώνην instead of ζωήν. Indeed the passages he has
supported this correction with, out of Tully, Plato, and
Herodotus, show plainly that the kings of Persia used
to give some particular cities to their queens to find
them in girdles, others to find them in necklaces, and
others in ‘shoes: so that it cannot be denied but εἰς
ζώνην is here very proper: but it is as certain from those
authors he has quoted, and indeed from every author
who has treated of the affairs of Persia, that the Per-
sian kings also assigned particular cities to those whom
they had a mind to honour, to find them in bread, others
to find them in wine, and others in meat, or, as some
will have it, in fish. In this manner Artaxerxes Ma-
πρόχειρ distinguished Themistocles, εἰς ἄρτον zal οἶνον καὶ
ὄψον, as Plutarch and Thucydides say ; so that it is not
at all improbable the villages our author here speaks of,
might be assigned to Parysatis to supply her table: but
if the reader prefers ξώνην it must then be translated,
that these villages were given to Parysatis to find her

‘in girdles.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

parasangs, and came to the river Euphrates,
which is four stadia in breadth; where, being
the large and flourishing city of ὁ Thapsacus,

_they remained five days ; during which, Cyrus,
sending for the generals of the Greeks, told
them that he proposed marching to Babylon
against the great king, and ordered them to
acquaint the soldiers with it, and to persuade
them to follow him. Hereupon, they called
them together, and informed them of it; but
the soldiers were angry with their generals,
saying, they knew this before, but concealed it
from them ; therefore refused to march unless
they had money given them, as the other
soldiers had, who before attended Cyrus to his
father, and that not to fight, but only to wait
upon him when his father sent for him. The
generals immediately gave an account of this
to Cyrus, who promised to give every man five
Smines of silver as soon as they came to
Babylon, and their full pay, till he brought
them back to Ionia; by which means great
part of the Greeks were prevailed upon: but
Menon, before it appeared whether the rest
of the soldiers would follow Cyrus or not,
called his own men together apart, and spoke
thus to them :

. ™ Fellow-soldiers! if you will follow my
advice, you shall, without either danger or la-
bour, be in greater esteem with Cyrus, than
the rest of the army. What then do I advise?

’ Cyrus is this minute entreating the Greeks to
follow him against the king, I say, therefore,
we ought to pass the Euphrates, before it ap-
pears what answer the rest of the Greeks will
make to him ; for if they determine to follow
him, you will be looked upon as the cause of
it by first passing the river, and Cyrus will not
only think himself under an obligation to you,
as to those who are the most zealous for his
service, but will return it (which no man bet-
ter understands;) but if the rest determine
otherwise, we will® then all return. As you
only are obedient to his orders, he will look
upon you as persons of the greatest fidelity,

4 Θάψακος. Here Darius passed the Euphrates with
the broken remains of his army, after his defeat at Issus.

5 Πέντε ἀργυρίου μνᾶς. See note, page 169.

6 ”Azimev. Hutchinson has obesrved from Stephens
that sis is remarkable among those verbs which the At-
tic writers use in the present tense instead of the fu-
ture.

179

and as such employ you in the command both
of garrisons and of companies ; and I am con-
fident you will find Cyrus your friend’ in
whatever else you desire of him.” The sol-
diers, hearing this, followed his advice, and
passed the Euphrates, before the rest had re-
turned an answer. When Cyrus heard they
had. passed the river, he was pleased, and
sending Glus to them, ordered him to say to
them, in his name, “ Soldiers! I praise you
for what you have done, and will take care
that you also shall have reason to praise me ;
if I do not, think me no longer Cyrus.”
Hereupon, the soldiers conceiving great hopes,
prayed for his success; after which, having,
as it was reported, sent magnificent presents
to Menon, he, at the head of his army, passed
the river, the water not reaching above their
breasts, notwithstanding the inhabitants of
Thapsacus declared, that the river was never
fordable before, or passable but in _ boats,
which Abrocomas had burned, as he marched
before them, to prevent Cyrus from passing
over; it seemed therefore providential,® and
that the river visibly submitted to Cyrus, as
to its future kings” :

V. From thence he advanced through
9 Syria, and, having in nine days’ march made
fifty parasangs, came to the river '° Araxes ;
where, being many villages full of corn and

ἢ Ὡς φίλου. Lagree with Hutchinson that this is an
ellipsis, and that ὑπὸ, or something like it, is to be under-
stood ; without condemning ὑπὸ, I should like rg full
as well: thus Telemachus tells Menelaus in the same
phrase,

παρὼ σεῖο τυχὼν φιλότητος ἁπάσης
“Ἑρχομαὶῖ-

8. δόκει δὲ ϑεῖον εἶναι. I make no doubt but what
Xenophon says concerning this submission of the Eu-
phrates was the style of Cyrus’s court upon this occa-
sion. It seems that the Euphrates was not endued
with the same spirit of prophecy that Horace giyes to
Nereus ; otherwise, like him, he would have cried out
muli ducis avi ; and not have suffered his army to haye
forded him so easily, a favour he afterwards denied to
Alexander, whose success might have given him a bet-
ter title to it, and who was obliged to pass this river at
the same place over two bridges.

9 Διὼ τῆς Συρίας. Let not the reader be surprised to
find Xenophon mention Syria in Mesopotamia, through
which he isnow conducting Cyrus ; forit appears both by
Pliny and Strabo, that the country lying between Thap-
sacus aud the Scenite Arabians, of whom he will speak
presently, was part of Syria.

0 “Αράξην. Inever yet could find this river in any

‘other author but Xenophon; I mean @ river called

180

_ wine, ἴδ staid three days, made their provi-
sionsy/and then proceeded through ' Arabia,
keeping the river Euphrates on his right hand,
and in five days’ march through a desert, made
thirty-five parasangs. The country was a
plain throughout, as even as the sea, and full
of wormwood ; if any other kinds of shrubs or
reeds grew there, they had all an aromatic
smell; but no trees appeared. Of wild crea-
tures, the most numerous were wild asses,’
and not a few ostriches,* besides * bustards

Araxes, that runs through this part of Syria: for every
body knows there are rivers of this name in other parts
of Asia, so I must submit it to the learned, whether this
river is the Aboras of Marcellinus, which Strabo calls
᾿Αβόῤῥας, and Ptolemy Χαβῶρας, and the Arabians Al
Chabur.

1 Διὼ τῆς ᾿Αραβίας. The inhabitants of this part of
Arabia are called by Strabo Σκηνίται “AgaBes; they
were a vagabond people, and, like most of their country-
men, great robbers. Nomades, infestioresque Chaldgo-
γι, Scenite, says Pliny, a tabernaculis cognominati :
they were afterwards called Saracens, which name
Scaliger derives from Saric, which, in Arabic, signifies a
robber. Those who have travelled through Asia will
not think this etymology forced.

2 ᾿Αγειοὶ ὄνοι. All authors, both ancient and modern,
agree, that wild asses are exceeding swift. Appian, in
his Treatise of Hunting, calls the wild ass ἀελλοπόδην,
swift as the wind, an epithet given by Homer to the
horses which Jupiter bestowed on the father of Gany-
mede, to make him some amends for the loss of his son.
The wild ass is very different, both in its shape and
colour, from the common ass. There is a skin of this
animal at the college of Physicians in London; another
I have seen among many other curiosities, natural and
artificial, ancient and modern, belonging to my neigh-
bour Sir Andrew Fontaine. The first of these is stuffed,
and by that the creature appears to have been between
twelve and thirteen hands high; the colour of every
part about him is composed of white and chesnut stripes,
his ears, mane, and tail, like those of a common ass;
his forehead is long and thin, his shoulders fine, his
* back straight, his body full, his hoofs a little bound, his
legs perfectly fine; seems a little goose-rumped; his
quarters are thin, and lying under him, and his hams
bent inward; to these three last shapes he very proba-
bly owes his speed. This doctrine I know all sportsmen
will not allow; but many observations in sporting have
convinced me of its truth. Wild asses were sometimes
made use of by the ancients to cover mares, in order to
breed mules: but all their authors agree, that the best
stallion for that purpose was an ass bred between a
wild male ass, and a female of the common kind. Pliny
tells us also, that the foals of wild asses were called
lalisiones, and were delicate meat. Wild asses are
common in the deserts of Numidia and Libya, and par-
ticularly in Arabia; they are sold at an excessive price
when reclaimed, and it is said the kings of Persia have
always stables of them. "When they are young, their
flesh is like that of a hare, and when old, like red
venison.

8 Στρουθαὶ αἱ μεγάλαι. Ostriches are animals very
well known; they are common in Africa, South

XENOPHON ON THE

and roe-deer® which our horsemen sometimes

[ BOOK I.

chased. The asses, when they were pursued,
having gained ground of the horses, stood still
(for they exceeded them much in speed,) and
when these came up with them, they did the
same thing again ; so that our horsemen could
take them by no other means but by dividing
themselves into relays, and succeeding one
another in the chase. The flesh of those that
were taken was like that of red deer, but more
tender. None could take an ostrich; the ~
horsemen, who pursued them, soon giving it
over: for they flew far away, as they fled,
making use both of their feet to run, and of
their wings, when expanded, as a sail to waft
them along. As for the bustards, they may be

America, and many parts of the Levant, as Arabia and
Mesopotamia, &c. I remember to have seen two that
were shown at London ; we were informed they came
from Buenos Ayres; they answered the description
given of them in books. Their feathers, in so great re-
quest for several kinds of ornaments, particularly upon
the stage, and anciently in war, conos galeasque ador-
nantes penne, says Pliny; these, I say, come from their
tail and wing, and are generally white. The feather of
an ostrich was among the Egyptians the emblem of
justice. All authors agree, that in running they assist
themselves with their wings, in the manner deseribed
by Xenophon. Some have thought that this compound
motion, which contains both of flying and running, gaye
occasion to the fiction of the poetical horse, Pegasus.
It is said they eat iron, which isso far true, that in
those dissected in the Academy of Sciences at Paris,
they found several pieces of iron-money in them more
than half diminished; but this was occasioned by the
mutual attrition of those pieces, and not by digestion,
for they swallow iron to grind their meat, as other birds
swallow pebbles for the same purpose.

4 Qrides. Bustards are very well known to sports-
men; we have great numbers of them in Norfo!k ; they
are remarkable for having no more than three claws,
like the dotterel, and some few other birds: they are
scarce to be approached by any contrivance, as I have
been taught by many disappointments: possibly this
may be owing to their exquisite sense of hearing; no
bird haying, in proportion to its size, so large an aper-
ture to convey it. What Xenophon says concerning
their short flights, can only be understood of them be-
fore they are full grown; for, when they are so, they
make flights of five or six miles with great ease. Pliny
and Xenophon, like many other people, differ in their
taste with relation to bustards; the first calls them
damnatus in cibis, the last, we find, commends them.

5 Δορκάδεςς We have no roe-deer in the south of
England. They are common in Franee, des chevreuils :
1 have often seen them hunted there ; they run the foil
more than a hare, and hunt shorter; they have great
speed, but, as they do not run within themselves, but
often tapise, and consequently give frequent views,
they seldom stand long even before their hounds. They
are vastly less than our fallow deer, and are very good
meat, when fat, which seldom happens,

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

taken, if one springs them hastily, they making
short flights, like partridges, and are soon tired.
Their flesh was very delicious.

_ In marching through the country they came
to the river Masca, a hundred feet in breadth,
surrounding a large city uninhabited, called
Corsote ; whence, after continuing three days,
making their provisions, he made ninety para-
sangs in thirteen days’ march, through a de-
sert, still keeping the Euphrates on his right,
‘and came to Pyle; during which marches,
many sumpter horses died of hunger, there
being no grass, nor any other plant, but the
whole country entirely barren; the inhabitants
being employed near the river with digging
Smill-stones, which they afterwards fashioned
and conveyed to Babylon for sale, to buy pro-
visions for their support. By this time the
army wanted corn, and there was none to be
bought, but in the Lydian market, which was
in the camp of the Barbarians, belonging to
Cyrus, where a 7 capithe of * wheat or barley-
meal was sold for four ὃ Sigli, The Siglus is
worth seven Attic oboli and a half; and the
capithe holds two Attic 11 choenixes; so that
the soldiers lived upon flesh. Some of these
marches were very long, when Cyrus had a
mind his army should go on till they came to
water or forage. And once where the road
was narrow and so deep, that the carriages
could not pass without difficulty, Cyrus stopped
with those about him of the greatest authority
and fortune, and ordered Glus and Pigres to
take some of the Barbarians belonging to his

6 "Ονους ἀλέτας. "Ovos ὁ ἀνώτερος λίϑος τοῦ μύλου.

Phavorinus. So that ove: ἀλέτοωι signify properly the
upper mill-stones.
7 ΚΚαπίϑη. From this passage it appears that the

zaridty held two Attic cheenixes.

8 ᾿Αλεύρων. Hutchinson has, with great judgment,
supported the Greek text against Muretus, who wanted
to strike out ἀλεύρων, as signifying the same thing with
ἀλφίτων ; whereas Phavorinus, from the scholiast of
Zschylus, plainly distinguishes ἄλευρα from ἄλφιτα;
showing that the first signifies the flour of wheat, and
the other that of barley. "᾿Αλευρὼ xvelas τὰ tx iron,
ἄλφιτω τὼ ἐκ ποιϑῶν ἄλευξα. Phavorinus.

9 Σέγλος. This was a Persian coin. Hesychius and
Phavorinus make it worth eight ὀβολοὶ, but this passage
shows it was worth but seven and a half.

10 ’OPorovs. The ὀβολὸς was the sixth part of a
drachm ; it was called so from its resemblance to a spit.
See in a preceding note concerning the Greek coins. |

11 Xow A dry measure containing three zorbAws,
which were equal to one and a half of the serio the
χοῖνιξ contained 49,737 solid inches.

181
army, and help the carriages through; but,

thinking they went slowly about it, he com=#

manded, as in anger, the most considerable
Persians, whe were with him, to assist in hast-
ening on the carriages, which afforded an in-
stance of their ready obedience ; for, throwing
off their purple robes, where each of them
happened to stand, they ran, as if it had been

for a prize, even down a very steep hill, in their

costly vests, and embroidered 1" drawers, some
even with chains about their necks, and brace-
lets round their wrists; and, leaping into the
dirt with these, they lifted up the carriages,
and brought them out sooner than can be
imagined. Upon the whole, Cyrus appeared
throughout to hasten their march, stopping no
where unless to get provisions, or for other
things that were very necessary; he judging
the quicker he marched, the more unprepared
the king would be to encounter him, and the
slower, the more numerous would be the king’s
army; for it was obvious to any person of atten-
tion, that the Persian empire, though strong
with regard to the “extent of country, and
numbers of men, was however weak by reason
of the great distance of places, and the division
of its forces, when surprised by a sudden
invasion.

In their march through the desert, they dis-
covered a large and populous city situated on
the other side of the Euphrates, called Car-

12 Κάνδυ:. Keévdus, χιτὼν ἹΤερσιχός. A Persian robe.

13 ᾿Αναξυρίδας. “᾿Αναξυρίδες were also’ part of the
dress of the old Gauls, according to Diodorus Siculus,
who says, they called them Bgexos, which Bracce, it is
certain, gave name to avery considerable part of France,
called from thence, Gallia Braccata, the same with
Gallia Narbonensis. The French language has retained
this word, Bragues, which is softened into a more
modern one, Brayes. I leave it to some profound anti-
quary, who may be disposed to employ his idle labour in
this inquiry, to consider how far this dress, from which
Persius calls the Medes, Medos Braccatos, and which
Ovid calls Persica Bracca ; how far, I say, this dress,
which we find to have been common both to the Per-
sians and Gauls of old, may be a proof of their being
descended originally from the same people, that is, the
Scythians, who, after they had conquered the Medes,
continued masters of that part of Asia for eight and
twenty years: particularly since we find in Herodotus,
that among the Persians there was a people called
Γερμάνιοι, Germans.

14 Πλῆθος. This word signifies quantity in this place,
when applied to the country ; and number, when ap-
plied to the men; it is frequently used, by the best
authors, in the first sense as well as the last.

Ῥ

od

182

mande, where the soldiers bought ? provisions,
having passed over to it upon * rafts, by filling
the *skins, which they made use of for tents,
with dry hay, and sewed them together so close,
that the water could not get therein: these
provisions were such as wine made of the * fruit
of the palm-trees and panic, there being great
plenty of this in the country. It was here
that a dispute arose between Menon’s soldiers,
and those of Clearchus ; the latter, thinking one
of Menon’s men in the wrong, struck him ; the

Cie eS Se

1 Ἡγόραξον. Somebody has violently provoked Hut-
chinson, by finding fault with the Scripture writers, for
making use of this word in the sense Xenophon uses it
upon this occasion. There can be no doubt but ἀγοράξειν
is to he found in the best authors in this sense. I re-
‘member a passage in Isocrates to Nicocles, which will
not only support what I have said, but may well deserve
translating : δορεὼς ὑμεῖς πολὺ πλείονος ἀγοράζετε παρὼ
τῶν διδόντων ἢ παρὰ τῶν πωλούντων. You (men of for-
tune) purchase presents much dearer from those who
give, than from those who sell.

2 Σχεδίαις. Whenever Homer speaks of the koat
which Ulysses built with his own hands, in four days,
in Ogygia, Calypso’s island, he calls it 7x¢2/, which is
thus explained by the scholiast, εἰκαίως κωτασκευασϑεισῶ
ναῦς» a boat built on a sudden; it signifies also an ex-
temporary bridge; in which sense Herodotus applies it
to the two bridges of boats, over which Xerxes passed
the Hellespont. Here Xenophon uses it for a raft (if I
may be allowed to make use of that word upon this oc-
casion) made of skins stuffed with hay.

3 AigSieas. This method of passing rivers was for-
merly much in use; as the soldiers’ tents were general-
ly made of skins, instead of canvass, they had always
great numbers of them at hand: the tents of the Ro-
mans were also made of skins, whence come these
phrases, sub pellibus durare, and sub pellibus contineri,
which we find in Livy and Cesar. Alexander, in his
victorious march through Asia, passed several rivers in
this manner, particularly the Oxus, the passage of which
is described by Arrian, in such a manner, that it is ob-
vious to any one he had this description of Xenophon in
his eye, which, I think, he explains much better than I
can. His words are these: ξυνωγαγὼν οὖν τὰς διφϑϑέρας
ὑφ᾽ αἷς ἐσκήνουν οἱ στρατιῶται. φορυτοῦ ἐμπλῆσαι ἐκέλευσεν
ὡς ξηροτάτου, καὶ καταωδῆσαί τε καὶ ξυῤῥάψαι, ἀκριβῶς
τοῦ μὴ ἐνδύσεϑαι ἐς αὐτὰς τοῦ ὕδωτος-

4. Τῆς βαλάνου. The fruit of the palm tree is proper-
ly called dates, of which there is an infinite variety. Of
these they make in Persia a wine, which is very agree-
able, but does not keep well. Of this wine Cambyses,
when he was in Egypt, sent a hogshead to the king of
the Ethiopians, as a present ; with this wine, the Egyp-
tians washed their dead bodies before they embalmed
them. By the way, I have always thought, that the
fruit ‘of a certain palm-tree, described by Pliny, who
calls the trees syag7i, answers exactly to the cocoa nut.
This palm-tree, he says, grew in that part of the Lower
Egypt which he calls Chora Alexandrie ; the descrip-
tion he gives of its fruit is as follows: Ipsum pomum
grande, durum, horridum et a ceteris generibus distans

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book I. —

soldier thereupon informed his companions
of it, who not only resented it, but were
violently incensed against Clearchus,* who,
the same day, after he had been at the place
where the men passed the river, and inspected
the provisions, rode back to his own tent with
a few attendants through Menon’s army; and
before the arrival of Cyrus, who was on his
way thither, it happened that one of Menon’s
soldiers, as he was riving wood, saw Clearchus
riding through the camp, and threw his axe at -
him, but missed him; then another, and
another threw stones at him, upon which, a
great outcry ensuing, many did the same.
However, Clearchus escaped to his own quar-
ter, and immediately ordered his men to their
arms ; commanding the heavy-armed soldiers
to stand still, resting their shields against their ~
knees, and taking with him the Thracians,
and the horse, of whom he had above forty in
his army, the greatest part Thracians, he rode
up to Menon’s men, who thereupon were in
great consternation, as well as Menon himself,
and ran to their arms, while others stood
amazed, not knowing what to do; Proxenus,
for he happened to be coming after them at
the head of his heavy-armed men, advanced
between them both, and® making his soldiers

sapore ferino, quem ferme in apris novimus, evidentis-
simeque causa est nominis.

5 Κλέαρχος ἐλϑὼν ἐπὶ τὴν διάβασιν τοῦ ποτωμοῦ, καὶ
ἐκεῖ κατασκεψάμενος τὴν ἀγοράν. DD’ Ablancourt has left
out all this in his translation, as he has this parenthesis
also, Κῦρος δ᾽ οὔπω ἧκεν; ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι προσήλαυνε.

6 "Ἔϑετο τὰ ὅπλα. Hutchinson, with great reason,
finds fault with Leunclavius for translating this arma
deponebat ; it really signifying the reverse, as he has
very properly rendered it arms rite dispositis, and as
Harpocration explains this phrase, Séuevos τὰ ὅσλα
περιϑέμενος, ὁπλισάμενος : and as Shakspeare has said,
according to his custom, more beautifully than any other
author, “the powers above put on their instruments.’
Not that I imagine Proxenus, when he advanced be-
tween Menon and Clearchus, had his armour to put on,
but that he ordered his men to stand to their arms, that
he might be prepared to prevent their engaging by
force, if he could not prevail by fair means. Upon the
whole, I Jook upon it, that Proxenus put his men in the
same posture, into which Eurypylus, in Homer, threw
the Greeks, in order to secure the retreat of Ajax, when
he was pushed by the Trojans,

οἱ, δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν

Πλησίοι ἔστησαν σάπε ὥμοισι κλίναντες

Δούρατ᾽ ἀνασχόμενοι.
D’Ablancourt foresaw the difficulty of this passage, and
prudently avoided it by leaving it quite out ; a conduct
he observed about three lines above, where he also
omitted to translate οἱ δὲ καὶ ἔστωσαν ἀποροῦντε: τῷ πράγ-
UT

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

*

stand to their arms, begged of Clearchus to
desist. But he took it very ill, that, having
narrowly escaped being stoned to death, the
other should speak tamely of his grievance ;
and therefore desired he would withdraw from
beween them. In the meantime Cyrus came
up, and being informed of what had happened,
immediately took his arms, and with the Per-
sians who were present, rode between them,
and spoke to them in the following manner :
*¢ Clearchus! and Proxenus! and you Greeks
who are present! you are not sensible of
what you are doing ; for, if you fight with one
another, be assured, that I shall this day be
destroyed, and you not long after; for, if our
affairs decline, all these Barbarians, whom you

see before you, will be greater enemies to you’

than those belonging to the king.” Clearchus,
hearing this, came to himself, and both sides
resigning their anger, laid up their arms’
where they were before.

VI. While they were marching forward,
there appeared the footing and dung of horses,
which, by the ° print of their feet, were judged
to be about two thousand, marching before,

burning all the forage, and every thing else

that could be of any use. There was a Per-
sian, by name Orontas, a prince of the blood,
and of reputation in military affairs, equal to
the most considerable among the Persians;
having formed a design to betray Cyrus, with
whom he had before been at war; but, being

7 Κατὰ χώραν. I own I cannot agree with Hutchin-
son, that zara χώραν; in this place, signifies suo ordine
et loco, ubi arma iter facientium disponi par est: 1
think that is rather the signification of ἐν χώρως than of
χκατὼ χώρων; the last implying no more than that a
thing remained in the same place it was in before. In
this sense Aristophanes says, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸ βλέμμ αὐτὸ
κατὰ χώραν Exes, his look even is not thesame. So that
a thing may be χωτὼ χώραν9 and not ἐν x#ex, in the
place it was, and not in the place it ought to be.

8. Ὃ στίβος. I make no doubt but στίβος signifies, as
Hutchinson has translated it, ὅδος : but I hope it will
be allowed that it signifies also the print of feet: there
being a passage in Homer, in his Hymn to Mercury,
which plainly proves that στίβος has buth these significa-
tions, for which reason I shall transcribe it.

"Opens μὲν οὖν ἐδίωκε διὰ Ψαμιοαϑώδεοω χῶρον;

Ῥέω μάλ᾽ ἴχνια πάντα διέπρεπεν ἐν κονιἕσιν"

Αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ pupudrcio μέγαν στίβον ἐξεπέοησεν,

“Αφραστος γένετ᾽ ὥκω βοῶν ori os, ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτοῦ

Χῶρον ἀνὰ πρατερόν-
I hazard an observation, to show, that our author uses
the word here to signify the print of the horses’ feet :
it is this: the article 4 before 770s, seems to me to refer
to ixvn ἵππων; mentioned in the foregving line.

183

now reconciled, told Cyrus, that, if he would
give him a thousand horse, he would place
himself in ambuscade, and either destroy those
horse that burned all before him, or take many
of them prisoners, which would prevent them
both from burning the country, and from being
able to inform the king that they had seen his
army. Cyrus thinking this proposal for his
service, ordered him to take a detachment out
of every troop belonging to the several com-
manders,

Orontas, presuming the horse were ready,
wrote a letter to the king, acquainting him,
that he should come to him with as many
horse as he could get, and desiring him to
give orders at the same time, to his own horse,
that they°® should receive him as a friend ;
reminding him also of his former friendship
and fidelity. This letter he gave to a trusty
person, as he thought, who, as soon as he had
received it, delivered it to Cyrus: who im-
mediately commanded Orontas to be appre-
hended, and caused ™seven of the most con-
siderable Persians about him to assemble in his
tent; and, at the same time, upon giving or-
ders to the Greek generals for bringing their
heavy-armed men, and place them round his
tent, with their arms in their hands, they
obeyed his commands, and brought with them
about three thousand heavy-armed men. He
also called Clearchus to the council, as a man,
whom both he and the rest looked upon to be
of the greatest dignity among the Greeks.
When he came out, he gave his friends an ac-

9 ᾿Αλλά, ᾿Αλλὰ is here, as Hutchinson has observed,
παρακελευστιξὸν; an exhortative particle; in which sense
it is frequently used by Xenophon, and indeed by all au-
thors, particularly by Homer. There is a necessity of
so frequent a repetition in this place, that it unavoida-
bly renders the translation disagreeable ; the difference
in the termination of ἱππέως and ἱππεῦσι, and in the La-
tin of eguites and eguitibus, makes the reader insensible
of this repetition ; this is one disadvantage, among many
others, to which a literal translation, in a modern lan-
guage, is subject. D’Ablancourt always avoids these
repetitions, and every thing else that Jays him under’
any restraint, whatever violence he may do to the au-
thor’s sense; it must be owned, his method gives a
translation the air of an original, but then it often makes
it one.

10 Τοὺς ἀροίσπους τῶν περὶ αὑτὸν ἑπτά. We often find a
council of seven mentioned by the writers, who treat of
the affairs of Persia ; which council seems to have been
instituted in memory of the seven Persian noblenven,
who put the Magi to death: of whom Darius Hystaspes,
afterwards king of Persia, was one.

-

184

count of the ' trial of Orontas, (for secrecy was
not enjoined,) and of the speech which Cyrus
made, as follows:

“Friends! I have called you hither to the
end that 1 may consider with you of what is
most just both in the sight of gods and men,
and accordingly proceed against this criminal
Orontas. In the first place, my father ap-
pointed? this man to be my subject ;? after-
wards, by the command, as he says, of my
brother, he made war upon me, being then in
possession of the citadel of Sardes; this war
I prosecuted in such a manner, as to dispose
him to desire an end of it, and I received his *
hand, and gave him mine; since that time,
say, Orontas, have I done you any injury ?”
To which he answered, “ None.” Cyrus again
asked him, “ Did not you afterwards, without
any provocation from me, as you yourself own,
revolt to the Mysians, and lay waste my coun-
try to the utmost of your power?” Orontas
owned it. ““ After that,” continued Cyrus,
‘“‘when you again became sensible of your
want of power, did not you fly to the ὅ altar of
Diana, profess repentance, and having pre-
vailed with me, give me again your faith, and
received mine?” This also Orontas con-
fessed. ‘* What injury, then,” says Cyrus,
«have I done you, that you should now, for the

1 Τὴν “οἷσιν τοῦ ᾿Ορόντου. Sure, comme le proces @’
Oronte avoit ete juge, would have been as proper a
translation of these words, as comme le chose s’etoit pas-
866, in D’ Ablancourt.

2 Τοῦτον γάρ. Γὰρ in this place is not designed to in-
troduce a reason for what precedes, but to enforce what
follows, as in Homer,

᾿Αντήσω yee ἐγὼ τοῦ δ᾽ ἀνέρος, ὀφρα δαείω,

“Ὅστις ὅδε κεατέει.

D’Ablancourt has rendered ὑπήκοον ἐμοὶ εἶναι in the
same sentence, pour 2’ accompagner.

3 ᾿Επεὶ δέ. Ihave translated this as if Xenophon had
said ἔπειτα δὲ, in which sense ἐπεὶ δὲ seems to answer
better to πρῶτον μεέν, Hutchinson has said posteaguam,
which has no relation to primum. I think deinde would
have been better.

4 Δεξιὰ ἔλαβον. Hutchinson, in his annotations upon
the Institution of Cyrus, has brought several authori-
ties to prove, that the kings of Persia used to pledge
their faith by giving their right hands, which to be sure
is true; but the custom was.also observed by all na-
tions, and by the Greeks, so early as in Homer’s days,
as we learn from Nestor’s speech to the Greek ecm.
manders,

Raovdai 7 ἄκρητοι, καὶ δεξιαὶ, ἧς ἐπέπιϑιμεν :
Which 1 need not translate, because Ovid has almost
done it for me:

Jura, Fides ubinune, commissaque dextera dextre ?

5 Ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος βώμον. Hutchinson is of opin-

XENOPHON ON THE

third time, be found endeavouring to betray
me?” Orontas saying that he was not pro-
voked to it by any injury, Cyrus continued,
“ You own then you have wronged me?”
“1 am under a necessity of owning it,” replied
Orontas: upon which Cyrus asked him again,
*“« Can you yet be an enemy to my brother, and
a friend to me?” “ Though I should,” says
Orontas, “O Cyrus! you will never think
me so.”

Hereupon, Cyrus said to those who were ἡ

present, “ Such are the actions of this man,
and such his words:” at the same time, de-
siring the opinion of Clearchus, who delivered
it as follows: “ My advice is, that this man
be forthwith put to death, to the end that we
may no longer be under a necessity of guard-
ing against his practices, but have leisure, be-
ing freed ὅ from him, to do good to those who
desire to be our friends :” after which, upon
declaring the rest were unanimous in this
advice, they all rose up, and, together with
his relations, by order of Cyrus, laid hold on’
Orontas’s girdle, as a token of his being con-

ion, that this must be the altar of Diana at Ephesus:
which to me seems very probable, for this reason, be-
cause that altar was a very ancient sanctuary: so an-
cient that Eustathius, in his annotations on Dionysius
περιηγήτης» says, the Amazons being pursued by Her-
cules, and fiying to this altar, were protected by the
religion of it. As the Persians worshipped the sun and
moon, it is no wonder they had a respect for the altar
of Diana, which may be the reason why they spared
Delus and Ephesus, when they burned all the other
Greek temples. It is equally certain this could not be
a Persian altar, if what Herodotus says be true, that

the Persians erected none to their gods. Though it is.

certain there was a temple in Ecbatana dedicated to
Diana, under the name of Anitis ; since Plutarch tells
us, that Artaxerxes made Aspasia a priestess of that
goddess, to disappoint Darius, τῆς Δρτέμιδος τῆς ἐν "Ex-
βατάνοις, ἥν ᾿Ανεῖτιν καλοῦσι, ἱερὰν ἀπέδειξεν αὐτήν. {τὴν
᾿Ασπασίαν.) But. as Ecbatana was far distant from
the government of Cyrus, it is not at all probable that
Orontas fled to that temple for protection. However,
the Persians had a particular respect for Diana of
Ephesus, an instance of which may be seen in Thucy-
dides, where we find Tissaphernes offering sacrifice to
that goddess. N

6 Τὸ κατὰ τοῦτον εἶναι. This addition of εἶναι is very
common in all the Attic writers. Herodotus has also
admitted it into his Ionic style: thus he makes Dama-
ratus say to Xerxes, "Ezy y: εἶναι οὐδ᾽ ἂν wovouaxtoms :
D’Ablancourt, I imagine, found some difficulty in this
passage, for he has left it out.

᾿Ελάβοντο τῆς ζώνης. Hutchinson has showed from
a passage in Diodorus Siculus, in the affair of Charide-
mus, who was ordered to be put to death by Darius,
that it was a custom among the Persians to lay hold on
a criminal’s girdle when they condemned him to die.

[BooK 1.

Se δ.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

demned ; and instantly led out by the proper
officers; when, although in that dishonourable
situation, those who used to prostrate them-
selves before him, even then paid him the
same * veneration, though they knew he was
leading to death, He was carried into the
tent of Artapates, who was in the greatest
trust with Cyrus of any of his sceptre-bearers ; °
from which time, no one ever saw Orontas
either ” alive or dead, nor could any one cer-

8 Προσεκύνησων, Hence it appears, that this custom
of adoration was not only used by subjects to the kings
of Persia, but by subjects of an inferior degree to those
of asuperior, We have the whole ceremonial in Hero-
dotus; if two Persians of equal degree met, says he,
they kissed one another’s mouths; if one of them is
something inferior to the other, he kisses his cheek ; if
much inferior, he falls down and adores him. When
Alexander, intoxicated with success, endeavoured to
prevail with the Macedonians to imitate the conquered
Persians in their servility, Calisthenes opposed him to
his face, with a spirit becoming both a Greek and a
philosopher ; by what he says to Alexander upon that
occasion, we find that Cyrus, the founder of the Persian
empire, was the first of all mankind, to whom adoration
was paid, which from thence was looked upon as a duty
from the Medes and Persians to his successors. To this
day the Greeks call the compliments they send one to
another προσπυνήμιωτοω, adorations.

9 Σκηπτούχων. Sceptres, both in the ancient and
modern world, are ensigns of great dignity. All au-
thers agree, that they were borne by the kings of Per-
sia; upon which occasion, I cannot help translating a
fine sentiment made use of by the first Cyrus, (or rather
by our author) in the speech he makes to his children ;
**You are sensible,” says he, “Ὁ Cambyses! that this
golden sceptre is not the support of the empire, but
that faithful friends are the truest and securest Sceptre
of kings,” eit Dw μὲν οὖν καὶ σὺ, ὦ Καρμεβύση, ὅτι οὐ τόδε
τὸ χουσοῦν σκῆπτρον τὸ τὴν βασιλείων διωσωξόν é ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ
πιστοὶ φίλοι συεΐπτρον βασιλεῦσιν ἀληϑέστατον καὶ ἀσφαλέ-
στῶτον. This thought Sallust has paraphrased in the
speech of Micipsa. Non exercitus, neque thesauri, pre-
sidia regni sunt, verum amici. Homer gives all his
Greek commanders sceptres ; with him a king is ¢z7-
πτοῦχος βασιλεὺς, which Milton has rendered, ‘ sceptred
kings.” By this passage in Xenophon, we find that
Persian noblemen were also distinguished by this mark
of dignity. However, I look upon the σπκηπτοῦχοι, or
sceptre-bearers, to have been a kind of guard attending
upon the persons of the Persian kings, since we find in
Xenophon, that three hundred of them, richly dressed,
attended the first Cyrus upon a very solemn occasion,
ἐφείποντο οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν σκηπτοῦ χοι κεκοσ μοημκεένοι----ἀ μφὶ σοὺς
τριωποσίους. Τ᾽ Ablancourt has strangely mistaken this
passage. He supposes Artapates to have been one of
those whose duty it was to carry the sceptre of Cyrus ὃ
but I do ποῦ think it fair to censure him, without quot-
ing his words, “1 ὍΠ des plus fideles serviteurs de
Cyrus, d’entre ceux qui portoient son sceptre.”?

10 Mere ταῦτο οὔτε ζῶντα ᾿Οφόντην, οὔτε τεϑινεῶτα
οὐδεὶς πώποτε εἶδεν. Hutchinson has left out this line in
his translation. When I say this, I desire not to be
mistaken; I am convinced that his leaving it out was

185

tainly relate how he was put to death, though
various conjectures were made about it ; nei-
ther was it ever known that any monument
was erected to his memory.

VII. Cyrus next proceeded through the
country of Babylon, and after completing

twelve parasaugs in three days’ march, re-

viewed his forces, both Greeks and Barba-
rians, in a plain, about midnight, (expecting the
king would appear the next morning, at the
head of his army, ready to give him battle,)
giving the command of the right wing to Cle-
archus, and that of the left to Menon the
Thessalian, while he himself drew up his own
men. After the review, and as soon as the
day appeared, there came deserters from the
great king, bringing an account of his army to
Cyrus, who thereupon called together the gen-
erals and captains of the Greeks, and advised
with them concerning the order of battle; at
the same time encouraging them by the fol-
lowing persuasions; “ O Greeks! it is not
from any want of Barbarians, that I make use
of you as my auxiliaries, but, because I look
upon you as superior to great numbers of them ;
fer that reason I have taken you also into my
service : show " yourselves therefore worthy of
that liberty you enjoy, in the possession of
which I think you extremely happy; for be
assured that I would prefer liberty before all
things I possess, with the addition of many
others. But, that you may understand what

owing to some acvident; for he is certainly not, like
some others, ashy translator, where he meets with a
difficulty.

11 “Ὅπως οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδρες ἄξιοι τῆς ἐλευϑερίας, &e.
These ellipses, as well in prohibitions as in exhortations,

are often to be met with in the best authors, particularly
the Attic writers: in the former φυλάττου, or some-
thing like it, is to be understood, and in the latter πειρῶ,
or something equivalent to it; and as ὅπως leads to the
ellipsis in exhortations, so μήπως leads to it in prohibi-
tions; a remarkable instance of which we find in Homer,
where Sarpedon says to Hector,

Mirus ὡς ἁ Ψίσι λίνου ἁλόντε πανάγρου,

᾿Ανδράσ'; δυσμενέεσσιν ἕλωρ κοὐ κύρμιου γένησ Se,
where, by the way, the dual number is used for the
plural, which is not uncommon,

12 Ed γὰρ lowe ὅτι τὴν ἐλευϑερίαν ἑλοίρυην δὲν ἀντὶ ὧν ἔχω
πάντων καὶ ἄλλων πολλαπλασίων, Cyrus with great
judgment expresses himself with so much warmth upon
the subject of liberty, which he knew to be the reigning
passion of the people to whom he addresses his discourse. _
Whether D’Ablancourt found any difficulty in this sen-
tence, or whether he was afraid of offending the tender

| ears of his monarch with the harshness of it, I know

not; but soitis, that he has left out every syilable of
this period.
2A

186

kind of combat you are going to engage in, I
shall explain it to you. Their numbers are
great, and they come on with mighty shouts,
which if you can withstand, for the rest, I am
almost ashamed to think what kind of men you
will find our country produces. But you are
‘soldiers ; behave yourselves with bravery, and,
if any one of you desire to return home, I will
take care to send him back the envy of his
country ; but I am confident that my behaviour
will engage many of you rather to follow my
fortunes than return home.”

- Gaulites, a banished Samian, a man of fide-
lity to Cyrus, being present, spoke thus : “ It is
said by some, O Cyrus! that you promise
many things now, because you are in such im-
minent danger, which, upon any success, you
will not remember ; and by others, that, though
you should remember your promises, and de-
sire to perform them, it will not be in your
power.” Cyrus then replied; “ Gentlemen !
my ” paternal kingdom to the south, reaches as
far as those climates that are uninhabitable
through heat, and the north, as far as those

1 ᾿Ανθρώπους" ὑμῶν δὲ ἀνδρῶν ὄντων. This opposition

between ἄνϑοωσοι and ἄνδρες is finely supported in Hero- |

dotus, where he says that Leonidas and his four thou-
sand Greeks, having repulsed the Persians in several at-
tacks at Thermopyle, made it plain to all the world that
they were many men but few soldiers, δῆλον éro/evy—ors
πολλοὶ μὲν ἄνϑρωποι εἶεν, ὀλίγοι δὲ ἄνδρες - I am apt to
think our author had that passage of Herodotus in his
eye upon this occasion. This oppositionis preserved in
Latin by homines et viri, of which Hutchinson and

Leunclavius have very properly taken advantage in ren- |

dering this passage. I imagine D’Ablancourt thought
his language would not support this distinction, having
left out the whole passage : but I do not see why the op-
position which his language allows between des hommes
and des soldats, might not haye encouraged him to at-
tempt it. There isa fine instance of that opposition in
a very beautiful, though a very partial writer of his na-
tion,” Father D’Orleans, where, speaking of the French
army at the ever memorable battle of Crecy, he says,
les Francois avoient beaucoup de troupes et point d’ar-
mee, grand multitude d’hommes et peu de soldats, des
vois a leur tete, et point de chefs.

2°H ἀρχὴ ἡ πατρῴα. Plutarch has given us the sub-
stance of a most magnificent letter, written by Cyrus
to the Lacedemonians, desiring their assistance against
his brother ; he there tells them, that ‘if the men they
send him are foot he will give them horses; if horse-
men, chariots; if they have country houses, he will give
them villages ; if villages, cities ; and that they shall re-
ceive their pay by measure, and not by tale.” Οἷς ἔφη
δώσειν ἐὰν μὲν πεζοὶ παρῶσιν, ἵππους" ἐὰν δὲ ἱππεῖς, συνωρίδας-

ἐὰν δὲ ἀγροὺς ἔχωσι, κώμας" ἐὰν δὲ κώμας πόλεις" μισϑοῦ

δὲ τοῖς στρειτευομένοις οὐ» ἀριϑιμὸν, ἀλλὰ μέτρον ἔσεσϑ αι-
This letter seems to be full of the same eastern Fast
with the speech Cyrus makes to the Greeks upon this
occasion.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK I.

that are so through cold: every thing between is
under the government of my brother’s friends;
and if we conquer, it becomes me to put you,
who are my friends, in possession of it : so that
Iam under no apprebension, if we succeed,
lest Ishould not have enough to bestow on
each of my friends: I only fear, lest I should

not have friends enough, on whom to bestow

it; but to each of you Greeks, besides what I

have mentioned, I promise a crown of gold.”
Hereupon, the officers espoused his cause with
greater alacrity, and made their report to the
rest ; after which, the Greek generals, and some
of the private men, came to him to know what
they had to expect, if they were victorious ; all
whom he sent away big with hopes, and all who
were admitted, advised him not to engage per-
sonally, but to stand in the rear. Clearchus
himself put this question to him: “ Are yor
of opinion, O Cyrus! that your brother will
hazard a battle ?” “ Certainly,” answered Cy-
rus: “if he is the son of Darius and Parysatis,
and my brother, I shall never obtain all this
without a stroke.”

While the soldiers were accomplishing them-
selves for the action, the number of the Greeks
'was found to amount to ten thousand four

!

| hundred * heavy-armed men, and two thousand
| four hundred targeteers; and that of the Bar-
᾿ barians in the service of Cyrus, to one hundred

thousand men, with about ‘twenty chariots
armed with scythes. ‘The enemy’s army was
| said to consist of twelve hundred thousand
,men, and two hundred chariots armed with
, scythes, besides six thousand horse, under the

command of Artagerses, all which were drawn

up before the king, whose army was com-

manded by four generals, commanders and
leaders, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas,
| and Arbaces, who had each the command of
| three hundred thousand men ; but of this num-
ber, nine hundred thousand only were present:

3 ’Aczis. ᾿Ασαὶς is taken here in the same sense Suidas
gives it, ἡ τάξις, that is ἀσπισταὶ, which is very properly
explained by the scholiast upon these words of Homer,
»ρατεραὶ στίχες ἀσπισταὼν

λαῶν,
by πεζῶν, ὁπλιτῶν, heavy-armed men.

4 “Aguara δρεπανηφόρα. Kenophon, in his Cyropzedia,
ascribes the invention of these chariots armed with
scythes to the first Cyrus; though Diodorus Siculus,
from Ctesias, says Ninus had greater numbers of them
in his expedition against the Bactrians: itis certain they
were not in use in the Trojan war, for which reason
Arrian in his Tactics, opposes ἅρματα Tewize to Ueg-
σικὰ, as he does Ψιλὰ to δρεπανηφόρα.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

at the battle, tegether with one hundred and
fifty chariots armed with scythes; for Abro-
comas, coming out of Pheenicia, arrived five
days after the action. This was the account
the deserters gave to Cyrus before the battle,
which was afterwards confirmed by the prison-
ers. From thence Cyrus, in one day’s march,
made three parasangs, all his forces, both
Greeks and Barbarians, marching in order of
battle: because he expected the king would
fight that day; for, in the middle of their
march, there was a trench cut five fathom
broad, and three deep, extending twelve para-
sangs upwards, traversing the plain as far as
the wall of Media. In this plain are four®
canals derived from the river Tigris; being
each one hundred feet in breadth, and deep
enough for barges laden with corn to sail there-
‘in; they fall into the Euphrates, and are dis-
tant from one another one parasang, having
bridges over them.

The great king hearing Cyrus was marching
against him, immediately caused a trench to be
made (by way of fortification) near the Euph-
rates ; close to which, also, there was a narrow
pass, through which Cyrus and his army march-
ed, and came within the trench ; when, finding
the king did not engage that day, by the many
tracks that appeared both of horses and men
which were retreated, he sent for Silanus, the
soothsayer of Ambracia, and, agreeable to his
promise, gave him three thousand daricks, be-
cause the eleventh day before that, when he
was offering sacrifice, he told Cyrus, the king
would not fight within ten days; upon which,
Cyrus said, “If he does not fight within that
time, he will not fight at all; and, if what you
say proves true, I will give you ® ten talents.”
Since, therefore, the king had suffered the
army of Cyrus to march through this pass un-

5 Αἱ διώρυχες ἀπὸ τοῦ Tiyentos ποταμοῦ ῥέουσαι:. Ar-
rian difters very much from our author, in relation to
these canals ; he says, that the level of the Tigris is much
Jower than that of the Euphrates, and consequently all
the canals that run from the one to the other, are de-
rived from the Euphrates, and fall into the Tigris. In
this he is supported by Strabo and Pliny, who say that
in the spring, when the snow melts upon the hills of
Armenia, the Euphrates would overflow the adjacent
country, if the inhabitants did not cut great numbers of
canals to receive and circulate this increase of water in
the same manner as the Egyptians distribute that of the
Nile.

6 Δέκα τάλαντα. By this it appears, as Hutchinson
has observed, that three thousand daricks, and ten tal-
ents, were of equal value. See note 4, page 169.

187

molested, both Cyrus and the rest concluded
that he had given over al] thoughts of fighting :
so that the next day Cyrus marched with less
circumspection ; and the third day rode on his
car, very few marching before him in their
ranks; great part of the soldiers observed no
order, many of their arms being carried in wag~
gons, and upon sumpter horses.

VIII. It was now about the time of day,
when the market is usually crowded, the army ἡ
being near the place where they proposed to
encamp, when Patagyas, a Persian, one of
those whom Cyrus most confided in, was seen
riding towards them full speed, his horse all in
a sweat, and he calling to every one he met,
both in his own language and in Greek, that
the king was at hand with a vast army, march-
ing in order of battle; which occasioned a
general confusion among the Greeks, all ex-
pecting he would charge them, before they had
put themselves in order: but Cyrus leaping
from his car, put on his corslet, then mounting
his horse, took his javelins in his hand, ordered
all the rest to arm, and every man to take his
post: by virtue of which command they quickly
formed themselves, Clearchus on the right
wing close to the Euphrates, next to him
Proxenus, and after him the rest: Menon and
his men were posted on the left of the Greek
army. Of the Barbarians, a thousand Paphla-
gonian horse, with the Greek targeteers, stood
next to Clearchus on the right: upon the left
Arius, Cyrus’s lieutenant-general, was placed
with the rest of the Barbarians: they had large
corslets, and cuirasses, and all of them helmets
but Cyrus, who placed himself in the centre
with six hundred horse, and stood ready for
the charge, with his head unarmed : 5 in which

ἢ ᾿Αμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήϑουσαν. It is very common with
the Greek authors to denote the time of the day by the
employment of it; thus περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς is often used
by Dionysius Halicarnassensis to signify the evening,
and ἀμφὶ πλήϑουσαν ἀγορὰν, as Kuster has proved in his
notes upon Suidas, what they called the third hour,
that is, nine o’clock with us, Possibly tA Joven ἀγορὼ
may not improperly be rendered in English Full Change.
There is a very particular description of the evening in
the Odyssey, where Ulysses says he hung upon the
wild fig-tree, till Charybdis had cast up his raft, which
appeared at the time when the judge left the bench to
go to supper,

io

-“ΞΉμος δ᾽ ἐπὶ δόρπον ἀνὴρ ἀνορῆϑεν ἀνέστη»
Κρίνων νεΐκεω πολλὰ δικαφομεένων αἰζηῶν.
Τῆμος δὴ τάγε δοῦρω Χαρύβδιος ἐξεφαάνϑη.
8 Λέγεται δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Πέρσας Ψιλαὶς ταῖς κεφα--
λαῖς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ διακινδυνεύειν. ---- 1) Ablancourt has left

188

manner, they say, it is also customary for the
rest of the Persians to expose themselves in a
day of action: all the horses in Cyrus’s army
had both frontlets and breast-plates, and the

__-horsemen Greek swords.

It was now in the middle of the day, and no
enemy was yet to be seen; but’ in the after-
noon there appeared a dust like a white cloud,
which not long after spread itself like a dark-
ness over the plain! when they drew nearer,
the brazen armour flashed, and their spears and
ranks appeared, having on their left a body of
horse armed in white corslets, (said to be com-
manded by ‘Tissaphernes,) and followed by
those with® Persian bucklers, besides heavy-
armed men with wooden shields, reaching down
to their feet, (said to be Egyptians) and other
horse, and archers, all which marched * accord-

out all this, unless he designed that selon la costume des
Perses should be taken for a translation of it. I have
said that Cyrus stood ready for the charge with his head
unarmed, and not bare, in which I have differed from
all the translators, bnt am supported by Brissenius,
who ia his third book de Regno Persarum, from whom
Hutchinson has taken his whole annotation upon this
passage, is of opinion, which he proves from Herodotus,
that both Cyrus and the rest of the Persians, though
they had no helmets ina day of battle, wore however
tiaras upon their heads. This is confirmed by Plutarch,
who says, that in this battle the tiara of Cyrus fell from
his head. Besides, “ψιλὸς, which is the word our author
uses upon this oceasion, has a visible relation to what
goes before ; after he has said, therefore, that the six
hundred horse had all helmets but Cyrus, when he adds
that he had Ψιλὴν τὴν χεφαλὴν, he does not mean that he
stood with his head bare, but that he had no helmet;
in the same manner when Arrian calls the light-armed
men “ψιλοὺς, he does not mean they were naked, but that
they had neither corslets, shields, greaves, or helmets,
which the reader will see in his own words in note 6,
page 167.

1 Ἡνίκα δὲ δείλη ἐγένετο. Hutchinson quotes upon
ἐς 5 occasion a passage out of Dio Chrysostomus,- in
which he divides the day into five parts; 1. πεωΐ. 2,
αλήϑουσαν ἀγοράν. 3. τὰς μέση; μβρίως. 4, δείλην. 5,
ἑσπέραν : this division οἱ the day perfectly agrees with
that of Xenophon; and, as σλήϑουσα ἀγορὰ is the mid-
dle hour between the morning and noon, so δείλη will be
the middle hour between that and the evening, that is,
three o’clock.

2 Τ εῤῥοφόροι. ἹΠερσικὰ μέν τινα ὅπλα τὰ γέῤῥα tevin
Harpocration. This kind of buckler is also mentioned
by Homer in the following verse,

Τῇ δ᾽ ἑτέρη σάκος εὐρὺ, γέξον miraraypiney ἄξη,
where Eustathius explains γέῤῥα by ἀσσίδες ἸΠεεσικαὶ tx
λύγων, Persian bucklers made of wickers.

3 Κατὰ iS. This seems to have been customary
among the Persians: for we find in Herodotus, that in
the prodigious army with which Xerxes invaded Greece,

each nation was drawn up by itself, zara ἔϑντα διοτάσ-
COTO.

XENOPHON ON THE

ing to their respective countries, each nation
being drawn up in a‘ solid oblong square ; and
before them were disposed, at a considerable
distance from one another, chariots armed with
scythes fixed aslant at the axle-trees, with
others under the® body of the chariot, pointing
downwards, that so they might cut asunder
every thing they encountered, by driving them
among the ranks of the Greeks to break them:
but it now appeared that Cyrus was greatly
mistaken when he exhorted the Greeks to
withstand the shouts of the Barbarians; for
they did not come on with shouts, but as

silently and quietly as possibly, and in an ~

equal and slow march. Here Cyrus riding
along the ranks with Pigres the interpreter,
and three or four others, commanded Clearchus
to bring his men opposite to the centre of the
enemy, (because the king was there,) saying,
«Τῇ we break that our work is done:” but
Clearchus observing their centre, and under-
standing from Cyrus that the king was beyond
the left wing of the Greek army, (for the king
was 50 much superior in number, that, when
he stood in the centre of his own army he was
beyond the left wing to that of Cyrus,) Clear-
chus, I say, would not, however, be prevailed
on to withdraw his right from the river, fearing
to be surrounded on both sides ; but answered
Cyrus, be would take care all should go well.
Now the Barbarians came regularly on; and
the Greek army standing on the same ground,
the ranks were formed as the men came up;
in the meantime, Cyrus riding at a small dis-
tance before the ranks, surveying both the

enemy’s army and his own, was observed by

Xenophon, an Athenian, who rode up to him,
and asked whether he had any thing to com-
mand; Cyrus, stopping his horse, ordered him

4 Ἐν σλα:σίω. As πλαΐσιον and πλινϑίον are disposi-
tions often mentioned by Xenophon and other Greek
authors, it may not be amiss to show the difference be-
tween them. They are thus defined by Arrian in his
Tactics, πλαίσιον ὀνομάζεται, ὁπόταν πεὸς πάσας τὰς
πλευρὰς ᾿παρατάξηται τις ἔν ἑτερομήπει σχήματι “-λινϑίαν
δὲ, ὅταν ἐν τετρωγώνω σχήματι αὐτὸ τοῦτο πράξη, (rather
πραχϑῶ!) so that πσλαΐσιον is an obleng square, and
πλινϑίον an equilateral square. Had D’Ablanconrt at-
tended to this, he would not have translated ἐν σλαισΐῳ,
avec autant de front gue de hauteur.

5 Ὕπὸ τοῖς digeus. The grammarians derive 3:¢ges
from δίφορος, because both the ἡνίσχος, the charicteer,
and the σαεαβάτης, the soldiers, sat in the body of the
chariot. This hint may be of use to historical painters,
who oftentimes place the charioteer upon a seat by
himself in the modern way.

[BooK 1.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

to let them all know, that the® sacrifices and
victims promise success.

While he was saying this, upon hearing a
noise running through the ranks, he asked him
what meant it? Xenophon answered, that
the word was now giving for the second
time; Cyrus, wondering who should give
it, asked him what the word was: the
other replied, “41 Jupiter the preserver, and
victory :” Cyrus relied, “I accept it, let that
be the word :” after which, he immediately re-
turned to his post, and the two armies being
now within three or four stadia of each other,®
the Greeks sung the pan, and began to ad-

vance against the enemy; but the motion occa-_
sioning a small ὃ fluctuation in the line of battle, |
those who were left behind, hastened their

march, and at once gave a general ” shout, as
their custom is when they invoke the god of
war, and all ran forward, striking their shields
with their pikes (as some say) to frighten the
enemy’s horses; so that, before the Barbarians
came within reach of their darts, they turned
their horses and fled, but the Greeks pursued
them as fast as they could, calling out to one
another not to run, but to follow in their ranks ;
some of the chariots were borne through their
own people without their charioteers, others
through the Greeks, some of whom, seeing
them coming, "divided; while others, being

6 Tx iced καὶ τὰ σφάγιω. The last of these properly
signifies victims, though I am sensible the first is some-
times taken also for ‘eee; but in this place I should
rather think it means some religious rites, upon which
conjectures were formed of future events,

7 Ζεὺς Σωτὴρ καὶ Νίκη. Dion Cassius tells us, that
at the battle of Phillippi, Brutus’s word was ἐλευϑερίω,
libertaus ; at the battle of Pharsalia, Cassar’s word was
᾿Αφροδίτη vixhowou, Venus victrix ; and that of Pompey,
Ἡρακλέης ἀνίκητος. Hercules invictus.

8 ᾿Επαιάνιφον of “Ἑλληνες. Achilles, after he has slain
Hector, says thus to his men, in Homer,

Νὺν δ᾽ ἄγ᾽, ἀείδοντες παιήονα, zoveo ᾿Αχαιῶν,

Nyvow ἔπι γλαφυρῆσι νεώμεϑω
whence the Greek Scholiast observes, that the ancients
sung two peans ; the first before the battle, to Mars;
and the second after it to Apollo.

9. ᾿Βξεκύμιαινέ τι τῆς φάλαγγος. This expression is
celebrated by Demetrius Phalereus, as an instance of the
beauty which metaphors give, when they descend from
greater things to smaller.

10 ᾿Ἐλελίζουσι. ᾿Ελελεῦ, ἐπιφώνημοω πολεμικόν. Hesy-
chius. From thence comes ἐλελίφω. I am at a loss to
guess what D’Ablancourt means by translating this,
comme on fait dans les solemnites de Mars.

11 Οἱ δὲ, ἐπεὶ προΐδοιεν, ἵσταντο. Hutchinson has em-
ployed his whole annotation upon this passage, in show-

189

amazed, like spectators in the 13 Hippodrome,
were taken unawares; but even these were
reported to have received no harm, neither
was there any other Greek hurt in the action,
except one upon the left wing, who was said to
have been wounded by an arrow.

Cyrus seeing the Greeks victorious on their
side, rejoiced in pursuit of the enemy, and was
already worshipped as king by those about him ;
however, he was not so far transported as to
leave his post, and join in the pursuit: but,
keeping his six hundred horse in a body,
observed the king’s motions, well knowing that
he was in the centre of the Persian army;
18for in all Barbarian armies, the generals ever
place themselves in the centre, looking upon
that post as the safest, on each side of which

ing that οἱ δὲ in this place signifies τινὲς, which to be sure
isso; but he has said nothing of a much greater difficulty
that occurs init. If we are to read ἵσταντο in this place,
as all the translators have rendered it, the sense will be,
that when the Greeks saw the chariots coming towards
them, they stood still, which surely was not the way to
avoid them. I find in Leunelavius’s edition the word
διΐσταντο in the margin, and alsoin the Eton manuscript,
quoted by Hutchinson in his addenda, though neither of
them have followed it in their translations, or said any
thing to support it; however, I make no doubt but this
is the proper reading, and then the sense will be very
plain: the Greeks avoided the chariots, by dividing.
This is confirmed by a passage in Arrian which fully
explains that before us. At the battle of Arbela, or, as
he will have it, of Gaugamela, Darius had placed before
his left wing one hundred of these chariots armed with
scythes, which proved of no greater effect than those of
Artaxerxes ; for Alexander, who was upon the right
of his own army, and consequently opposite to the
chariots, had ordered his men to divide, when they saw
them coming, which they did accordingly, and by that
means rendered them ineffectual. But the words of
Arrian are the best comment upon this passage, which
it is probable he had in view, ἔστι δὲ ἃ καὶ διεξέπεσε διὼ
τῶν τάξεων" διέσχον γὰρ», ὥσπερ παφήγγελτο αὐτοῖς, ἵνα
προσέπιπτε τὸ δέρρμιωτο,.

12 Ἔν ἱπτοδοόμῳ. This word is used also by Homer

to signify the place where the chariots ran the lists :
λεῖος δ᾽ ἱππόδρομος ἀμφίς.
At the battle of Thurium, where Sylla defeated Arche.
laus, one of the generals of Mithridates, the Roman
soldiers treated these chariots, armed with scythes, with
so great contempt, that after the first which were sent
against them had proved ineffectual, as if they had been
spectators of a chariot race, they called out for more,
ἄλλω Hrovv, as Plutarch says, ὥσπερ εἰώϑιασιν ἐν ταῖς
Teceresccocs ἱπποδρομοίοεις.

13 Καὶ πάντες δὲ οἱ τῶν Βαρξάρφων ἄρχοντες μεέσον ἔχοντες
τὸ αὐτῶν ἡγοῦντο. Thus Arrian tells us that Darius plac-
ed himself in the centre of his army at the battle of Issus,>
according to the custom of the kings of Persia: the rea-
son of which custom, he says, Xenophon assigns in the
passage now before us,

~-190

their strength is equally divided; and, if they
have occasion to give out any orders, they are
received in half the time by the army. The
king, therefore, being at that time in the cen-
tre of his own battle, was, however, beyond the
left wing of Cyrus; and, when he saw none
opposed him in front, nor any motion made to
charge the troops that were drawn up before
him, he wheeled to the left in order to sur-
round their army; whereupon Cyrus, fearing
he should get behind him, and cut off the Greeks,
advanced against the king, and charging with
his six hundred horse, broke those who were
drawn up before him, put the six thousand men
to flight, and, as they say, killed Artagerses,
their commander, with his own hand.

These being broken, and the six hundred
belonging to Cyrus dispersed in the pursuit,
very few were left about him, and those almost
all persons who used to eat at his table: how-
ever, upon! discovering the king properly
attended, and unable to contain himself, im-
mediately cried out, “ I see the man!” then ran
furiously at him, and striking him on the breast,
wounded him through his corslet (as Ctesias
the physician says, who affirms that he cured
the wound,) having, while he was giving the
blow, received a wound under the eye, from
somebody, who threw a javelin at him with
great force; at the same time, the king and
Cyrus engaged hand to hand, and those about
them, in defence of each. In this action Ctesias
(who was with the king,) informs us how many
fell on his side; on the other, Cyrus himself
was killed, and eight of his most considerable
friends ?lay dead uponhim. When Artapates,

1 I cannot help translating a very fine passage in Plu-
tarch, in his Life of Artaxerxes, where he excuses him-
self for not entering into the detail of this battle, be-
cause Xenophon had already described it in so masterly
a style, that he thinks it folly to attempt it after him ;
he says, that “many authors have given an account of
this memorable action, but that Xenophon almost shows
it, and, by the clearness of his expression, makes his
reader assist with emotion at every incident, and partake
of eyery danger, as if the action was not past but pre-
sent.”” However, that I may neither rob Xenophon of
the praise Plutarch gives him, or Plutarch of his man-
ner of giving it, I shall transcribe the whole passage :
τὴν δὲ μάχην extlvyy, says Plutarch, πολλῶν μὲν ἀσηγ-

yer λπότων; Ξενοφῶντος δὲ μονονουχὶ δειφνύοντος ὄψει, καὶ
σοῖς πεξώγμασιν, ὡς οὐ γεγένηι ἔνοις» ἀλλὰ γινομένοις, ἐφί--
στῶντος τὸν ἀκοοωτὰν ἐν πάϑει, κωὶ συγκινδυνεύοντα; διὰ
τὴν ἐνάφγειων, οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐπεξηγεῖσϑιαι; πλὴν ὅσα
τῶν ἀξίων λόγου. The same author calls the place where
this battle was fought Cunaxa,

"Ἔχειντο ἐπ’ αὐτῶ. 1 amso much pleased with the

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK I.

who was in the greatest trust with Cyrus of
any of his sceptred ministers, saw him fall, they
say, he leaped from his horse, and threw him-
self about him; when (as some say) the king
ordered him to be slain upon the body of
Cyrus ; though others assert, that, drawing his
scimitar, he slew himself; for he wore a
golden scimitar, a chain, bracelets, and other
ornaments which are worn by the most con-
siderable Persians; and was held in great
esteem by Cyrus, both for his affection and γ΄.
fidelity.
IX. Thus died Cyrus! a man universally
acknowledged by those who were well acquaint-
ed with him, to have been, of all the Persians
since the ancient Cyrus, endued with the most
princely qualities, and the most worthy of em-
pire. First, while he was yet a child, and
educated with his brother, and other children,
he was looked upon as superior to them all in
all things. For all the children of the great
men in Persia are brought up * at court, where
they have an opportunity of learning great
modesty, and where nothing immodest is ever
heard or seen. ‘There the children haye con-
stantly before their eyes those who are honour-
ed and disgraced by the king, and hear the rea-
sons of both; so that, while they are children,
they presently learn to command as well as to
obey. Cyrus was observed to have more
docility than any of his years, and to show
more submission to those of an advanced age
than any other children, though of a condition
inferior to his own. He was also observed to
excel not only in his love of horses, but in his -
management of them; and in those exercises
that relate to war, such as archery and lancing
of darts, they found him the most desirous to
learn, and the most indefatigable. When
in the flower of his age, he was, of all
others, the fondest of hunting, and in hunt-
ing, of danger: and once, when ἃ bear
rushed upon him, he did not decline the en-
counter, but closed with her, and was torn
from his horse, when he received those wounds,

reason D’Ablancourt gives for not translating these
words, that I must mention it; he says, Je Grec dit, qui
se firent tous tuer sur lui, mais cela est repete ensuite
dans son eloge, et j,avots besoin de cette expression la dix
lignes apres. There is a frankness in this acknowledg-
ment that has more merit in it than the best translation.

3 Ἔν ταῖς βασιλέως ϑύραις παιδεύονται. Literally at
the door of the king, concerning which, see note 9,
page I72.

κα ταν

EXPEDITION OF

of which he ever wore the scars: at last he
killed the bear, and the person that ran to his
assistance, he made a happy man in the eyes of
all that knew him.

When he was sent by his father governor of
Lydia, the greater Phrygia, and Cappadocia,
and was declared general of all those who are
obliged to assemble in the plain of, Castolus,
‘the first thing he did Was to show/ that, if he
entered into a league, engaged in 4 contract, or
made a promise, his greatest care was never to
deceive ; for which reason, both the cities that
Gelbiieed to his government, and private men,
placed a confidence in him. And if any one
had been his enemy, and Cyrus had made peace
with him, he was under ‘no apprehension of
suffering by a violation of it. So that when
he made war against Tissaphernes, all the
cities, besides Miletus, willingly declared for
him ; and these were afraid of him, because he
would not desert their banished citizens ; for
he showed by his actions, as well as his words,
that after he had once given them assurance of
his friendship, he would never abandon them,
though their number should yet diminish, and
their condition be yet impaired. It was evi-
dent that he made it his endeavour to out-do
his friends in good and his enemies in ill offices ;
and it was reported, that he wished to live so
long, as to be able to overcome them both, in
‘returning both. There was no one man, there-
fore, of our time, to whom such numbers of
people were ambitious of delivering up their
fortunes, their cities, and their persons.
Neither can it be said that he suffered male-
factors and robbers to triumph; for to these
he. was of all men the most inexorable. It
was no uncommon thing to see such men in
the great roads deprived of their feet, their
hands, and their eyes; so that any person,
whether Greek or Barbarian, might travel
whithersoever he pleased, and with what-
soeyer he pleased, through the country under
his ‘command,: and provided he did no in-

4 ᾿Αλεξόμενος. It is to be observed that ἀλέξασϑαι,
in this place, signifies to reward and to revenge, both
which significations this word admits of. ᾿Αλέξησις,
βοήϑεια καὶ ἀντίτισις. Hesychius ἀμύνεσϑαι is used
in the same manner by Thucydides, where Hermocrates
of Syracuse tells the inhabitants of Sicily, τὸν εὖ καὶ
nanals Deavre ἐξ ἴσου ἀρετῇ ἀμυνούμεϑια, where οἰμευνούμε--
J is thus explained by the Greek Scholiast, ἐνταῦϑα
ἐπὶ τῶν δύο σημασιῶν ἔλαξεν αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπὶ καλοῦν καὶ ἐπὶ
χκωώκοῦ,

CYRUS. 191

jury, be sure of receiving none. It is univer-
sally acknowledged that he honoured, in a par-
ticular manner, those who distinguished them-
selves in arms. His first “expedition was
against the Pisidians and Mysians, which he
commanded in person; and those whom he
observed forward to expose themselves, he
appointed governors over the conquered coun-
tries, and distinguished them by other presents ;
so that 5 brave men were looked upon as most
fortunate, and cowards as deserving to be their
slaves ; for which reason, great numbers pre-
sented themselves to danger, where they ex-
pected Cyrus would take notice of them.

As for justice, if any person was remarkable
for a particular regard to it, his chief care was,
that such a one should enjoy a greater affluence
than those who aimed at raising their fortunes’
by unjust means. Among many other instan-
ces, therefore, of the justice of his administra-
tion, this was one, that he had an army which
truly deserved that name, for the officers did
not come to him from countries on the other
side of the sea, for gain, but because they were
sensible that a ready obedience to Cyrus’s com-
mands was of greater advantage to them than
their monthly pay; and, indeed, if any one was
punctual in execution of his orders, he never suf-
fered his diligence to go unrewarded ; for which
reason, it is said, that Cyrus was the best serv-
ed of any prince in all his enterprises. If he
observed any governor of a province joining the
most exact economy with justice, improving
his country, and increasing his revenue, he never
took any share of these advantages to himself,
but added more to them: so that they labour-
ed with cheerfulness, enriched themselves with
confidence, and never concealed their posses-
sions from Cyrus, who was never known to
envy those who owned themselves to be rich ;
but endeavoured to make use of the riches of
all who concealed them. It is universally ac-
knowledged, that he possessed, in an eminent
degree, the art of cultivating those of his friends,
whose good-will to him he was assured of, and
whom he looked upon as proper instruments to
assist him in accomplishing any thing he pro-

Ὁ Ὥστε φαίνεσθαι τοὺς μὲν ἀγα ϑοὺς, εὐδαιμονεστάτους»
φοὺς δὲ κοωπούς- δούλους τούτων ἀξιοῦσϑαι. D’Ablancourt
has not taken the least notice of these lines in his trans-
lation ; if the reader will give himself the trouble of .
comparing his version with the original in this character
of Cyrus, he will find many omissions, as well as
strange liberties. }

192

posed; as an acknowledgment for which, he
endeavoured to show himself a most powerful
assistant to them in every thing he found they
desired.

_As, upon many accounts, he received, in my
opinion, more presents than any one man; so,
of all men living, he distributed them to his
friends with the greatest generosity, and in
this distribution consulted both the taste and
the wants of every one. And as for those
ornaments of his person that were presented to
him, either as of use in war, or embellishments
to dress, he is said to have expressed his sense
of them, that it was not possible for him to
wear them all, but that he looked upon a prince’s
friends,. when richly dressed, as his greatest
ornament... However, it is not so much to be
wondered at, that, being of greater ability than
his friends, he should out-do them in the mag-
nificence of his favours; but that ke should
surpass them in his care and his earnestness
to oblige, is, in my opinion, more worthy of
admiration. He frequently sent his friends
small } vessels, half-full of wine, when he re-
ceived any that was remarkably good, letting
them know, that he had not for a long time
tasted any that was more delicious; besides
which, he also frequently sent them half-geese,
and half-loaves, &c. ordering the person who
carried them to say, Cyrus liked these things,
for which reason he desires you also to taste
of them. Where forage was very scarce, and
he, by the number and care of his servants,
had an opportunity of being supplied with it,
he sent to his friends, desiring they would give
the horses that were for their own riding their
share of it, to the end they might not be oppres-
sed with hunger, when they carried his friends.
When he appeared in public upon any occa-
sion, where he knew many people would have
their eyes upon him, he used to call his friends
to him, and affected to discourse* earnestly

1 Bizovs. Bizos, στάμνος ὦτα ἔχων».
Was a wine vessel.

2 ᾿Εσπουδομολογεῖτο, Hutchinson has rendered this
gravibus de rebus sermonem habebat, which is, no doubt,
the general sense of the Greek word, but does not, in
my opinion, explain that which our author has given it
in this place. The subject of the discourse between
Cyrus and his friends was of little consequence; to let
the spectators know how much he honoured them, his
manner of conyersingswith them ceuld only doit; and,
as σπουδὴ signifies earnestness in the manner of speak-
ing, as well as the seriousness of the subject, I thought

Hesychius. It

XENOPHON an THE

[Bou 1.

with dudes that he might show whom ke
honoured. So that, by all I have heard, no
man, either of the Greeks or Barbarians, ever
deserved more esteem from his subjects.
This, among others, is a remarkable instance :
no one ever deserted from Cyrus, though a

subject, to the king: Orontas alone attempted _

it,? yet he soon found, that the person on
whose fidelity he depended, was more a friend
to Cyrus than to him. Many who had been
most in favour with Cyrus, came over to him
from the king, after the war broke out between
them, with this expectation, that in the service
of Cyrus their merit would be mere worthily
rewarded than in’that of the king. What hap-
pened also to him at his death, made it evi-
dent, that he was not only himself a good man,
but that he knew how to make choice of those
who were faithful, affectionate, and constant ;
even when he was killed, all his friends and
his* favourites died »fighting for him, except
Arizus, who, being appointed to the command
of the horse on the left wing, as soon.as he
heard that Cyrus was killed, fled with all that
body which was under his command.+

X. When Cyrus was dead, his head and
right hand were cut off-upon the spot, and the
king, with his men, in the pursuit, broke into
his camp; while those with Arizus no longer
made a stand, but fled through their own
camp to their former post, which was said to
be four parasangs from the field of. battle.
The king, with his forces, among many other
things, took Cyrus’s mistress, a> Phoczan, who

proper to give it that sense in the translation. This
puts me in mind of a practice οὗ some persons of quality
in Scotland, when King Charles the First made a pro-
gress thither: my Lord Clarendon says, that in order
to render themselves considerable in the eyes of their
countrymen, they used to whisper the king when he
appeared in public, though the subject of those whispers
was often of very little eonsequenee. I have known
some men of gallantry so happy in this practice, that,
upon no other foundation than the art of whispering
trifies, they have been thought to be well with women
of distinction, which possibly was all they aimed at.

3 Οὗτος δὲ, &e. The Latin translators have render-
ed this parenthesis, as if οὗτος related to the king, for
which, I think, there is no foundation. I have under-
stood itof Orentas, who intrusted a person, in whom he
thought he might confide, with his letter to the king;
but soon found, to his cost, that he was more attached -
to Cyrus than to him.

Συντεάπεξοι. Properly those who eat at his table. -

5 Τὴν Φωκαΐδα. As this favourite mistress of Cyrus
was afterwards very near being the cause of a revolu-
tien in the Persian empire, it may not be amiss to give

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

was said to be a woman of great sense and
beauty. ‘The other, a Milesian, who was the
younger of the two, was also taken by the
king’s troops, but escaped naked to the quarter
of the Greeks, who were left to guard the bag-
gage. These, forming themselves, killed many
‘of those who were plundering the camp, and
lost some of their own men; however, they
did not fly, but saved the Milesian, with the
men and effects, and, in general, every thing
else that was in their quarter. The king and
the Greeks were now at the distance of about

thirty stadia from one another, pursuing the

enemy that were opposite to them, as if they
had gained a complete victory ; and the king’s
troops plundering the camp of the Greeks, as
if they also had been every where victorious.
But, when the Greeks were informed that the
king, with his men, were among their baggage,
and the king, on his side, heard from Tissa-
phernes, that the Greeks had put those before
them to flight, and were gone forward in the

some account of her. She was of Phocza in Ionia (the
mother-city of Marseilles,) and the daughter of Hermo-
tymus, her name Milto; she was mistress of so much
wit and beauty, that Cyrus, who was very fond of her,
called her Aspasia, from Aspasia, the mistress of the
great Pericles, who was so much celebrated for those
accomplishments. After the death of Cyrus, she was
in the same degree of favour with his brother Artaxer-
xes, whose eldest son Darius had so unfortunate a pas-
sion for her, that, upon his being declared by his father
successor to the crown, when, it seems, it was custom-
ary for the successor to ask some favour of the king,
which was never refused, if possible to be granted, he
demanded Aspasia. The king, though besides his wife
Atossa, he had three hundred and sixty ladies in his
seraglio, one for every night, according to the old Baby-
lonian year, yet was unwilling to part with Aspasia,
though she was now far from being young ; so told his
son that she was mistress of herself, and, if she con-
sented to be his, he should not oppose it, but forbid him
to use violence. 10 seems this caution was unnecessary,
for Aspasia declared in favour of the son, which so dis-
pleased Artaxerxes, that, though he was under a ne-
eessity of yielding her to Darius, yet he shortly after
took her from him, and made her a priestess of Diana.
This exasperated Darius to that degree, that he con-
spired with Teribazus to put his father to death: but
his design being discovered, ended in his own destruc-
tion. After this short account of Aspasia’s adventures,
I believe the reader will smile to find her called Ja belle
and Ja sage by D’Ablancourt. She was the occasion of
_so much mischief, that Iam persuaded even the Persian
‘ladies could not refuse her the first of these qualities ;
but there is little room to call her chaste, for that is the
sense of the word sage in his language when applied to
a woman. Had Xenophon designed to give her that
character, he would have called her σώφρονωνγ instead of
σοφήν : the last of which, I should think, might be more
properly translated in French by sensee than sage.

193

pursuit, he then rallied his forces, and put
them in order. On the other side, Clearchus
consulted with Proxenus, who was nearest to
him, whether they should send a detachment,
or should all march to relieve the camp.

In the meantime, the king was observed to
move forward again, and seemed resolved to
fall upon their rear: upon which, the Greeks °
faced about, and put themselves in a posture
to march that way, and receive him. How-
ever, the king did not advance that way; but, —
as before, passed’ beyond their left wing, led .
his men back the same way, taking along with
him those who had deserted to the Greeks
during the action, and also Tissaphernes with
his forces ; for Tissaphernes did not fly at the
first onset, but penetrated with his horse,
where the Greek targeteers were posted, quite
as far as the river. However, in breaking
through, he killed none of their men, but the

6 Συστραφέντες. Jam sorry to find myself obliged to
differ from Hutchinson in translating this. Iagree with
him that conglobati, the sense he has given of it, is the
general sense of the word, as he has proved from Hesy-
chius and Phavorinus ; as for those synonymous words
he has quoted from Julius Pollox, I do not look upon
them to concern the present case, since they relate only
to the contraction of the human body, as the title of that
chapter plainly shows, Περὶ τοῦ συστρέψοι τὸ σῶώμιο;, παὶ
ἁὡἁπλῶσαι. But, in order to form a right judgnent of
the sense of this word in this place, we are to consider
the situation of the two armies; the Greeks, after they
had broken that part of the enemy’s army that stood op-
posite to them, were engaged in pursuing them; and
the king, having plundered Cyrus’s camp, followed the
Greeks, in order to fall upon their rear, προσιὼν Oxia Sey ;
but the latter seeing this motion of the king, faced about
to meet him. Now I believe it will be allowed, that it
was not euough for the Greeks (though they had heen
dispersed, which we do not find) to get together ina
body, in order to meet the king, who was following
them ; I say, I believe it will be thought that it was also
necessary for them to face about, in order to put them-
selves in a proper posture to receive him. This motion
of facing about to receive the enemy, is often described
by this verse in Homer,

Οἱ δ᾽ ἐλελίχϑησων καὶ ἐναντίοι ἔσταν ᾿Αχαιῶν.
Which the Greek Scholiast explains by the very word
made use of by our author in this place, συνεστράφησαν,
μεταβαλλόμενοι εἱλήϑησαν. Itis with pleasure I lay hold
on this opportunity of doing justice to D’ Ablancourt,
who had said, I think, in a very proper and military
manner, ‘‘/es Grees firent la conversion pour Valler re-
cevoir; celas’appelle parler guerre.” MLeunclavius has
also given it the same sense.

Ἵ Ἢ δὲ reenrSey ἔξω τοῦ εὐωνύμου κέρατος. Xenophon
considers the Greek army as it stood when the battle
began, otherwise after they had faced about, their Jeft
wing was become their right. This D’Ablancourt las
observed, but Leunclayius and Hutchinson take uo no-

| tice of it.

2B

194

Greeks! dividing, wounding his people both
with their swords and darts. Episthenes of
Amphipolis commanded the targeteers, and is
reported to have shown great conduct upon
this occasion. Tissaphernes, therefore, as
sensible of his disadvantage, departed, when
coming to the camp of the Greeks, found the
king there, and reuniting their forces, they ad-
vanced and presently came opposite to the left
of the Greeks, who being afraid they should
attack their wing, by wheeling to the right
and left, and annoy them on both sides, they
resolved to open that wing, and cover the rear
with the river. While they were consulting
upon this, the king *marched by them, and
drew up his army opposite to theirs in the
same order in which he first engaged: where-
upon, the Greeks, seeing they drew near in
order of battle, again sung the pean, and went
on with much more alacrity than before ; but
the Barbarians did not stay to receive them,
having fled sooner than the first time to a vil-
lage, where they were pursued by the Greeks,
who halted there: for there was an eminence
above the village, upon which, the king’s forces
faced about. He had no foot with him, but
the hill was covered with horse, in such a
manner that it was not possible for the Greeks
to see what was doing. However, they said
they saw the royal ensign there, which was a
3 golden eagle with its wings extended, resting

1 Διαστάντεςς This is the word contended for in note
11, p. 189. The motion made by the Greeks to let Tissa-
phernes and his men pass through their body, upon this
occasion, is the same they then made to let the chariots
pass through them. Ἵ

2 Παραμενψά μενος, εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ σχῆμα κατέστησεν ἔναν-
τίων τὴν φάλαγγα; ὥσπερ, ὅζο. I have translated this
passage, as if there was a comma after παραμειψάμενος;
which I have rendered ‘marching by them,” a signifi-
cation very common to the word; for Xenophon does
not say that the Greeks did actually open their wing ;
but that, while they were consulting about doing so, the
king drew up his army against theirs, upon which the
Greeks advanced to attack him: this I do not under-
stand how they could well do, while the enemy was
upon their flank; but, if we suppose the king marched
by them, and drew up upon the same ground, and in
the same disposition in which he first came on, we May
easily understand how the Greeks, by facing about
again, might put themselves again in a posture to at-
tack him. And this seems to agree very well with their
pursuing the king’s troops toa village, which pursuit
led them to some distance from their camp, since they
made it a matter of consultation, whether they should
send for their baggage, or return thither.

3 ᾿Αετόν τινα χρυσοῦν ἐπὶ ξυστοῦ ἀνατετωμένον. I think,

Hutchinson has been very happy in substituting ξυστοῦ

XENOPHON ON THE

upon a spear. When the Greeks advanced
towards them, the horse quitted the hill, not
in a body, but some running one way, and
some another. However, the hill was cleared
of them by degrees, and at last they all left it.
Clearchus did not march up the hill with his
men, but, halting at the foot of it, sent Lycius
the Syracusan, and another, with orders to re-
connoitre the place, and make their report:
Lycius rode up the hill, and, having viewed it,
brought word that the enemy fled in all haste.
Hereupon the Greeks halted, (it being near
sunset) and lying under their arms, rested
themselves: in the meantime wondering that
neither Cyrus appeared, nor any one from him,
not knowing he was dead, but imagined that
he was either led away by the pursuit, or had
rode forward to possess himself of some post ;
however, they consulted among themselves

for ξύλου, but then I do not see what ἐπὶ σέλτης has to
do here, unless it is supposed to signify a shield upon
which the eagle rested ; however, I cannot think Xeno-
phon said ἀετὸν ἐπὶ πέλτης, ἐπὶ ξυστοῦ ἀνατετω μένον, and,
if ἐπὶ πέλτης is to be changed into ἐπὶ σαλτοῦ as Leun-
clavius will have it, it will be visibly a marginal expla-
nation of ἐπὶ ξυστοῦ. Xenophon, in his Institution of
Cyrus, tells us, that the ensign of the first Cyrus was a
golden eagle upon a spear, with its wings extended,
which, he says, still continues to be the ensign of the
Persian kings, and which we find by Curtius continued
to be so, as long as the Persian empire subsisted. The
description Xenophon gives us of this eagle, comes so
very near to that given py Dion Cassius of the Roman
eagle, and also to the representation of it upon Trajan’s
pillar, that one may reasonably conclude the Romans
received theirs from the eastern part of the world.
I own it is very probable that the Romans had an eagle
for their ensign before the battle in which the first
Cyrus defeated Crcesus, and in which Xenophon says
he had an eagle for his ensign; fur this battle was
fought in the first year of the 58th Olympiad, that is,
about the 205th year of Rome. Indeed the earliest men-
tion Iean find of the Roman eagle, is in the year of
Rome 299, and the third of the eighty-first Clympiad,
T. Romilius and C, Veturius being consuls; where
Siccius Dentatus tells the people, that, in an action he
there mentions, he recovered the eagle from the enemy ;
but it must be owned also, that it is there spoken of as
a thing already established. I say this to show the
mistake of some learned men, who have maintained
that Marius was the first who introduced the use of
this ensign. 1 will hazard a conjecture: it is this—If
the account given by Dionysius Halicarnassensis be
true, which he supports by so many probable circum-
stances, that AEneas, after the destruction of Troy, came
into Italy, and built Lavinium, whose inhabitants built
Alba, of which the city of Rome was a colony ; if, Isay,
this accouut be astrue as it is probable, why may not
FEneas have brought this ensign with him from the
East ὃ where possibly it might have been in use long
before the conquest of Cyrus.

[Book 1.

OE Ee

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

whether they should stay where they were,
and send for their baggage, or return to their
camp. ‘To the latter they resolved upon, and
arriving at their tents about supper-time, found
the greatest part of their baggage plundered,
with all the provisions, besides the carriages,
which, as it was said, amounted to four hun-
dred, full of flour and wine, which Cyrus had
prepared, in order to distribute them among

195

the Greeks, lest at any time bis army should
labour under the want of necessaries ; but they
were all so rifled by the king’s troops that the
greatest part of the Greeks had no supper,
neither had they eaten any dinner ; for, before
the army could halt in order to dine, the king
appeared. And in this manner they passed
the night.

i

ΔΗ se heeds Rasen | ae ‘ait Sper peer sk
«πίοι ad? hat sanne | λ en

Wi ΘΗ TOUPE:

4

SRP Fe 6 pia

ἐφ. εἰ
ἕ War ey

sg, ἀφ et ished eae Seo nage
μηδέ φὰ i: whet: eB Shes cet ν
-ἃ seg Rs aM

XENOPHON

ON THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

BOOK II.

CONTENTS or BOOK II.

I, The Greeks, informed of the death of Cyrus, and Arizeus’ design to return to Ionia—Clearchus promises Arizeus
the empire of Persia—Artaxerxes orders the Greeks to deliver up their arms, is attacked by them, and flies.
—Il. The Greeks repair to Arius, and having entered into a confederacy, take counsel concerning their re-
turn—Setting forth at day-break, they arrive in the evening at some villages, and judge that the king’s camp
is in the neighbourhood—Clearchus leads the army so as to appear neither to seek nor to fear a conflict—At
sunset they come to villages which had been plundered by the king’s troops; and passing the night in a state
of uncertainty, are struck with fear, which a stratagem of Clearchus subdues.—III. Artaxerxes, terrified at
the sudden arrival of the Greeks, sends ambassadors to treat of peace—The Greeks, at his command, led to vil-
lages abounding in provisions—Three days afterwards Tissaphernes is sent by the king to ask them why they
had borne arms against him—Clearchus returns a true and sufficient answer, and the king makes a treaty with
the Greeks,—IV. Whilst the Greeks are in expectation of Tissaphernes, who had returned to the king, they form
suspicions of the sincerity of Arizus—On the arrival of Tissaphernes te conduct their march, the Greeks, sus-
pecting him also of insincerity, begin to march and encamp apart—Their route described, from its outset at the
wall of Media not far from Babylon—The cowardice and pretended snares of the Persians are noted, and the
king’s brother is terrified at the appearance of the multitude of the Greek forces.—V. The Greeks become
confirmed in their suspicions against the Persians ; and Clearchus, in a conference with Tissaphernes, uses his
utmost efforts to bring matters to a more amicable footing—Tissaphernes replies with such civility, that Clear-
chus, moved by his discourse, returns to him with four other generals and twenty colonels—The Greek gene-
rals made prisoners, and the colonels and others, who accomyanied them, put te death—Ariceus comes to the
Grecian camp, and demands a surrender of their arms—Cleanor returns a contumelious answer.—VI. The
character of each of the five generals described, namely that of Clearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Agias, and Socrates.

THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

BOOK II.

I. In the foregoing book we have shown,
by what means Cyrus raised an army of the
Greeks, when he marched against his brother
Artaxerxes ; what was performed during his
march, and in what manner the battle was
fought; how Cyrus was killed; and the
Greeks, thinking they had gained a complete
victory, and that Cyrus was alive, returned to
their camp, and betook themselves to rest.
As soon as the day approached, the generals,
being assembled, wondered that Cyrus neither
sent them any orders, nor appeared himself;
resolved therefore to collect what was left a
their baggage, and armed themselves to move
forward in order to join Cyrus; but just as
they were on the point of marching, and as
soon as the sun was risen, Ὁ Procles, who was
governor of Teuthrania, a descendant from
Damaratus the Lacedemonian, and Glus, the
son of * Tamos, came to them, and declared
that Cyrus was dead, and that Arius had left
the field, and was retired, with the rest of the
Barbarians, to the camp they had left the day
before ; where * he said he would stay for them
that day, if they thought fit to come; but that

1 Προκλῆς. Teuthrania was a city of Mysia in Asia
Minor, of which Procles was governor; he was de-
scended from Damaratus, one of the kings of Sparta,
who was deprived of his kingdom by his colleague Cleo-
menes ; upon which he fled to Darius Hystaspes, who
entertained him with great magnificence: he afterwards
attended Xerxes in his expedition to Greece.

2 Ταμώ. We was of Memphis, and admiral to Cyrus;
after his death, he sailed with his fleet to Egypt, and,
having formerly conferred some obligations on Psam-
mitichus, who was then king of that country, he made
no doubt of his protection; but Psammitichus, forget-
ting all obligations, as well as the laws of hospitality,
put him to death, and seized his fleet.

3 Καὶ λέγοι ὅτι ταύτην μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν περιμοένειεν ὧν
αὐτοὺς, εἰ μέλλοιεν ἥκειν" τῇ δὲ ἄλλῃ ἀπιέναι Poin ἐσὶ ᾿Ιωνίας,
ὕϑενπερ FAI. ΑἹ] this is left out by D’ Ablancourt.

the next, he should return to Ionia, whence he
came. ‘The generals, and the rest of the
Greeks, hearing this, were greatly afflicted :
and Clearchus with astonishment said, “«*Would ἡ
to God Cyrus was alive! but since he is dead,
let Arizus know, that we have overcome the
king, and, as you see, meet with no further
resistance, and that, if you had not come, we
had marched against the king; at the same
time, assure Arizus from us, that, if he will
come hither, we will place him on the throne ;
for those who gain the victory, gain with it a
right to command.” After he had said this,
he directly sent back the messengers, together
with Cheirisophus the Lacedzmonian, and
Menon the Thessalian; for Menon himself
desired if; he being a friend to Aricus, and
engaged to him by an intercourse of hospitali-
ty. Clearchus staid till they returned, making
id} as he could, by killing the
Ps... belonged to the baggage ;
nstead ‘of ‘other wood, made use of the
arrows, which they found in great quantities in
the field of battle, not far from the place where |
their army lay, (and which the Greeks obliged
the desertérs to pull out of the ground,) and
also of the Persian bucklers, and the Egyp-
tian shields, that were made of wood, besides
a great many targets, and empty waggons;

4. [Ὥφελε μὲν Κῦρος give ἴΩφελον is here joined with
an infinitive mood, though in an optative sense. In all
these phrases #¢eAov, or the Ionic ὀφελον; is not an adverb,
whatever the grammarians say, ὡς or «3 being always
understood, which construction of the phrase is so true,
that one of them is frequently expressed. Thus Helen,
reproaching Paris for his inglorious behaviour in the
duel between him and Menelaus, tells him,

"Haudes ἐκ πολέμου ὡς ὥφελες αὐτόϑ'᾽ dro Son,
᾿Ανδοὶ δοιμιεὶς κρατερῷ, ὃς ἐμοὸς πρότερος πόσις ἢξν-
Many other examples may be given from the saine au-

thor, where aid: οὐ cd is expressed,

200

with all which they dressed their victuals, and
in this manner supported themselves that day.

It was now ' about the time the market is
generally full, when the heralds arrived with
the message from the king and Tissaphernes,
all of whom were Barbarians, (except Phali-
nus, who was a Greek, and happened then to
be with Tissaphernes, by whom he was much
esteemed ; for he pretended to understand tac-
tics and the *exercise of arms) who, after
assembling together the Greek commanders,
said, that the king, since he had gained the
victory, and killed Cyrus, ordered the Greeks
to deliver up their arms, and, repairing to
3court, endeavour to obtain some favourable
terms from the king. The Greeks received
this with much indignation; however, Clear-
chus said no more to them than that, “ It was
not the part of conquerors. to deliver up their
arms: but,” addressing himself to the generals,
“do you make the best and most becoming
answer you-can, and 1 will return immedi-
ately ;” he being called out by one of his ser-
vants to inspect the entrails of the victim,
which he was then offering up in sacrifice.
Whereupon, Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest
person present, made answer, ‘‘ They would
sooner die than deliver up their arms.” Then
Proxenus the Theban, said, “ I wonder, O
Phalinus ! whether the king demands our arms

1 Περὶ πλήϑουσαν ἀγοράν. See note 7, page 187.

2 ᾿Οπλομαχίαν. Leunclavius has tr uslate this gla-
diatorieg peritiam, which I cannot thinic ink er as
artem armis depugnandi, in Huatehi . :D*Ablan-
court has artfully evaded this difficulty, by comprehend-
ing both “σῶν περὶ τὰς τάξεις τε καὶ ὅπλομοα in these
general words, V’art militaire. It is very certain the
Romans took many things, both in civil and military
affairs, from the Greeks, but I believe the/gladiatorian
spectacles were iu use in Rome, before they were heard
of in Greece; the origin of which seems te have been
* the early custom in use among most nations, of sacri-
ficing captives to the manes of great generals, who were
slain in war. Thus Achilles sacrifices twelve Trojans
to the manes of Patroclus; and Mneas sends captives to
Evander, to be sacrificed at the funeral of his son Pallas.
Valerius Maximus says, that M. and D. Brfitus in the
consulship of App. Claudius and M. Fulvius, honoured
the funeral of their father with a gladiatorian spectacle,
which from that time became frequent upon those oc-
casions ; but this was many years after the time our
author speaks of, when I am convinced the Greeks had
never heard of these spectacles: my reason is, that
whenever any Greek author of, or near the age, Xeno-
phon lived in, speaks of érA¢uayzor, I dare say they al-
Ways understand masters appointed to teach military
exercises.

3 ’Esi τὰς βασιλέως ϑύρας.

See note 9, page [1]

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK II. -

as a conqueror, or as a friend desires them by
way of present? If, as a conqueror, what
occasion has he to demand them? * Why does
he not rather come and take them? If he
would persuade us to deliver them, say, what
are the soldiers to expect in return for so great
an obligation?” Phalinus answered, “ The
king looks upon himself as conqueror, since he
has killed Cyrus ; for who is now his rival in
the empire? He looks upon you, also, as his
property, since he has you in the middle of his _
country, surrounded by impassable rivers; and
can bring such numbers of men against you, ᾿
that, though he delivered them up to you, your
strength would ἜΣ you before you could 43
them all to death.

After him, Xenophon, an Athenian, said,
* You see, O Phalinus! that we have nothing
now to depend upon, *but our arms, and our
courage; and, while we are masters of our
arms, we think we can make use of our courage
also; but that, when we deliver up these, we
deliver up our persons too; do not therefore
expect we shall deliver up the only advantages
we possess ; on the contrary, be assured, that
with these we are resolved to fight with you,
even for those you are in possession of.” Pha-
linus, hearing this, smiled, and said, * “ Young
man! indeed you seem to be a philosopher,

—_—

ATi δὲ αὐτὸν αἰτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λαβεῖν ἐλϑέντα ; Thus,
when Xerxes sent to Leonidas at Thermopylz to deliver
up his arms, the latter bid him come and take them;
λαβὲ μολὼν, says he, according to the concise style of
this country.

5 Ei μὴ ὅαλα καὶ ἀρετή. ᾿Αρετὴ is here taken for
courage, in which sense it is frequently used by the best
authors ; in this sense Idomeneus says an ambuscade is
the trial of a soldier’s courage,

— iyo ἔνϑα μάλιστ᾽ ἀρετὴ διαείδεται ἀνδρῶν,

"Ἔν ϑ᾽ ὅτε δειλὸς ἀνὴο, ὅς τ᾽ ἄλκιμος, ἐξεφαάνϑη.
In this sense also Virgil says,
Dolus, an virtus quis in hoste requirit ?
After this, I believe, it will be allowed, that D’ Abjan-
court does not give the author’s sense, when he says,
il ne nous est reste autre chose, que les armes et la
liberte ; to justify this, he says the Greek word signifies
la vertu, though ἀφετὴ in this place signifies neither
liberty nor virtue.

6°Q νεωνίσχε. I find all the translators have rendered
this in the same manner I have done; though, if Lu-
cian’s acceunt of our author be true, that is, that he was
above ninety years old when he died; and if, according
to Laertius, he died in the first year of the hundred and
fifth Olympiad, he must have been fifty, at least, at the
time of this expedition: which I mention for the sake
of some worthy gentlemen of my acquaintance, who
will not be serry to find a man of fifty treated as a
young man.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

and speak handsomely ; but, believe me, “you
are mistaken, if you imagine that your courage
will prevail over the power of the king,” How-
ever, it was reported, that others, whose reso-
lution began to fail, said, that, as they had
heen true to Cyrus, they would also be of great
service to the king, if he were disposed to be
their friend; and that, whatever commands he
had for them, they would obey him; and, if he
proposed 7 to invade Egypt, they would assist
him in the conquest of it. In the meantime
Clearchus returned, and asked’ if they had al-
ready given their answer. To whom Phalinus
said, “ These men, O Clearchus ! say one, one
thing, and another, another; but pray let us
have your thoughts.” To which he replied,
“TI rejoice, O Phalinus! to see you, as, I am
persuaded, all these do, who are present; for
you are a Greek, as well as we, whom you see
before you in so great numbers ; wherefore, in
our present circumstances, we desire you to
advise us what we ought to do with regard to
the proposals you bring ; * and entreat you, by
all the gods, give us that advice which you
think best, and most becoming, and which will
do you most honour in the eyes of posterity,
when it shall be said, that Phalinus, being sent
by the king with orders to the Greeks that
they should deliver up their arms, and, being
consulted by them, gave them this advice: for
you are sensible that your advice, whatever it
is, must be reported in Greece.” Clearchus

insinuated this with a view of engaging the

king’s ambassador himself to advise them not
to deliver up their arms, that, by this means
the Greeks might entertain better hopes: but
" Phalinus artfully avoided the snare, and, con-
trary to his expectation, spoke as follows :

ss sS—d

ἡ Ex’ Αἴγυπτον στρατεύειν. ‘This expedition is pro-
posed, because the Egyptians had seyeral years before
withdrawn themselves from their subjection to the
Persians, and were at this time governed by a king
of their own, called Psammitichus, descended from the
ancient Psammitichus, who, ‘being one of the twelve
kings, put all the rest to death, and, by that meabs,
made himself king of all Egypt.

8 LvuPovrwoutdé σοι. See note 8, page 169,

9 Φαλῖνος δ᾽ ὑποστρέψας. It is with great reason that
Hutchinson rejects the sense Leunclavius gives to

ὑποστρέψας in this place, as if it signified returning ;

he has shown out of Julius Pollux, that ἐξαπατᾷν στρέ-
φεσϑαι, and ὑποστρέφεσϑ'αι» are synonymous, whence he
very properly derives the Latin word stropha, a deceit,
to which I shall add, that Pliny the younger makes use
of the word in this sense, in one of his epistles, where he
SAYS, tnvenium aliquam stropham, agamque causam tua,

=

201

“ If you had the least hope of a thousand to
preserve yourselves by making war against the
king, I should advise you not to deliver up
your arms; but if you cannotshope for safety
without his concurrence, I advise you to pre-
serve yourselves by the only means you can-”~
Clearchus replied, “ This, I find, is your sense
of the matter ; and this answer you are desired
to return from us ; that we think, if it is pro-
posed we should be friends to the king, we
shall be more valuable friends by, preserving
our arms than by parting with them; and that,
if we are to go to war with him, we shall make
war with greater advantage by keeping our
arms, than by delivering them.” Phalinus
said, “I shall report this answer. However,
the king ordered me also to let you know,
that, if you stay where you are, you will haye
peace ; but if you advance or march back, you
must expect war. Let me have your answer
also to this ; and whether I shall acquaint the
king, that you will stay here, and accept of
peace, or that you declare for war.” Clear-
chus replied, “ Let the king know, that in this
we are of the same opinion with him.” What
is that?” said Phalinus. Clearchus answered,
“If we stay, there mdy be peace, but if we
march back, or advance, war.” Phalinus again
asked, ** Shall I report peace or war.” Clear-
chus replied, “ Peace, if we stay, and if we
march back or advance, war ;” but he did not
declare what he proposed to do. So Phalinus
and those with him went away.

II. In the meantime Procles and Cheriso-
phus came from Arizus, leaying Menon with
him, and brought word that Arizeus said, there
were many Persians of greater consideration
than himself, who would never suffer him to
be their king; but desires, if you propose
marching away with him, that you will come
to him to-night ; if not, he says he will depart
the next morning early. Clearchus answered,
“‘ What you advise is very proper, if we join
Tal Ge ΠΣ ΤΩΣ BEERS ERS reece:

There is also a passage in Aristophanes, where o7¢0¢7 is
used in the same signification, ἀλλ᾽ obz ἔργον ἐστ᾽ οὐδὲν
στροφῶν; which the Scholiast explains in a manner very
agreeable to the sense of ὑποστρέψας in this place : στρο-
Φαὶ, sayshe, οἱ συμπεσλεγ μένοι; καὶ δολεροὶ λόγοι. 1)" Ab.
lancourt was aware of the difficulty of this word, and
has left it out. Nothing surprises me so much, as that
Hutchinson, after having so justly condemned reversus
in his notes, should follow it in his translation, The
French language has an expression, which very pro-
perly explains ὑποστρέψας in this place, detournant le

coup. :
2C

202

him ; if not, do whatever you think expedient
to your advantage ;” for he would not acquaint
even these with his purpose. After this, when
it was sunset, he assembled the generals and
captains, and spoke to them as follows : “ Gen-
tlemen, I have consulted the gods by sacrifice,
concerning marching against the king ; and the
victims, with great reason, forbid it; for I am
now informed, that between us and the king
lies the Tigris, a navigable river, which we
cannot pass without boats, and these we have
not ; neither is it possible for us to stay
here, for we are without provisions. But the
victims were very favourable to the design of
joining Cyrus’s friends. The order therefore
we ought to pursue is this: let every man re-
tire and sup upon what he has, and when the
horn sounds to rest, pack up your baggage;
when it sounds a second time, charge the
sumpter horses ; and when a third, follow your
leader, and let the baggage march next to the
river, and the heavy-armed men cover it.”
The generals and captains hearing this, depart-
ed, and did as they were directed: Clearchus
having taken upon him the command of the
army, who submitted to him, not as having
elected him to that employment, but because
they were sensible that he alone was equal to
the command, the rest being without experi-
ence. They had made from Ephesus (a city
of Ionia) to the field of battle ninety-three
marches, which amounted to five hundred and
thirty-five parasangs, or ' sixteen thousand and
fifty stadia : ? and, from the field of battle to Ba-

1 Στάδιοι πεντήκοντω καὶ ἑξακισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι. This
confirms what was advanced in note ἢ, page 170, namely,
that a parasang contained thirty stadia.

2’ Azo δὲ τῆς μάχης ἐλέγοντο εἶναι εἰς Βαξυλῶνα; στάδιοι
ἑξήκοντα καὶ τρισχίλιοι. Here must be some mistake,
probably, in the transeriber, though Xenophon says up-
on the report only, that there were three thousand and
sixty stadia from the field of battle to Babylon. How-
ever, Plutarch seems to come much nearer the truth,
when he says there were but five hundred; for, if the

reader will compute the distances mentioned by our au-.

thor from Thapsacus, where Cyrus passed the Euphrates,
to the field of battle, he will find that they amounted
to no less than four thousand six hundred and fifty
stadia. Now the ancient geographers allow no more
than four thousand eight hundred from Thapsacus to
Babylon, in following the course of the Euphrates,
which we find was the route the army took ; so that there
will, in that case, remain no more than one hundred and
fifty stadia from the field of battle to Babylon, which is
so vastly short of the distance mentioned by Xenophon,
that the difference seems to be rather owing to a fault

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK II.

bylon, it was computed there were three thou-
sand and sixty stadia.

After this, assoon asit was dark, Miltocythes,
the Thracian, with his horse, being forty in
number, and three hundred Thracian foot, de-
serted to the king. Clearchus, in the manner
he had appointed, led the rest, and about mid-

night arrived at their first camp, where they

found Arizus with his army; and the men be-
ing drawn up and standing to their arms, the
generals and captains of the Greeks went ina
body to Arizus, and both they and he, with
the most considerable men about him, took an
oath not to betray one another, and to become
allies. The Barbarians also swore that they
would conduct them without deceit. This
was the substance of the oath, which was pre-
ceded by the 3 sacrifice of a boar, a bull, a wolf,
and a ram, whose blood being all mixed together
in the hollow of a shield, the Greeks dipped
a sword therein, and the Barbarians a spear.
When they had pledged their faith, Clear-
chus said, “ Since, O Arizus! your * route
and ours are the same, say, what is your
opinion concerning our march? Shall we re-
turn the same way we came, or have you
thought of any other more convenient?” Ari-
wus answered, “ If we return the same way we
came, we shall all perish with hunger; since
we are now entirely destitute of provisions ;
for during the last seventeen days’ march, we
could supply ourselves with nothing out of the
country, even in our way hither; and, what-
ever was found there, we have consumed in
our passage; so that though the way we now
propose to take is longer, yet we shall be in no
want of provisions. We must make our first
marches as long as ever we can, to the end we

may get as far as possible from the king’s.

τος

in the transcriber, than to a mistake in those froin
whom Xenophon received his information. I am sur-
prised none of the translators have thought fit to take
notice of this passage.

8 Σφάξαντες κάπρον; &e. The custom of giving a sane-
tion to solemn leagues and treaties, by the sacrifice of
particular animals, is very ancient: thus the agreement
between the Greeks and Trojans, and the single combat
of Paris and Menelaus, which was consequent to it, was
preceded by the sacrifice of three lambs, one to the
Earth, another to the Sun, anda third to Jupiter. The
blood of the victims was often mixed with wine, and
sometimes received ina vessel, in which the contracting
parties dipped their arms, as Herodotus informs us was
practised by the Scythians.

4 Στόλος. See note 5, page 170.

perenne

<r

—-

cai “εὐιαὺ Ores ce

Pals Tage.

.
ete
᾿ς A

visions.”

“were not mistaken.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

army: for, if we can once gain two or three
days’ march of him, it will not after that be in
his power to overtake us: since with a small
army he will not dare to follow us, and with a
great one he will not be able to make quick
marches ; it is also probable he may want pro-
This, says he, is my opinion.

This scheme for the march of the army was
calculated for nothing but a retreat or a flight ;
but fortune proved a more glorious conductor.
As soon therefore as it was day they began
their march, with the sun on their right, ex-
pecting to arrive by sunset at some village that
lay in the country of Babylon, and in this they
But ‘in the afternoon
they thought they saw the enemy’s horse ; upon
which not only the Greeks, who happened to
have left their ranks, ran to them in all haste,
but Arizus also alighting, (for being wounded
he was carried in a chariot,) put on his corslet,
as did all those about him. But while they
were arming, the scouts, who had been sent
out, brought word, that they were not horse,
but only sumpter horses at pasture, whence
every one presently concluded that the king’s
camp was not far off: for a smoke also appear-
ed in the neighbouring villages. However,
Clearchus did not lead them against the enemy
(for he knew the men were tired, and had
eaten nothing all day, besides it was late ;)
neither did he march out of the way, avoiding
the appearance of a flight; but leading them
directly forward, at sunset he quartered with
the vanguard, in the villages nearest to him,
out of which the king’s army had carried away
even the timber that belonged to the houses.
Those who arrived first, encamped with some
kind of uniformity, but the others who follow-
ed, coming up when it was dark, quartered as
they could, and made so great a noise in call-
ing out to one another, that the enemy heard
them, of whom those who lay nearest to the
Greeks ran away, leaving even their tents;
which being known the next day, no sumpter
horses or camp appeared, neither was there any
smoke to be seen in the neighbourhood: and
the king himself it seems was struck at the
approach of our army, by what he did the
next day.

On the other side, the night advancing, the
Greeks also were seized with fear, which was

LS ᾽ὃὃ ὁὃΘῪ

ὅ ᾿Αμφὶ δείλην. See note 7, page 187.

203

attended with a tumult and noise, usual in such
cases ; upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmides
of Elis, the best crier of his time, whom he

happened to have with him, to command si-

lence, and make proclamation from the com-
manders, that whoever gave information of the
person who had turned the ° ass into the quar-
ter of the heavy-armed men, should receive the
reward of a silver talent. By this proclama-
tion, the soldiers understood that their fear
was vain, and their commanders safe. At
break of day, Clearchus ordered the Greeks to
stand to their arms in the same disposition
they had observed in the action.

11. What I said concerning the king’s
being terrified at our approach, became then
manifest; for, having sent to us the day before,
demanding our arms, he sent also heralds by sun-
rise to treat of a truce: who, coming to the
out-guards, inquired for the commanders.
Clearchus, who was then viewing the ranks,
ordered them to stay till he was at leisure;
and, as soon as he had drawn up the army
with much elegance, *the ranks being clos-
ed on all sides, and no unarmed men to be

LL Ῥ΄ ΄΄ ἝἽ

ΟοΟς ἂν ἀφιέντω τὸν ὄνον εἰς τὼ ὅπλων &e, Hutchin-
son, I think, very justly finds fault with Leunclavius
for changing τὸν ὄνον into τὸν φόρον, without the authority
of any manuscript; for, as he observes, we find in the
beginning of this book, that they had asses among their
beasts of burden: but then I cannot think evxercitud in
Leunclavius, or in castra in Hutchinson, a close trans-
lation of εἰς τὼ ὅπλα; which last sense I find D’Ablan.
court has also given to it. I rather take τὰ é7A@ in this
place to signify the quarter of the heavy-armed men, in
which sense I dare say our author uses it afterw ards,
where he says that Proxenus and himself were walking
πρὸ τῶν ὅπλων ; and in this sense I am sure Thucydides
uses the word in the beginning of the third book, where
he says, that ‘‘the Peloponnesians being encamped in
Attica, laid waste the country, till the Athenian horse
coming up, put a stop to the excursions of the light.
armed men, and hindered them from leaying the heavy-
armed, and continuing their depredations i in the neigh-
bourhood of the city : 2? Tov πλεῖστον ὅμειλον τῶν ψιλῶν
εἶογον, τὸ μὴ προεξιόντων τῶν ὕπσλων, τὰ ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως
παπουργεῖν, where τῶν ὅπλων is explained by the Greek
Scholiast by τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.

ἢ Ὑάλαντον ἀργυφίου. See note 2, p. 169. Possibly,
the drachmz and minx of which this talent was com-
posed, might be of a different standard from those
there mentioned.

8 φάλαγγα πυκνήν. Πύκνωσις τῆς φάλαγγος; among
the Greek masters of tactics signifies properly the clos-
ing both of the ranks and files. Ἔστι πύξνωσις μὲν ἐπ τοῦ
ἀραιοτέρου ἐς σὸ πυκνότερον συναγωγὴ κατὰ παραστάτην τε
καὶ ἐπιστάτην. Arrian. This is unfortunately render-
ed by D’Ablancourt apres avoir range Varmce en ba-
taille au meilleur etat qwelle put etre.

204

seen, sent for the messengers; came forward
himself, attended by those of his soldiers who
were the best armed, and most graceful in
their persons, desiring the rest of the generals
to do the like, and asked the messengers what
they wanted? They replied, they were per-
sons come to treat of a truce, being properly
qualified to carry messages between the king
and the Greeks. He answered, * Let the
king know, that first we must fight: for we
have nothing to dine on, and there is no man
so hardy as to mention a truce to the Greeks,
unless he first provides them a dinner.” The
messengers hereupon departed, but returning
presently, (by which it appeared that the king
was near at hand, or some other person who
Was appointed to transact this matter) brought
word, “the king thought their demand very
reasonable,” and that they had with them guides,
who, if a truce were concluded, should conduct
them to a place where they should find pro-
visions. Clearchus then asked, whether the
king proposed to comprehend those only in the
truce who went between him and them, or
whether it should extend to all? They said,
to all, till the king is informed of your propo-
5815, Whereupon Clearchus, ordering them
to withdraw immediately, held a council, where
it was resolved to conclude a truce, and to
march peaceably to the place where the provi-
sions were, and supply themselves therewith.
Clearchus said, “1 join with you in this opin-
ion ; however, I will not directly acquaint the
messengers with our resolution, but defer it
till they !}apprehend lest we should reject the
truce. I imagine that our soldiers also will lie
under the same apprehension.” Therefore,
when he thought it time, he let them know
that he would enter into a truce, and immedi-
ately ordered the guides to conduct them where
they might get provisions.

Clearchus, upon marching with his army in
order of battle, to conclude the truce, having
himself taken charge of the rear, met with
ditches and canals full of water, so that they
were not able to pass without bridges, which
they made with palm-trees, having found some

1 Ἕστ᾽ ἂν ὀκνήσωσιν οἱ ἄγγελοι. ᾿Οπνῶ: φοξοῦμαι" καὶ
πυκνῶς τούτῳ κέχρηται Σοφοκλῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ φοξεισϑαι.-
φρονοῦντα γάρ νιν οὐ;ςς ἂν ἐξέστην ὄκνῳ.
This is from Suidas, whom I quote upon this occasion,
because this word, in its general acceptation, signifies
to be unwilling, to be backward.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BooK II.

lying upon the ground, and others they cut
down. Upon this occasion it might be ob-
served, how equal Clearchus was to the com-
mand; for taking his pike in his left hand, and —
a *staff in his right, if he saw any of those he
had appointed to this service, backward in the
execution of it, he displaced him, and substi-
tuted a proper person in his room, he himself
at the same time, going into the dirt, and as-
sisting them ; so that every one was ashamed —
not to be active. He had appointed men of
thirty years of age to this service; but when
those of a more advanced age saw Clearchus
forwarding the work in person, they gave their
assistance also. Clearchus pressed it the more,
because he suspected the ditches were not al-
ways so full of water, (for it was not the season
to water the country) imagining the king had
ordered the waters to be let out, with this
view, that the Greeks might foresee great diffi-
culties attending their march. ;
At last, coming to the villages, where the
guides told them they might supply themselves
with provisions, they found plenty of corn, and
3 wine made of the fruit of the palm-tree, and
also vinegar, drawn by boiling from the same
fruit. These dates, such as we have in Greece,
they give to their domestics ; but those which
are reserved for the masters, are chosen fruit,
and worthy of admiration, both for their beauty
and size, having in all respects the appearance
of amber, and so delicious, that they are fre-
quently dried for sweet-meats. The wine
that was made of it was sweet to the taste,
but apt to give the head-ache. Here the sol-
diers eat, for the first time, ‘the pith of the

9. Ἔν δὲ τῇ δεξιᾷ βακτηριάν. The Lacedemonian com-
manders carried a staff or stick, (I am afraid of calling
it a cane) possibly for the same purpose as the Roman
centurions used a vitis, that is, to correct their soldiers,
Thucydides gives one to Astyochus, the Lacedzmonian

‘commander ; and we find in Plutarch, that Eurybiades,

the Lacedzemonian admiral, and Themistocles, differing
in opinion concerning the operations of their united
fleet, the former, impatient of contradiction, held up his
stick, threatening to strike Themistecles, who, instead
of being diverted by this outrage from supporting his
opinion, upon which he knew the safety of all Greece
depended, generously sacrificed his resentment for a
private indignity to his zeal for the public good, and
made him that memorable answer, ‘* Strike, if you will,
but hear me,” πάταξον μὲν, ἄκουσον dé

3 Oives φοινίκων. See note 4, page 182.

4 Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον τοῦ φοίνικος. Pliny and Theophrastus
both say that the pith here mentioned grows on the tep
of the palm-tree.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

palm-tree, many admiring’ both the 5 figure and
its peculiar sweetness, although it also occa-
sioned violent head-aches ; but the palm-tree,
whence this pith was taken, withered entirely.
Here they staid three days ; during which Tis-
saphernes, with the queen’s brother, and three
other Persians, coming from the great king,
attended by many slaves, were met by the
Greek generals, when Tissaphernes, by an in-
terpreter, first spoke in the following manner :
“Tlive, O Greeks! in the neighbourhood
of Greece ; and seeing you involved in many
insuperable difficulties, looked upon it as a
ὁ piece of good fortune that I had room to re-
quest the king to allow me to conduct you safe
into Greece: for I imagine I shall find no
want of gratitude either in you or in the whole
Greek nation; upon which consideration, I
made my request to the king, alleging, that I
had a title to this favour, because I was the
first person who informed him that Cyrus was
marching against him, and, together with this
information, brought an army to his assistance ;
and also, because I was the only commander
in that part of the army, opposite to the
Greeks, who did not fly, but broke through
and joined the king in your camp, whither he
came, after he had killed Cyrus; and, with
these troops, here present, who are most faith-
ful to him, I pursued the Barbarians belonging
to Cyrus. These things, the king said, he
would. take into consideration ; but command-
ed me to ask you, what motive induced you to
make war upon him? I advise you to answer
with temper, that I may, with the greater ease,
obtain some favour for you, from the king.”

5 Εἶδος. I cannot like genus ipsum in the Latin
translators for εἶδος : had Xenophon meant the kind of
food, as Hutchinson, I find, understands it, since he has
added the word οὐδὲ, he sure would-also have added τοῦ
ἐδέσμιατος. rather think that our author meant the
particular figure of it, which is no uncommon significa-
tion of the word εἶδος : D’Ablancourt has also under-
steod it in this sense.

6 Εὔφημα ἐποιησάμην. In this sense εὕρημα is used
by Thucydides, where Nicias tells the Athenians that
the affairs of the Lacedemonians having taken an un-
happy turn, they would look uponit as ‘a piece of good
fortune to have it in their power immediately to hazard
a battle,” ἐκείνοις δὲ δυστυχοῦσιν, ὅτι τάχιστα Wenn εἶναι
ΠΩ Ἢ I think Leunclavius has not said pro-
perly, reperiundum mihi aliquid duxi ; how much hap-
pier has Hutchinson rendered it, im lucro mihi deputan-
dum censui? Jai tache d’apporter quelque remede avos
maux in D’ Ablancourt, has not the least pretence to a
translation to this passage.

205

Upon this the Greeks withdrew, and, hav-
ing consulted together, Clearchus made an-
swer: ‘* We did not come together with a
design of making war upon the king, neither
did we march against him: but Cyrus found
many pretences, as you very well know, that
he might take you unprepared, and lead us
hither. However, when we saw him in diffi-
culties, our respect both to gods and men,
would not allow us to abandon him, especially’
since we had formerly given ourselves leave to
receive obligations from him: but since Cyrus
is dead, we neither contend with the king for
his kingdom, nor have any reason to desire to
infest his country: neither do we mean to
destroy him, but to return home, provided no
one molests us; but if any man offers an injury
to us, we shall, with the assistance of the gods,
endeavour to revenge it. Andif any one con-
fers a favour on us, we shall not, to the ut-
most of our power, be behind- hand in return-
ing it.”

Tissaphernes, in answer to shes, essen Bt
shall acquaint the king, and immediately return
with his sentiment; till then, 7let the truce
continue: in the mean time we will providea
market for you.” The next day he did not
return, which gave the Greeks some uneasi- Ὁ
ness ; but the third day he came, and informed
them, ‘‘ that he had prevailed upon the king to
allow him to conduct them safe to Greece,
though many opposed it, alleging that it was
8 unbecoming the dignity of the king, to suffer
those to escape who had made war upon bim.”
He concluded thus: ‘“‘ And now you may rely
upon the assurance we give you, that we will
effectually cause the country to treat you as
friends, conduct you without guile into Greece,
and provide a market for you: and whenever
we do not provide one, we allow you to supply
yourselves out of the country. On your side,
you must take an oath to us, that you will
march as through a friend’s country, without
doing any damage to it, and only supply your-
selves with meat and drink, when we do not
provide a market for you; and when we do,

7 Αἱ σπονδαὶ μενόντων. See note 4, page 184.

8 ‘Qs οὐκ ἄξιον εἴη βασιλεῖ. Thucydides uses this word
in the same sense, where the ambassadors of Platza tell
Archidamus and the Lacedemonians, that by making an
irruption into their country, they act unjustly, and ina
manner unbecoming both themselves and their ances-
tors, οὐ δίκαιω ποιεῖτε, οὐδ᾽ ἄξια οὔτε ὑμῶν οὔτε πατέρων ὧν
ἐστε, εἰς γῆν τὴν Πλαταιέων στρατεύοντες.

206

that you will pay for what you want.” This
was agreed upon; and Tissaphernes, with the
queen’s brother, took the oath, and gave their
hands to the Greek generals and captains, and
received those of the Greeks; after which,
Tissaphernes said, “I must now return to
*the king, and, when I have despatched what
is necessary, I will come back to you with all
things in readiness both to conduct you into
Greece, and return myself to my own govern-
ment.”

IV. Hereupon, the Greeks and Arizus,
being encamped near to one another, waited
for Tissaphernes above twenty days: during
which, the brothers, and other relations of Ari-
wus, came to him, and some of the Persians
came to those who were with him, giving them
encouragement, and assurances from the king,
that he would forget their taking up their arms
against him in favour of Cyrus, and every
thing else that was past. While these things
were transacting, it was manifest that Arizus
and his people paid less regard to the Greeks :

many of whom, therefore, being dissatisfied, |
came to Clearchus, and to the rest of the gen- |
| barians, how little that faith is to be relied on.”
| He said a great deal more to the same purpose.

erals, saying, ‘© Why do we stay here? Do we
not know, that the king desires, above all
things, to destroy us, to the end that all the
rest of the Greeks may be deterred from mak-

XENOPHON ON THE

ing war against him? He now seduces us to.

stay, because his army is dispersed, which be-
ing re-assembled, it is not to be imagined but
that he will attack us: possibly also he may
obstruct our march, either by digging a trench,

or raising a wall in some convenient place, in |

such a manner as to render it impracticable.
3 For he will never willingly suffer us to return
to Greece, and publish, that, being so few in
number, we have defeated his army at the very
gates of his palace, and returned in triumph.”
Clearchus replied to those who alleged this:
“1 consider all these things as well as you;

1 Ὡς βασιλέα. See note 4, page 170.

2 Οὐ γάρ ποτε ἑκών γε βουλήσεται ἡμᾶς ἐλϑόντας εἰς τὴν
Ἑλλάδα ἀπαγγέϊλαι, ὡς ἡμεῖς τοσοῖδε ὄντες ἐνικῶμεν τὴν
βασιλέως δύναμιν ἐπὶ τοῖς ϑύραις αὐτοῦ, καὶ καταγελά-
cavres ἀπήλϑομεν. Ihave transcribed this period, that
the reader may confront it with D’ Ablancourt’s trans-
lation. Thus he has rendered it, ‘‘ car il ne souffrira
jamais que nous repassions en Grece pour y publier
notre gloire et sa honte.” This is one of those many
periods in that translator, the vivacity of which could
not fail to please, were they not designed for transla-
tions.

ee ee

‘[Boox It.

but I consider at the same time, that, if we now
depart, it will be thought our intention is to
declare war, and to act contrary to the terms
of the truce; the consequence of which will
be, that no one will provide a market for us,
or a place where we may supply ourselves:
besides, we shall have no guide to conduct us;
and the moment we enter upon these measures,
Arizus will desert us; so that we shall pre-
sently have no friend left, and even those who
were so before, will become our enemies. I
do not know whether we have any other river

_to pass, but we all know that it is not possible

for us to pass the Euphrates, if the enemy
oppose it. If we are obliged to fight, we have
no horse to assist us, whereas those of the
enemy are very numerous, and very good; so

that, if we conquer, how many shall we be able

to kill? And, if we are conquered, none of us
can possibly escape. Therefore I do not see
why the king, who is possessed of so many
advantages, should, if he desires to destroy us,
think it necessary first to take an oath, and
pledge his faith, then to provoke the gods by
perjury, and show both the Greeks and Bar-

In the meantime Tissaphernes arrived with
his forces, as if he designed to return home,
and with him Orontas also with his men, and
the king’s daughter, whom he had married.
From thence they began their march, . Tissa-
phernes leading the way, and providing them
with a market. Arizus marched at the head
of the Barbarians, who had served under Cyrus,
with Tissaphernes and Orontas, and encamp-
ed with them. The Greeks, being diffident of
these, marched by themselves, having guides
to conduct them. Lach of them always en-
camped separately at the distance of a para-
sang, or less; and were each upon their guard
against one another, as against an enemy ; and
this immediately created a suspicion. Some-
times, while they were providing themselves
with wood, forage, or other things of that na-
ture, they came to blows; which also bred ill
blood between them. After three days’ march,
they came to, and passed through the wall of
Media, * which was built with burned bricks

3 Ἦν δὲ azodounuivey πλίνϑοις ὀπταῖς ty ἀσφάλτω
πειμέναις. The walls of Babylon were also built with
burned bricks, cemented with bitumen instead of mortar :

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

laid in bitumen: being twenty feet in thick-
ness, one hundred in height, and, as it was
said, twenty parasangs in length, and not far
from Babylon.

From thence they made, in two days’ march,
eight parasangs, and passed two canals, one
upon a bridge, the other upon seven pontons.
4 These canals were derived from the Tigris:
from them ditches were cut that ran into the
country, the first, broad, then narrower, which
at last ended in small water-courses, such as
are used in Greece to water panic. Thence
they came to the river Tigris, near which stood
a large and populous city, called Sitace, at the
distance of fifteen stadia from the river; the
Greeks encamped close to the town, near a

Jarge and beautiful * park, thick with trees of

every kind, and the Barbarians on the other
side of the Tigris, but out of sight of our army.
After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happen-
ed to be walking before the ὅ quarter where the
heayy-armed men lay encamped; when a man
came and asked the out-guards, where he
might *speak with Proxenus or Clearchus ;

ἑλκύσαντες Ot, says Herodotus, tA Sous izavaes, ὥστησαν,
αὐτὰς ἐν xormeivoros’ μετὼ δὲ τέλματι χρεώμενοι ἀσφάλτω
Jeeu7e Yam convinced, from these and several other
passages among the ancients, that they employed raw
bricks for many uses, otherwise it cannot well be under-
stood why these two authors should lay so much stress
upon these bricks being burned. But this is not all: I
am persuaded that the directions given by Vitruvius and
- Palladius, for making bricks, relate chiefly to raw
bricks, for they both direct the ezrth, of which
the bricks are made, to be wrought up with straw.
These directions are, no doubt, very proper, where
the bricks are not to be burned, because the straw
holds the earth together: but, if bricks made in
this manner were to be burned, the consequence would
be, that the straw being consumed in the fire, as many
pieces of straw as there were in every brick, so many
hollow places there would be in them. There is a pas-
sage in Pausanias, where he tells us, that Agesipolis,
making an irruption into the country of Mantinea, turn-
ed the river Ophis, that ran near the town, against the
wall, and, by that means, dissolved it: the reason he
gives for it is, that it was built of raw brick, ὠμῆς azo-
Oounwévyes τῆς πλίνϑου. Upon this occasion, he says,
that raw bricks are better to resist battering engines,
than stones, because they are not so subject to break and
fly out of their courses; but then he adds, that raw
bricks are as easily dissolved by water, as wax is by
the sun.

4 Αὖται δὲ FJ ἦσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ Tiyenros ποταμοῦ.
5, page 187.

5 ᾿Εγγὺς Παραδείσου. See note 8, page 17].

6 Πρὸ τῶν ὅπλων. See note 5, page 170.

7 Ποῦ ἂν ἴδοι Πρόξενον ἢ Κλέαρχον. Both the Latin
translators haye said ubinam Prowenum vel Clearchwm

See note

207

but did not enquire for Menon, though he
came from Arizus, with whom Menon lived
in 5 hospitality: and, when Proxenus told him
he was the person he inquired after, the man
said, “«“ Arizus and Artaezus, who were faith.
ful to Cyrus, and wish you well, sent me to
advise you, to stand upon your guard, lest the
Barbarians attack you to-night, there being
numerous forces posted in the neighbouring
park. They advise you also to send a detach-
ment to guard the bridge over the Tigris, be-
cause Tissaphernes designs, if he can, to break
it down to-night; to the end, that you may
not be able to pass the river, but be shut in be-
tween the Tigris and the canal.” Hereupon,
they carried him to Clearchus, and informed
him of what he said; upon which, Clearchus
was in great consternation; when a young
man, who was present, having considered the
matter, said, “ To attack us, and break down
the bridge too, are things inconsistent ; for it
is plain, if they attack us, they must either.
conquer, or be conquered: if they conquer,
why should they break down the bridge ? for,
in that case, though there were many bridges,
we should have no place to retreat to with
safety: on the other side, if we conquer them,
and the bridge be broken down, they them-
selves will have no place to fly to; neither can
the rest of their army, though in great numbers
on the other side, if they break it down, give
them any assistance.”

Clearchus, hearing this, asked the messenger,®
of what extent the country was, that lay be-
tween the Tigris and the canal; he answering,
it was of a large extent, and contained, besides

repertrent ; D’ Ablancourt has translated it in the same
sense. There is a passage in Thucydides which induces
me to differ from them. He says, τὸν Ileedizzoev—
ἠνάγκασαιν; mely τὸν Βρασίδων ἰδεῖν-τπροαπελϑεῖν ; where
πρὶν τὸν Βρασίδαν ἰδεῖν is thus explained by the Greek
Scholiast, ποὶν διαλεχ ϑῆναι τῷ Βρασίδα, οὕτω γὰρ οἱ ᾽Ατ-ο
τικοὶ λέγουσιν» ὡς τὸ ἰδεῖν τί σε ECovrduny ἀντὶ τοῦ δεαλε-
χϑῆναι coi τι. And indeed frequent instances of this
Atticism are to be met with in the best authors,

8 Ξένου. See note 7, page 169.

9 Πόση τις εἴη χῶροα. D’Ablancourt has visibly mis-
taken the sense of this expression. He says, “" Clearque
demanda au messanger quel etoit le pais entre le Tigre
et le Canal,” whereas πόσος denotes quantity, not qua-
lity, as the grammarians speak: for which reason he
should have said, “de quelle etendue etoit le pais ;” had
Xenophon said voice τις εἴη yea, his translation would
have been proper. The Latin translators have rendered
it as they ought. What uu have said is justified by the
messenger’s answer, ὁ δὲ εἶτεν ὅτι πολλή.

208

villages, many large cities ; they concluded that .
the Barbarians had sent this man insidiously,’
from an apprehension, lest the Greeks should
not pass the bridge, but remain in the island,
which was defended on one side by the Tigris,
and on the other by the canal; where the coun-
try that lay between, being large and fruitful,
and in no want of labourers to cultivate it,
might both supply them with provisions, and
afford them a retreat, if they were disposed to
make war upon the king: after which, they
went to rest; however, they sent a detachment
to guard the bridge: but no attempt of any kind
was made upon their camp, neither did any of

1 ᾿Οχνοῦντες μὴ of “Ἑλληνες διελϑόντες τὴν γέφυραν; μέ-
νοιεν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ. 50 the Latin translators give the text,
without taking any notice of a very great difficulty that
occurs in it ; but, in order to understand this, let us cast
our eyes upon the situation of the Greeks. They had
passed the last of the two canals that lay in their way,
and were now encamped under the walls of a town call-
ed Sitace, that stood close to the river Tigris. While
they lay there, the Persians, who were encamped on the
other side of that river, sent this insidious message to
them. But what was the occasion of this message? Cer-
tainly not the fear, lest the Greeks, after they had pass-
ed the bridge, should remaiu in the island, ‘* ne Greci
cum transiissent pontem, in insula manerent,’? as
Hutchinson has translated it. The bridge, Xenophon
has told us, lay over the Tigris, and the island was the
country that lay between that river and the canal they
had already passed, which island Xenophon has already~
told us in two places, was a large and plentiful country,
and very populous, The end of this message, therefore,
was to divert the Greeks from staying in this island, for
the reasons alleged by our author, and the readiest way
to effect that, was to induce them to pass the Tigris im-
mediately, from an apprehension lest the enemy should
break down the bridge; and, that the view of the Per-
sians was to engage them to pass the river, and not to
prevent them from doing so, as Hutchinson and Leun-
clavius have translated it, appears very plainly from
their behaviour afterwards ; for we find they did not at-
tempt to molest them in their passage. By this time I
believe the reader is satisfied there must be some fault
in the text, which I will venture to cure by the addition
of one little word; if we read, ὀκνοῦντες μὴ οἱ “Ἑλληνες
μὴ διελϑόντες τὴν γέφυραν, μένοιεν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, the sense
will be complete ; and that this correction, which is the
first Ihave made, may not seem too bold, I will put the
reader in mind of a passage in our author, where there
is exactly the same turn of phrase Iam here contending
for. He says of his master Socrates, ἐθαύμαζε δ᾽ εἴ τις
ἀρετὴν ἐπαγγελλόμενος, ἀργύριον πράττοιτο, καὶ μὴ νεμοΐφοι
πὸ μέγιστον κέρδος ἕξειν, φίλον ἄνϑρωπον “τησά μενος ἀλλὰ
φοξεῖτο μὴ ὁ γενόμενος καλὸς κώγαϑὸς; τῷ τὼ μέγιστα εὐερ--
γετήσωντι μὴ τὴν μεγίστην χάφιν ἔχοι. TD’ Ablancourt, by
his translation, seems to have been aware of this diffi-
culty, in which he must be allowed to have the advan-
tage over the Latin translators, though neither he nor
they have said one word to clearit up, or even to discover
it.

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book Il. ©

the enemy come up to the bridge, as the guards
informed us. The next morning by break of
day they passed the bridge, which was support-
ed by thirty-seven pontons, with all possible
precaution : for some of the Greeks, who were
with Tissaphernes, sent word that the enemy
designed to attack them in their passage; but
this did not prove true. However, while they
were passing the river, Glus appeared with
some others, observing whether they passed it

or not: when, perceiving they did, he rode off. -

From the Tigris they made, in four days’
march, twenty parasangs, and came to the
river Physcus, one hundred feet in breadth,
having a bridge over it. Here stood a large
and populous city, called Opis, where they
were met by a natural brother to Cyrus and
Artaxerxes, who was marching to the assist-
ance of the king, at the head of a numerous
army, which he had drawn out of Susa and Ec-
batana ; and, causing his troops to halt, he took
a view of the Greeks as they passed by him.
Clearcbhus led his men two by two, standing
still from time to time. Thus, while the van-
guard halted, the whole army was obliged to
stand still, which made their forces appear very
numerous, even to the Greeks themselves ; and
the Persian was struck with the sight. From
thence he made, in six days’ march, thirty pa-
rasangs, through the desert part of Media, and
arrived at the villages belonging to Parysatis,
the mother to Cyrus and Artaxerxes. These
Tissaphernes, to insult the memory of Cyrus,
gave the Greeks leave to plunder of every thing
but slaves ; by which means they found a great
quantity of corn, ?cattle, and *other things.
From thence they made twenty parasangs, in
five days’ march, through a desert, having the
Tigris on their left. At the end of their first
day’s march, they saw a large and rich city, on
the other side of the river. called Czenze, whence
the Barbarians transported bread, cheese, and
wine, ὁ upon rafts made of skins.

V. After that, they came to the river Zaba-
tus, four hundred feet in breadth, where they
staid three days, during which time there were
jealousies, but no evidence of treachery: Cle-
archus therefore resolved to have a conference
with Tissaphernes, and, if possible, to put an
end to these jealousies, before they broke out

2 Tlecbarae ἸΠρόδατα, πάντα τὰ τετράποδα. Suidas.
3 Χρήματα. See note 7, page 175.
4 Σχεδίαις. See note 2, page 182.

Ϊ

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

into hostilities: with this view he sent a per-
son, to let him know that he desired a confer-
ence with him. Tissaphernes having readily
answered, “‘ he might come ;” Clearchus spoke
thus: “Iam sensible, O Tissaphernes ! that
we have sworn, and pledged our faith, not to
do any injury to one another. Notwithstand-

ing which, I observe you are upon your guard |

against us, as against an enemy; and we, per-
ceiving this, stand also upon our guard. But
since, upon consideration, I cannot find that you
endeavour to do us any mischief, and am very
sure that we have not tbe least thought of hurt-
ing you, I judged it proper to have a conference
with you, to the end that we might, if possible,
extinguish our mutual diffidence: for I have
known men, who, while through calumnies or
jealousies, they stood in fear of one another,
have, with a view of inflicting a mischief be-
fore they received one, done irreparable injuries
to those, who never had either the intention or
desire to hurt them. As therefore I am of
opinion that such mistakes are easiest removed
by conferences, I come with an intention of
convincing you, that you have no reason to dis-
trust us: for to mention the first, which is of
the greatest moment, our oaths, to which we
have called the gods to witness, forbid us to be
enemies ; and that person who is conscious to
himself of having neglected them, in my opinion
can never be happy ; for whoever becomes the
object of divine wrath, I know no swiftness
can save him, no darkness hide him, no strong
place defend him ; since, in all places, all things
are subject to their power, and every where
they are equally lords of all. This is my opin-
ion concerning both our oaths, and the gods,
-whom, by our agreement, we have made the
depositaries of our friendship. As to human
advantages, I look upon you to be the greatest
we can promise ourselves at this juncture; for
while we are with you, every road is pervious,
every river passable, and we are sure to know
no want: but without you, every road becomes
obscure, (for we are utterly unacquainted with
them,) every river impassable, every multitude
terrible, and solitude the most terrible of all ;
for 5 that is attended with the want of every

5 Μεστὴ πολλῆς ἀπορίας ἐστίν. The Latin translators do
not seem to have attended to the general contrast there
is between these two periods, otherwise they would not
have rendered μεστὴ πολλῆς ἀπορίοιςγ multis difficultatibus
referta ; for,as ὁδὸς διὰ σπότους is opposed to ὁδὸς εὔπορος,

209

thing. If therefore we should arrive to such a
degree of madness, as to put you to death, what
should we do else but destroy our benefactor ;
and still have the king, the most powerful of
all © avengers, to contend with? I shall now
let you see what hopes I should deprive myself
of, if I endeavoured to hurt you. I desired to
make Cyrus my friend, because I looked upon
him as the most capable of all men living to
serve those he wished well to. Now, I find,
you have not only obtained the army, but the
country, that belonged to Cyrus, as an accession

to your own; and that the king’s power, of

which he felt the weight, is become your sup-
port. In these circumstances, therefore, who
would be so mad as not to desire to be your
friend? Yet, further, I shall let you know

| upon what I found my hopes, that you will also

desire to be a friend to us: I know the Mysi-
ans are troublesome to you; these, with the
forces uuder my command, I hope I ean oblige
to submit to your power: I know the same
thing of the Pisidians, and am informed that
many other nations are in the same disposition,
who, by my means, shall cease for ever to dis-
turb your happiness. I find you are incensed
against 7 the Egyptians more than against any
other nation, and cannot see what forces you
can better employ than ours, to assist you in
chastising them. If you desire to be a friend
to any of your neighbours, your friendship,
through our means, will become most valuable ;
and, if any of them molest you, you may, as
their superior, destroy them by our assistance ;
for we shall not only be subservient to you for
the sake of our\pay, but also in return for the
obligation we shall justly owe to you, as our
deliverer- «When I consider all these things, I
am so mueh surprised to find you diffident of
us, that Zwould willingly know the person who
is so powerful an orator as to persuade you,

and πᾶς ποτωμὸς δύσπορος to πᾶς ποταμοὺς διαξατὸς», so
\ ~ ἐν , Ξ oe ~ 2 ὡ»

μεστὴ πολλῆς ἀπορίοις is visibly opposed to τῶν ἐπιτηδείων
οὐκ ἀπορίω. D’Ablancourt has, in my opinion, said
much better, parce qu’elle traine apres soy la necessite,

6 Egedeov. “Egedgosy according to the Greek Scholiast

. 4 e

upon Sophocles, is properly ὁ παρεσκευωσι μένος, ὅτων δύο
τινὲς πωλαίωσι, πωλαίσειν τῷ νικήσωντι. Plutarch very
beautifully applies this to Telesinus, who was very near
defeating Sylla, after so many victories, at the gates of
Rome, τὸν μέντοι τολευταῖον ky diver, πκοϑϑάπερ ἔφεδρος ἀϑλη-

\ , ‘ ε ͵ὔ ͵, > Sax ΘᾺ
τὴς κωταπόνῳ προσενεχ εὶς ὁ Σαννίτης Tererivos, ἐψγὺς ἦλ 6
τοῦ σφῆλαι καὶ κωταδωλεῖν ἐπὶ ϑύραις τῆς Ῥώμης. This
cannot be preserved in a modern translation.

ἡ Αἰγυπτίους. See note 7, page 20).

2D

210

that we form designs against you.” Tissa-
phernes answered him as follows :

“ Tam pleased, O Clearchus, to hear you
speak with so much prudence; for, while you
entertain these thoughts, if you should medi-
tate any thing against me, you would, at the
same time, act contrary to your own interest :
but do you hear me in your turn, while I inform
you, that yourselves cannot with justice distrust
either the king or me; for, if we were desirous
to destroy you, do you think we are in any want
of numerous horse or foot to effect it? or of
arms defensive and offensive, with which we
have it in our power to do you mischief, without
the danger of receiving any? or do you think
we want proper places to attack you? Are
there not ‘so many plains inhabited by our
friends, through which you must march with
great difficulty? So many mountains within
your sight, over which your road lies, and
which, by our possessing ourselves of them, we
can render impassable to you? So many rivers
which afford us the advantage of choosing out
what numbers of you we think proper to en-
gage? Some of these you cannot even pass
but by our assistance. But say we are inferior
in all these; fire at least will prove superior to

‘the fruits of the earth. By burning these, we
‘ean oppose famine to you, with which, though
you are ever so brave, you will not be able to
contend. Why, therefore, should we, who
have so many opportunities of making war
upon you, none of which carry any danger with
them, choose the only one of all these, that is
both impious and dishonourable; the refuge of
those, who are destitute of all others, distress-
ed and driven to corres who, being at
the same time wicked men, resol

so void of reason. When it was in our power
to destroy you, why did we not attempt it?
Be assured, the desire I had of approving my
fidelity to the Greeks was the reason; and
that, as Cyrus marched against the king, rely-
ing on foreign forces, from the pay he gave
them, so I might return home supported by
the same troops, from the obligations I had
conferred on them. As to the many things,
in which you may be of service to me, some
of them you have mentioned; but I know
which is the greatest: It is the prerogative of

XENOPHON ON THE

the king .to wear ὁ an upright turban upon his
head ; but, with your assistance, possiblyanother

may with some confidence, wear it in his

heart.” é
Clearchus thinking all he said to be true,
replied : “Since, therefore, we have so many
motives to be friends, do not those who, by
calumnies endeavour to make us enemies, de-
serve the severest punishment?” “If you,”
says Tissaphernes, “ with the rest of the gen-

erals and captains, think fit to come to me in |

public, I will acquaint you with those who
aver that you have designs against me and my
army.” “TI will bring them all,” says Clear-
chus; “and, at the same time, let you know,
in my turn, whence I received my information
concerning you.”

As soon as this conference was over, Tissa-
phernes showed him great civility, and, desir-
ing him to stay, entertained him at supper.
The next day Clearchus, returning to the
camp, made it manifest that he entertained
very friendly thoughts of Tissaphernes, and
gave an account of what he proposed. He
said, those Tissaphernes demanded ought to
go to him; and that the persons who were
found to be the authors of these calumnies,
ought to be punished as traitors, and ill-af-
fected to the rest of the Greeks: for fe sus-
pected Menon to be one of them, knowing
that he and Arizus had been in conference
with Tissaphernes, and that he was forming a
party against him, and intriguing in order to
draw the whole army to a dependence upon
himself; and, by that means, to recommend
himself to Tissaphernes. Clearchus also him-
self was no less solicitous to engage the esteem
ot the whole army, and to remove those who
opposed him: but some of the soldiers, in
contradiction to him, said, that all the generals
and captains ought not to go, neither ought
they to trust Tissaphernes. However, Clear-

_ 1 Tidgay egSz. Most anthors who treat of the αἵ.
fairs of Persia, have taken notice of this custom; but
there is a print of it on a Persian monument found
among the ruins of Persepolis by De Bruyn, anid given
by Gronovius in his notes upon Herodotus, to show that
this is the very monument the latter says Darius Hys.
taspes caused to be erected in honour of his horse and
groom to whom he owed the kingdom. I take no no-
tice of the reasons alleged by Gronovius to support his
conjecture, which seems well founded, beeause this
monument is here exhibited with another view, name-
ly, to let the reader see the difference of the turbans
worn by the kings and subjects of Persia.

[| BOOK Il.

XENOPHON

ON THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

BOOK III.

CONTENTS or BOOK III.

1. The Greeks anguishing in grief, Xenophon begins to arouse the courage of the colonels, who had been under ;
Proxenus—Apollonides stupidly opposes Xenophon, and is therefore expelled his ravk and occupation—The —
rest of the surviving generals assemble and are addressed by Xenophon in a vigorous speech—New commanders .
are immediately elected.—II. The troops briefly exhorted by Cheirisophus and Cleanor, in a longer and eloquent
speech by Xenophon, to prepare themselves valiantly to fight—His speech applauded, and he proceeds to lay
down his plan for the conduct of the army, by the appointment of commanders to the several corps.—IIL At
the moment of departure the Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend—He incurs their suspicions, and they
decree that as long as they shall remain in the enemy’s territury, they will enter into no negotiations for peace
or truce with the Persian king—On their passage of the river Zabatus, they are so harassed by Mithridates :
that Xenophon is made sensible of the great want the army had of slingers and horsemen—By his advice these
two services are established.—IV. Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, and is easily repulsed—They arrive at
the river Tigris—Here Tissaphernes attacks them with an immense force; but to no effect—To march more
securely, the Grecks adopt a change in the disposition of their army—lIn this way they arrive at a part of the
road obstructed by hills, in crossing over which they are harassed by the enemy, until they take up their quar.
ters in some villages—Setting out thence on the fourth day, they are compelled to throw themselves into another
village, from which marching forth at nightfall, they perform so long a route, that it is only on the fourth day
the enemy overtakes them—Having occupied a hill, under which was the narrow descent into the plain, the
Barbarians are thence dislodged by Xenophon.—V. As soon as the Greeks descend into the plain the Barbarians
again make their appearance, and haying killed some of the Greeks, they begin to set fire to the villages—in-
closed between the Tigris and the Carduchian mountains, the Greeks consult on the plan of their march—They
reject the plan of the Rhodian, who offers to pass them over on a bridge of leathern bottles, and marching some
distance backwards the next day, they make diligent inquiry of the prisoners concerning the nature of the sur- .
rounding eountries—They determine to take their route through the mountains of the Carduchians, |

|
i
!
Ι

-

|
}

THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

BOOK III.

I. In the foregoing discourse, we have related
the actions of the Greeks, during the expedi-
tion of Cyrus, to the battle; and what hap-
pened after his death, when the Greeks marched
away with Tissaphernes upon the peace. After
the generals were apprehended, and the cap-
tains and soldiers who accompanied them put

to death, the Greeks were in great distress;

knowing they were not far from the king’s
palace, surrounded on all sides with many

nations and many cities, all their enemies ;

that no one would any longer supply them

with provisions: that they were distant from

Greece above ten thousand stadia, without a

guide to conduct them, and their road thither
intercepted by impassable rivers; that even
those Barbarians, who had served under Cyrus,

had betrayed them, and that they were now

left alone, without any horse to assist them.
By which it was evident, that if they overcame

the enemy, they could not destroy a man of

them in the pursuit, and if they themselves
were overcome, not one of them could escape.

These reflections so disheartened them, that

few ate any thing that evening, few maderfires,
and many that night never came to their ’ quar-
ter, * but laid themselves down, every man in

1 Ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλ. See note 6, page 203. Here it plainly
signifies that part of the camp which was appointed for

the quarters of the several companies, particularly of the |

heavy-armed men. D’Ablancourt has left it out; as he
generally does this expression where he meets with it.

2 ᾿Ανεταύετο δὲ ὅτου ἐτύγχανεν ἕκαστος, ov δυνάμενοι
καϑεύδειν ὑπὸ λύπης καὶ πόϑιου πατρίδων; γονέων, γυναι» ῶν»
παίδων, os οὔ ποτε ἐνόμιζον ἔτι Oper tose This period, so
beautifully melancholy, is cruelly mangled by D’ Ablan-
eourt, whose translation I shall also transcribe, that the
reader may compare it with the original. “* Ils etoient
si abbatus qu’ils ne pouvoient reposer, comme ne devant
plus revoir ni femme, ni enfans, ni patric.”

the place where he happened to be, unable to
sleep through sorrow, and a longing for their
country, their parents, their wives and children,
whom they never expected to see again. In
this disposition of mind they all lie down to
rest.

There was in the army am Athenian, by |
name Xenophon, who, without being a general, Ὁ
a captain, or a soldier, served as a volunteer;
for, having been long attached. to Proxenus by
the rights of hospitality, the latter sent for him
from home, with a promise, if he came, to re-
commend him to Cyrus; from whom, he said,
he expected greater advantages than from his
own country. Xenophon, having read the let-
ter, consulted Socrates the Athenian concern-
ing the voyage, who *fearing lest his country
might look upon his attachment to Cyrus as
criminal, because that prince was thought to
have espoused the interest of the Lacedemo-
nians against the Athenians with great warmth,
advised Xenophon to go to Delphos, and con-
sult the god of the place concerning the matter.
Xenophon went thither accordingly, and asked
Apollo to which. of the gods he should offer
sacrifice, and address his prayers, to the end
that he might perform the voyage he proposed
in the best and most reputable manner, and,
after a happy issue of it, return with safety.
Apollo answered, that he should sacrifice to
' oper gods. At his return, he acquainted
Socrates with this answer; who blamed him,
because he had not asked Apollo in the first
place, whether it were better for him to under-
take this voyage, than to stay at home: but,
having himself first determined to undertake it,

| 8 Kal ὁ Σωκράτης ὑποπτεύσας. See the introduction.

2 5

218

he had consulted him concerning the most pro-
per means of performing’ it with success ; but
since, says he, you have asked this, you ought
to do what the god has commanded. Xeno-
phon, therefore, having offered sacrifice to the
gods, according to the direction of the oracle,
set sail, and found Proxenus and Cyrus at
Sardes ready to march towards the Upper Asia.
Here he was presented to Cyrus, and Proxenus
pressing him to stay, Cyrus was no less earnest
in persuading him, and assured him that, as soon
as the expedition was at an end, he would dis-
miss him ; this he pretended was designed against
the Pisidians.

Xenophon, therefore, thus imposed on, en-
gaged in the enterprise, though Proxenus had
no share in the imposition, for none of the
Greeks, besides Clearchus, knew it was in-
tended against the king: but, when they arri-
ved in Cilicia, every one saw 1 the expedition
was designed against him. Then, though they
were terrified at the length of the way, and un-
willing to go on, yet the greatest part of them,
out of * a regard both to one another, and to
Cyrus, followed him: and Xenophon was of
this number, When the Greeks were in this
distress, he had his share in the general sorrow,
and was unable to rest. However, getting a
little sleep, he dreamed he thought it thundered,
and that a flash of lightning fell upon his pater-
nal house, which upon that was all in a blaze.
Immediately he awoke in a fright, and looked
upon his dream as happy in this respect, be-
cause, while he was engaged in difficulties and
dangers, he saw a great light proceeding from
Jupiter. On the other side, he was full of fear,
when he considered that the fire, by blazing all
around him, might portend that he should not
be able to get out of the king’s territories, but
should be surrounded on all sides with difficul-
ties.

: Ὃ στόλος. See note 5, page 170.
~ Al αἰσχύνην δὲ ἀλλήνων, Where any uumber of
men are embarked in the same design, they generally
meet with success, but always deserve it, if they 8.
once brought to be ambitious of one another’s,
and to stand in awe of one another’s reproaches. Ho-
mer, who knew every spring of the human soul, was
sensible how powerful a motive this mutual respect is to
a proper behaviour in a day of battle, when he makes
Agamemnon say to his men,
᾿Αλλήλους τ᾽ αἰδέῖσϑε mark πρατερὰς ὑσμίνας"
Αἰδομιένων ἀνδρῶν πλεόνες σόοι; ἠὲ πέφανται.
By the way, it is from this sense of the word αἰδὼς, that
the Latin authors have used verecundia to signify re-
spect. or a

XENOPHON ON THE

es,

‘When I cast my eyes around, and beheld how

[book il. .

{ However, the events, which were consequent
to this dream, sufficiently explain the nature of
it; for présently these things happened. As
soon as he awoke, the first thought that occur-
red to him was this, Why do I lie here? the
night wears away, and as soon as the day ap-
pears, it is probable the enemy will come and
attack us: and if we fall under the power of
the king, * what can preserve us from being
spectators of the most tragical sights, from suf-
fering the most cruel torments, and from dying
with the greatest ignominy. Yet no one makes
preparation for defence, or takes any care about
it: but here we lie, as if we were allowed to
live in quiet. From what city, therefore, do I
expect a general to perform these things ? what
age do I wait for? But, if Iabandon myself —
to the eneyhy this day, I shall never live to see
another.» Upon this, he rose, and first assem-
bled the captains who had served under Proxe-
nus; and when they were together, he said to
them, “Gentlemen! I can neither sleep (which
I suppose is your case also) nor lie any longer,
when I consider the condition to which we are _
reduced. For it is plain the enemy would not }
have declared war against us, had they not first —
made the necessary preparations, while, on our —
side, none takes any care how we may resist
them in the best manner possible. If we are
remiss, and fall under the power of the king»
what have we to expect from him, who cut off
the head and hand of bis brother, even after he
was dead, and fixed them upon a stake? How
then will he treat us, who have no support, and
have made war against him, with a design to
reduce him from the condition of a king to that
of a subject; and, if it lay in your power, to
put him to death? Will he not try the power
of every extremity, to the end, that, by torturing
us in the most ignominious manner, he may
deter all men from ever making war against
him? We ought, therefore, to do every thing,
rather than fall into his hands. While the peace
lasted, I own I never ceased to consider our-
selves as extremely miserable, and the king, .
ith those who belonged to him, equally happy.

Ἢ Ψψαν

ae
Ses Vn ea, a

ig LS

Re ue

oe F

3 Τί ἐμποδὼν μὴ οὐχὶ πάντα μὲν τὰ χαλεπώτατα toi
δόντας, πάντα δὲ τὰ δεινότατα παϑόντας: ὑδριξομένους are Ἢ
Saves 5 thus translated by D’Ablancourt, “ quelle espe- Ἢ
rance nous reste il que d’une mort cruelle?” So pa- «
thetic a description of the miseries, which our author
had then in view, deserved, methinks, that he should
have been more particular in his translation. 3

‘EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

spacious and beautiful a country they were mas-
ters of, how they abounded in provisions, slaves,
cattle, gold, and rich apparel; and, on the other
hand, reflected on the situation of our men, who
had no share of all these advantages, without
paying for them, which I knew very few were
any longer able to do, and that our oaths forbade
us to provide ourselves by any other means;
when I reflected, I say, on these things, I was
more afraid of peace than now I am of war.
But since they have put an end to the peace,
there seems to be an end also both of their in-
solence and our jealousy. And these advan-
tages lie now as a prize between us, to be given
to the bravest. In this * combat the gods are
the umpires, who will, with justice, declare in
our favour; for our enemies have provoked
them by perjury, which we, surrounded with
every thing to tempt us, have, with constancy,
abstained from all, that we might preserve our
oaths inviolate. So that, in my opinion, we
have reason to engage in this combat with
greater confidence than they. Besides, our
bodies are more patient of cold, of heat, and of
labour than theirs, and our minds, with the di-
vine assistance, more resolved. And if, as be-
fore, the gods vouchsafe to grant us the victory,
their men will be more obnoxious to wounds
and death. But possibly others may also en-
tertain these thoughts. For heaven’s sake,
then, let us not stay till others come to en-
courage us to glorious actions, but let us pre-
yent them, and excite even them to virtue.
Show yourselves the bravest of all the captains,
and the most worthy to command of all the
generals. As for me, 5 if you desire to lead the
way in this, I will follow you with cheerfulness,
and if you appoint me to be your leader, I ©
shall not excuse myself by reason of my age,
but think myself even in the vigour of it to re-
pel an injury.”

The captains, hearing this, all desired he
would take upon him the command, except a
certain person, by name Apollonides, who af-
fected to speak in the Beeotian dialect. This

A’ AyovoSéiras δ᾽ οἱ ϑεοί εἶσι. This alludes to the um-
pires who were chosen to preside at the Olympic and
other games. This allusion, which gives great beauty
to the whole passage, is entirely left out by D’Ablan-
court,

5 Εἰ μὲν ἐϑέλετε ἐξορμιᾷν ἐπὶ ταῦτα. The reader will
observe, that ἐξορμιάω is here used neutrally, it was used
actively a few lines above.

6 Οὐδὲν προφασίξομοι τὴν ἡλικίαν. See note 5, page
200, and particularly the life of Xenophon.

ll

—

man said, that whoever proposed any other
means of returning to Greece, than by endea-
vouring to persuade the king to consent to it,
talked impertinently; and, at the same time,
began to recount the difficulties they were en
gaged in. But Xenophon, interrupting him,
said, “ Thou most admirable man! who art
both insensible of what you see, and forgetful
of what you hear. You were present when
the king, after the death of Cyrus, exulting in
his victory, sent to us to deliver up our arms;
and when, instead of delivering them up, we
marched out ready to give him battle, and en-
camped near him, what did he leave undone,
by sending ambassadors, begging peace, and
supplying us with provisions, till he had ob-
tained it? And afterwards, when our generals
and captains went to confer with them, as you
advise us to do, without their arms, relying on
the peace, what has been their treatment? Are
not these unfortunate men daily scourged, ” tor-
tured, and insulted, and forbid even to die,
though I dare say they earnestly desire it?
When you know all this, can you say that those
who exhort us to defend ourselves, talk imper-
tinently, and dare you advise us to sue again to
the king for favour? For my part, gentlemen !
I think we ought not to admit this man any
longer into our company, but use him as he de-
serves, by removing him from his command,
and employing him in carrying our baggage ; for,
by being a Greek with such a mind, he is a
shame to his country, and dishonours all
Greece.” * ,

Then Agasias of Stymphalus said, “96 This
man has no relation to Beeotia, or to any other
part of Greece; for, to my knowledge, both his
ears are bored, like a Lydian.” Which was
found to be true: so they expelled him their
company. ‘The rest went to all the quarters of
the army, and where any generals were left,
they called them up; where they were wanting,
their lieutenants; and where there were any

ἢ Κεντούμοενσι. I have ventured to depart from the
atin translators in rendering this word. Leunclavius
has said vulneribus affectt, and Hutchinson vulnera pas-
si ; D’Ablancourt has left it out: I have translated it
tortured ; in the same sense Xenophon, a little above,
speaking of the usage the Greeks were to expect, if
they fell into the king’s hands, says ἧμάς τὰ αἰσχίστα
αἰκισάμενος, and alittle before that, πάντω τὰ δεινότατα
παϑόντας. It is from this sense of the word ζΖεντέω,
that Suidas tells us a thief is called χέντρων; because, as
he says, zévrex were partof their torture. Κέντρων ὁ
πλέπτης᾽ Did τὸ βασανιζομένοις τοῖς κλέπταις Kul κέντφοι
προσφέρεσ Sas.

219 ὡς

“Ὡς

220

captains left, they called up them. When they
were all assembled, they placed themselves ὦ
before the quarter where the heavy-armed men
lay encamped; the number of the generals and
captains amounting to about a hundred. While
this was doing, it was near midnight. Then
Hieronymus of Elis, the oldest of all the cap-
tains, who had served under Proxenus, began
thus: “ Gentlemen! we have thought proper,
in the present juncture, both to assemble our-
selves, and call you together, to the end we
may, if possible, consider of something to our
advantage. Do you, O Xenophon! represent
to them what you have laid before us.” Upon
this Xenophon said,

*« We are all sensible that the king and Tis-
saphernes have caused as many of us as they
could to be apprehended, and it is plain they
design, by the same treacherous means, if they
can, to destroy the rest. We ought, therefore,
in my opinion, to attempt every thing not only
to prevent our falling under their power, but,
if possible, to subject them to ours. Know
then, that, being assembled in so great num-
bers, you have the fairest of all opportunities ;
for all the soldiers fix their eyes on you: if they
see you disheartened, their courage will forsake
them ; but, if you appear resolute yourselves,
and exhort them to do their duty, be assured,
they will follow you, and endeavour to imitate
your example. It seems also reasonable that
you should excel them in some degree, for you
are their generals, their leaders, and their cap-
tains ; and as in time of peace you have the ad-

vantage of them both in riches and honours, 5 so
now in time of war, you ought to challenge the
pre-eminence in courage, in counsel, and, if

1 Eis τὸ πρόσϑεν τῶν ὕτλων. See note 6, page 203.

2 Καὶ νῦν τοίνυν, ἐπεὶ πόλεμεύς ἐστιν, ἀξιοῦν der ὑμᾶς αὐ-
TOUS ἀμείνους τὲ τοῦ φλήϑους εἶναι, καὶ προξουλεῦ εὔειν τούτων;
“αὶ προπονεῖνγ ἣν ποῦ 3éy.—D?Ablancourt has left out
every title of this fine period ; the reason he gives for it
in his own words is; parce qu’elle est deja exprimee : 1
aim afraid the reader will not think that reason to have
much weight. The Attic writers, when they speak of
their affairs, always use the word προξούλευμια, for an
act passed by the senate before it was sent down to
the people; for the same reason the Greek writers
of the Roman History call a senatus consultum zeo-
δούλευμα, and this sense seems to agree better with
διαφέρειν and ExAtovexseité, which our author applies to
the generals a few lines above, and which seem very
paturally to introduce ἀῤκείνους tives, προξουλεύειν, and
προπονεῖν. The Latin translators have given it another
sense ; Leunclavius has said horwm causa consilia susci-
pienda, and Hutchinson pro iis consilia capere : the de-
cision therefore is left to the reader.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Ill. -

necessary, in labour. In the first place then,
it is my opinion, that you will do great service
to the army, if you take care that generals and

captains are immediately chosen in the room of ~

those who are slain: since, without chiefs, no-
thing either great or profitable can indeed be
achieved upon any occasion, but least of all in
war ; for as discipline preserves armies, so the

want of it has already been fatal to many. a

After you have appointed as many command-

ers as are necessary, I should think it highly:

seasonable for you to assemble and encourage
the rest of the soldiers ; for no doubt you must

have observed, as well as I, how dejectedly —

they came to their quarters, and how heavily
they went upon guard: so that, while they are
in this disposition, I do not know what service
can either by night or day be expected from
them. They have at present nothing before
their eyes but sufferings: if any one can turn
their thoughts to action, it would greatly en-
courage them; for you know, that neither
numbers nor strength give the victory: but
that side which, with the assistance of the gods,
attacks with the greatest resolution, is generally
irresistible. I have taken notice also, that
those men who in war seek to preserve their
lives at any rate commonly die with shame and
ignominy ; while those who look upon death as
common to all, and unavoidable, and are only
solicitous to die with honour, oftener arrive at
old age, and while they live, live happier. As
therefore we are sensible of these things, it be-

hoves us, at this critical juncture, both to act

with courage ourselves, and to exhort the rest
to do the same.”

After him Cheirisophus said: ‘* Before this
time, O Xenophon! I knew no more of you
than that you were an Athenian; but now I

commend both your words and actions, and —

wish we had many in the army like you; for it
would be a general good. And now, gentle-
men! let us lose no time: those of vou who
want commanders depart immediately and

choose them: and when that is done, come in-

to the middle of the camp, and bring them
with you: after that, we will call the rest of
the soldiers hither:
attend.” Saying this, he rose up, that what

was necessary might be transacted without ~

delay. After this, Timasion, a Dardanian,
was chosen general in the room of Clearchus ;
Xanthicles, an Achaian, in the 100m of Socra-
es ; Cleanor, an Orchomenian, in the room of

and let Tolmides the crier —

2 od
—— Se Oe ee

sv ments ee?

τς Agias,

᾿ς ous victory.

Ais

αὶ Arcadian ; Philysius, an Achaian, in
the roomof Menon; and Xenophon, an Athen-
ian, in that of Proxenus.

II. As soon as the election was over, it be-
ing now near break of day, the officers advanced
to the middle of the camp, and resolved first
to appoint outguards, and then to call the sol-
diers together. When they were all assembled,
Cheirisophus, the Lacedemonian, first got up,
and spoke as follows: ‘‘ Soldiers! we are at
present under great difficulties, being deprived
of such generals, captains, and soldiers.
sides, the forces of Arizus, who were before
our auxiliaries, have betrayed us. However,

we ought to emerge out of our present circum-

stances like brave men, and not be cast down,
but endeavour to redeem ourselves by a glori-
If that is impossible, let us die
with honour, and never fall alive under the
power of the enemy : for in that case, we should
suffer such things, as I hope the gods keep in
store for them.”

After him Cleanor, of Orchomenus, rose up
and said: “ You see, O soldiers! the perjury
and impiety of the king, as well as the perfidy
of Tissaphernes, who amused us by saying that
he lived in the neighbourhood of Greece, and
should of all things be most desirous to carry
us in safety thither. It was he that gave us
his oath to perform this; he that pledged his
faith ; he that betrayed us, and caused our ge-
nerals to be apprehended: and this he did in
defiance even of * Jupiter, the avenger of vio-
lated hospitality ; for having entertained Clear-
chus at his table, by these arts he first deceived,
and then destroyed our generals. Arizus al-
so, whom we offered to place upon the throne,
with whom we were engaged by a mutual ex-

: _ change of faith not to betray one another ; this

, man, I say, without either fear of the oe or
_respect for the memory of Cyrus, though of all
‘others the most esteemed by him when alive,
now revolts to his greatest enemies, and endea-
vours to distress us who were his friends. But
of these may the gods take vengeance! It be-
hoves us, who have these things before our
eyes, not only to take care that these men do
not again betray us, but also to fight with all
possible bravery, and submit to what the gods
shall determine.”

Then Xenophon rose up, dressed for the
war in the most gorgeous armour he could pro-

3 Διὼ ξένιον. See note 7, page 169,

Be-

Dy,

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. oat

vide; for he thought, if the gods granted him
victory, these ornaments would become a con-.
queror, and, if he were to die, they would de-
corate his fall. He began in the following
manner: ‘ Cleanor has laid before you the
perjury and treachery of the barbarians: which,
to be sure, you yourselves are no strangers to.
If, therefore, we have any thoughts of trying
their friendship again, we must be under great
concern, when we consider what our generals
have suffered, who, by trusting to their faith,
put themselves in their power. But, if we
propose to take revenge of them with our
swords for what they have done, and persecute
them for the future with war in every shape ;
we have, with the assistance of the gods, many
fair prospects of safety.” While he was speak-
ing one of the company sneezed: upon this, the
soldiers all at once adored the god. Then
Xenophon said, “ Since, O soldiers! while we
were speaking of safety, Jupiter the preserver
sent us an *omen, I think we ought to make
a vow to offer sacrifice to this god, in thanks-
giving for our preservation, in that place where
we first reached the territories of our friends ;
and also to the rest of the gods, in the best
manner we are able. Whoever, then, is of this
opinion, let him hold up his hand.” And they
all held up their hands; and then made their.
vows, and sung the Pean. After they had
performed their duty to the gods, He went on
thus :

“1 was saying that we had many fair pros-
pete of safety. In the first place, we have
r 18, to which we called the gods
eour enemies have been guilty
i” have violated both their oaths
and iat peace. This being so, we have reason
to expect the gods will declare against them,
and combat on our side: and they have it in
their power, when they think fit, soon to hum-
ble the high, and, with ease, to exalt the lew,
though in distress. Upon this occasion, I shall
put you in mind of the dangers our ancestors
were involved in, in order to convince you that
it behoves you to be brave, and that those who

4 Οἰωνὸς τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆοος. Οἰωνὸς is here taken for
the omen itself; in which sense we find it in that noble
sentiment of Hector to Polydamas,

Els οἰωνὸς ἄφιστος ἀμύνεσθαι περὶ πάτρης.
This superstition of looking upon sneezing as ominous,
is very ancient, and to be met with in many Greek au-
thors: possibly it may have given rise to the modern
custom of saying, God bless you! upon that occasion.

222

are so, are preserved by the gods amidst the
greatest calamities: ! for when the Persians,
and their allies, came with a vast army to de-
stroy Athens, the Athenians, by daring to op-
pose them, overcame them; and having made
a vow to Diana to sacrifice as many goats to
her as they killed of the enemy, when they
could not find enough, they resolved to sacri-
fice five hundred every year: and even to this
day they offer sacrifice in thanksgiving for that
victory. * Afterwards when Xerxes invaded
Greece, with an innumerable army, then it
was that our ancestors overcame the ances-
tors of these very men, both by sea and land;

1᾿Ελθόντων μὲν γὰρ Περσῶν. This was the first expe-
dition of the Persians against the Greeks, when, under
the command of Datis and Artaphernes, they invaded
their country, and were defeated by Miltiades at the
battle of Marathon. This invasion seems to have been
occasioned by the twenty ships which the Athenians
sent to Miletus, under the command of Melanthius, at
the instigation of Aristagoras, to assist the lonians
against the Persians ; this, and their peremptory refusal
to receive Hippias their tyrant, who had fled to Persia
for refuge, provoked Darius Hystaspes tosend a power-
ful fleet to invade Athens, the success of which has been
mentioned. In this defeat the Persians lost six thousand
four hundred men, and the Athenians, with their allies,
the Platzans, only one hundred and ninety-two: but on
the Persian side fell Hippias, and lost that life in the
field, which had been long due to the sword of justice.
This battle was fought on the sixth day of the Attic
month Boedromion, (with us, September,) the third
month from the summer solstice, and the third year of
the seventy-second Olympiad, Phenippus being archon,
and four years before the death of Darius,

2” Extra ὅτε Ἐξέρξης. This is the seco:
the Persians against the Greeks, in
self commanded. The year in whie
taken, was the tenth from that in (
Marathen was fought. Xenophon had reason to call this
army innumerable, since Herodotus makes it amount to
about three millions ; which number is expressed in the
epitaph that was inscribed on the monument erected at
Thermopyle, in honour of those Greeks who died there
in the service of their country. This inscription says,
that in that place four thousand Peloponnesians engaged
three millions of the enemy. The words are these:

Μυειάσι ποτὲ τῆδε τριποησίαις ἐμάχοντο
"Ez Πελοποννάσων χιλιάδες τέτορες.

This seems very authentic, though I am sensible that
Diodorus Siculus has διηποσίοις instead of τριηπκοσίαις ;
however, an army of two millions of men, wil], I am
afraid, scarce gain that general credit which possibly it
may deserve. The victories here hinted at by Xenophon,
which the Athenians, with their allies, gained over the
Persians, by sea and land, were Artemisium and Sala-
mine, Plate and Mycale ; the two last being gained the
same day, that is, the third of the Attic month Boedro-
mion, September, a day, it seems, auspicious to the cause
of liberty, the first in Beeotia, and the last at Mycale, a
promontory of Ionia.

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book ll.

of which the trophies that were erected up-
on that occasion, are lasting monuments still
to be seen. But of all monuments, the
most considerable is the liberty of those ci-
ties, in which you have received your birth
and education: for you pay adoration to no
other master but the gods. From such ances-
tors are you descended: neither can I say that
you are a dishonour to them, since, within
these few days, you * engaged the descendants

of those men, many times superior to you ir ~

number, and, with the assistance of the gods,
defeated them. Then you fought to place
Cyrus on the throne, and in his cause fought
bravely : now your own safety is at stake, you
ought certainly to show more courage and ala-
crity. You have also reason now to entertain
a greater confidence in your own strength than
before ; for though you were then unacquainted
with the enemy, and saw them before you in
vast numbers, however you dared to attack
them with the spirit of your ancestors: where-
as now you have had experience of them,
and are sensible that, though they exceed you
many times in number, they dare not stand be-
fore you, why should you any longer fear
them? , Neither ought you to look upon it as
a disadvantage, that the Barbarians belonging
to Cyrus, who before fought on your side, have
now forsaken you; for they are yet worse sol-
diers than those we have already overcome.

«‘ They have left us, therefore, and are fled to
them: and it is our advantage that those who
are the first to fly, should be found in the
enemy’s army rather than in our own. If any
of you are disheartened because we have no
horse, in which the enemy abound, let them
consider that ten thousand horse are no more
than ten thousand men; for no one was ever
killed in an action by the bite or kick of a
horse. The men do every thing that is done
in battle. But further we are steadier upon
the ground than they on horseback: for they,
hanging upon their horses, are not only afraid
of us, but also of falling; while we, standing
firmly upon the ground, strike those who

3 ᾿Ανειταξάμενοι τοὔτοις τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐγγόνοις----ἔνικῶτε.
This is ridiculously translated by D’Ablancourt, “ yous
avez vaincu les descendans de Xerxes en bataille ran.
gee.”? Xerxes must indeed have a numerous posterity,
if the whole army of Artaxerxes were his descendants ;
but οἱ ἐκείνων ἔγγονοι visibly signifies the descendants of
those Persians who were defeated under Xerxes.

>

of no other measure but our will.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

223

approach us with greater force, and a surer ,the * Lotophagi, forget to return home. It

aim. The horse have but one advantage over

seems, therefore, to me both just and reason-

us, they can fly with greater security. But if ; able that we first endeavour to return to Greece,

you are confident of your strength in battle, yet
look upon it as a grievance that Tissaphernes
will no longer conduct us, or the king supply
us with a market; consider which is the most
advantageous, to have Tissaphernes for our
conductor, who, it is plain, has betrayed us, or
such guides as we shall make choice of who
will be sensible that, if they mislead us, they
must answer it with their lives. Consider
also whether it is better for us to purchase, in

the markets they provide, small measures for

reat sums of money, which we are no longer
é ble to furnish, or, if we conquer, to make use
If you are
convinced that these things are best in the way
they are in, but think the rivers are not to be
repassed, and that you have been greatly delud-
ed in passing them, consider with yourselves
whether the Barbarians have not taken very
wrong measures even in this; for all rivers,
hough, at a distance from their springs, they
may be impassable, yet if you go to their
sources, you will find them so easily fordable,
as not even to wet your knees. But if the
rivers refuse us passage, and no guide appears
to conduct us, even in that case we ought not
to be disheartened; for we know that the
Mysians, who are certainly not braver men
than ourselves, inhabit many large and rich
cities in the king’s territories against his will.
The Pisidians, we also know, do the same.
We have ourselves seen the Lycaonians, who,
after they had made themselves masters of the
strong places that command the plains, enjoy
the product of the country. And I should
think we ought not yet to betray a desire of
returning home; but prepare every thing as if
we proposed to settle here: for I am well as-
sured that the king would grant many guides
to the Mysians, and give them many hostages,
as a security, to conduct them out of his terri-
tories without fraud; he would even level
roads for them, if they insisted upon being
sent away in chariots. And JI am _ con-
vinced he would, with great alacrity, do the
same for us, if he saw us disposed to stay
here: but I am afraid, if once we learn to
live in idleness and plenty, and converse with
the fair and stately wives and daughters
of the Medes and Persians, we shall, like

| grapes.
' another, like myrtle-berries, and thick upon the boughs ;
[ὃ δὲ καρπὸς ἡλίκος κύωμος" πεποωίΐνεται de, ὥσπερ οἱ βότρυες,
᾿μεταξάλλων τὰς χροιάς.

4. 'ῶσπερ οἱ λωτοφάγοι. This tradition seems derived
from Homer, who says that those who eat of the lotus
never think of returning home,

Τῶν δ᾽ ὅστις λωτοῖο φάγοι μελιηδέο καρπὸν;

Οὐκ ἔτ᾽ ἀπαγγεῖλαι πάλιν ἤϑελεν, οὐδὲ νέεσϑ'αι.-
Eustathius, in his explication of this’ passage, quotes
many authors, but, 1 think, none whose account of the
lotus seems so Satisfactory as that of Herodotus, who
says that when the Nile overflows the country, there
grow in the water great quantities of lilies, which the
Egyptians call lotuses; these, he says, they dry in the
sun, and of the heads of them, which are like the heads
of poppies, they make bread; the root of it, he says, is
also eatable and sweet; he adds, that it is round, and
about the size of an apple. But there is another kind of
lotus, described by Theophrastus, and after him by Pliny.
This is a tree of the size of a pear-tree, or something
less, εὐμέγεϑες» ἡλίκον ἄπιος, ἢ uizedv ἔλουττονγ magnitudo
que piro, says Pliny: the leaves are jagged like those of
the ilex, φύλλον δὲ ἐντομιὰς ἔχον, καὶ wesivwoes, thus trans-
lated by Pliny, incisurze folio crebriores quz ilicis vi-
dentur. Theophrastus and his translator Pliny thus
pursue the description ; the wood is black, τὸ μὲν ξύλον,
μμέλων; ligno color niger. There are different kinds of
this plant distinguished by the difference of their fruit,
ϑένη δὲ αὐτοῦ πλείω διαφορὰς ἔχοντω τοῖς καρποῖς»; differen-
tie plures θβαθ maxime fructibus fiunt. The fruit is
like a bean, and changes its colour, as it ripens, like
The fruit of this lotus grows opposite to. one

φύετωι δὲ καθάπερ τὰ μύρτα πα-
'ράλληλο" πύκνος ἔστι τῶν βλωστῶν. Magnitudo huic
fabze, color ante maturitatem alius atque alius, sicut in
uvis; nascitur densus in ramis myrti nodo: Theophras-
tus adds that the fruit is sweet, pleasant to the taste,
and without any ill quality; on the contrary, that it
helps digestion: the most delicious are those that have
no stone, which one of the kinds has not; he says the
inhabitants also make wine of them, yAuzis* ἡδύς" καὶ
ἀσινής" καὶ ἔτι πρὸς τὴν κοιλίαν ἀγα ϑϑόν" ἡδίων" δὲ ὁ ἀπύρη--
νος" ἔστι γὰρ καὶ τοιοῦτον γένος" ποιοῦσι δὲ καὶ οἶνον ἐξ
αὐτοῦ. Tam dulci ibi cibo, ut nomen etiam genti ter-
reeque dederit, nimis hospitali advenarum oblivione
patrie. Ferunt ventris non sentire morbum, qui eum
mandant. Melior sine interiore nucleo, qui in altero
genere osseus videtur; vinum quoque exprimitur illi. I
have been so particular in translating the description of
this plant, because I have never yet met with an account
of it in any modern writer that agreed with this given
by Theophrastus ; and, what is more extraordinary,
Monsieur Maillet, who was many years consul at Cairo,
says he never saw any plant in that country that had
any resemblance to the lotus of the ancients. I have
read the description of the lotus given by the polite and
learned author of the Spectacle de la Nature, which
agrees no doubt very well with the Nelumbo of the East
Indies; but, I believe, he will own that it does not, in
all respects, answer this description of Theophrastus,
But there seems to be a third kind of lotus, upon which
the horses belonging to the companions of Achilles fed

during his inaction,

224

and to our families, and let our countrymen see
that they live in voluntary poverty, since it is
‘in their power to bring their poor hither and
enrich them; for all these advantages, gentle-
men! are the rewards of victory. The next
thing I shall mention to you is, in what manner
we may march with the greatest security, and,
if necessary, fight with the greatest advan-
tage. In the first place,’ continued he, “I
think we ought to burn all the carriages, that
the care of them may not influence our march,
but that we may be directed in it by the advan-
tage of the army. After that, we ought to
burn our tents also; for they are troublesome
to carry, and of no use either in fighting or in
supplying ourselves with provisions. Let us
also rid ourselves of all superfluous baggage,
and reserve only those things that are of use in
war, or for our meat and drink; to the end as
many of us as possible may march in their
ranks, and as few be employed in carrying the
baggage; for the conquered, you know, have
nothing they can call their own; and, if we
conquer, we ought to look upon the enemy as
servants to be employed in carrying our baggage.
It now remains that I speak to that which is,
in my opinion, of the greatest consequence.
You see that even the enemy did not dare to
declare war against us, till they had seized our
generals ; for they were sensible that, while we
, had commanders, and yielded obedience to them,
we were able to conquer them: but, haying
seized our commanders, they concluded that we
should, from a want of command and discipline,
be destroyed. It is necessary, therefore, that
our present generals should be more careful
than the former, and the soldiers more obser-
vant, and more obedient to them than to their
predecessors ; and, if you make an order, that
whoever of you happens to be present, shall
assist the commander in chastising those who
are guilty of disobedience, it will be the most
effectual means to frustrate the designs of the
enemy; for, from this day, instead of one

————"Irru δὲ παρ᾿ ἥδμασον οἷσιν ἕκαστος
Λωτὸν ἐρεπτόμενοι, ἐλεόϑεριπτόν τε σέλινον
ww
Εστασαν.
This is thought to be a kind of trefoil, and this, I ima-

gine, was the lotus that, together with saffron and hya-
cinths, formed the couch of Jupiter and Juno upon a
very amiable occasion,

Τοῖσι δ᾽ ὑπὸ χϑὼν Ala φύεν νεοϑιηλέω ποίην,

Δωτόν 3’ ἑρσήεντα, ἰδὲ “ρόκον, ἠδ᾽ ὑάσενϑ ον

Πυκνὸν καὶ μαλωξόν». ν

XENOPHON ON THE

-ὼ» ὧξ

*

[Boox Ii.

4

Clearchus, they will find! a thousand, who will
suffer no man to neglect his duty. But it is
now time to make an end, for it is probable the
enemy will presently appear; and, if you ap-
prove of any thing I have said, ratify it imme-
diately, that you may put it in execution. But Ἶ
if any other person thinks of any thing more
proper, though a private man, let him propose ἕ
it; for our preservation is a general concern.” ὁ ὁ

}

After that, Cheirisophus said, “ If it is ne-
cessary to add dny thing to what Xenophon has
laid before us, it may be done by and by: at 4
present I think we ought to ratify what he has |
proposed, and whoever is of that opinion, let
him hold up his hand :” and they all held - up
their hands. Then Xenophon, rising up again, —
said, “ Hear then, O soldiers! what, in my
opinion, we are to expect. It is evident that
we must go to some place where we may get .
provisions. Jam informed there are many fair |
villages, not above twenty stadia from hence; I 4
should not therefore be surprised if the enemy,
like cowardly dogs that follow, and, if they can,
bite those who pass by, but fly from those w ap

Ww

pursue them, should also follow us when
begin to move. Possibly therefore we shall
march with greater safety, if we dispose the
heavy-armed men in a hollow square, to the
end the baggage, and the great number of those
who belong to it, may be in greater security.
If then we now appoint the proper persons to 7
command the front, each of the flanks, and the
rear, we shall not have to consider οἵ this, i
when the enemy appears ; but shall presently 3
be ready to execute what we have resolved.

If any other person has any thing better to
propose, let it be otherwise ; if not, let Cheiri- 4
sophus command the front, * since he is a La. 4
cedemonian ; let two of the oldest generals
command the flanks; and Timasion and my- 3
self, who are the youngest, will, for the pre- M
sent, take charge of the rear. Afterwards, ‘
when we have had experience of this disposi- |

1 Μυρίους ὄψονται. Mougian πολλὰγ καὶ ἐναείϑητα"
μύρια δὲ, ὁ ὠριϑιμός. Suidas. Sexcenti is used in the
same manner in Latin to signify an indefinite number :
I have translated “ve/as a thousand, because I think our
language makes use of this number in that sense: in
French cent has the same effect, for which reason I was
surprised D’Ablancourt did not say, ils εἰ verront re-
naitre cent, rather than dix miile. 7 :

2 ᾿Επξειδὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιος ἔστι. The reason why x
Xenophon does this honour to the Lacedzemonians, will E
appear in the Introduction.

OO δι τὰ προῖος.

_ my people with me.
what you resolve, for I am your friend and |

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

tion, we may consider what is best to be done,

as occasion offers. If any one thinks of any
thing better, let him mention it.” But nobody
opposing what he offered, he said, ‘‘ Let those

- who are of this opinion hold up their hands ;”

so this was resolved. ‘“ Now,” says he, “ you
are to depart, and execute what is determined :
and whoever among you desires to return to
his family, let him remember to fight bravely,
for this is the only means to effect it : whoever
has a mind to live, let him endeavour to con-
quer; for the part of the conqueror is to inflict
death, that of the conquered to receive it.
And if any among you covet riches, let him
endeavour to overcome : for the victorious not

- only preserve their own possessions, but ac-

quire those of the enemy.”

111, After he had said this, they all rose up,
and, departing, burnt their carriages and tents ;
as for the superfluous part of their baggage,
they gave that to one another where it was
wanted, and cast the rest into the fire, and then
went to dinner. While they were at dinner,
Mithridates advanced with about thirty horse,
and, desiring the generals might come within
hearing, he said, “Ὁ Greeks! I was faithful
to Cyrus, as you yourselves know, and now
wish well to you: and doassure you, that while
I remain here, I am under great apprehensions.
So that, if I saw you taking salutary resolu-
tions, I would come over to you, and bring all
Inform me therefore of

well-wisher, and desire to join you in * your
march.” After the generals had consulted to-
gether, they thought proper to return this an-
swer, Cheirisophus speaking in the name of
the rest. ‘* We resolve,” says he, “if we are
suffered to return home, to march through
the country with as little damage to it as pos-
sible; but, if any one oppose our march, to
fight our way through it in the best manner
we are able.” Mithridates, upon this, endea-

_ youred to show how impossible it was for them

to return in safety, without the king’s consent.
This rendered him suspected: besides, one be-
longing to Tissaphernes was in his company
as aspy upon him. From this time forward,
the generals determined that they would admit

of no other treaty, while they continued in
.

-

3. Τὸν στόλον. See note 5, page 170,

225

the enemy’s country: for, by coming in this
manner, they not only debauched the soldiers,
but Nicarchus, an Arcadian, one of the cap-
tains, deserted to them that night, with about
twenty men.

As soon as the soldiers had dined, the army
passed the river Zabatus, and marched in order
of battle, with the baggage, and those who at-
tended it, in the middle. They had not gone
far before Mithridates appeared again with.
about two hundred horse, and four hundred
archers and slingers, very light and fit for ex-.
pedition. He advanced as a friend ; but when
he came near, immediately both horse and foot
discharged their arrows ; the slingers also made
use of their slings, and wounded some of our
men, so that the rear of the Greeks received
great damage, without being able to return it ;
for the bows of the Cretans did not carry so
far as those of the Persians. The former also,
being lightly armed, had sheltered themselves
in the centre of the heavy-armed men, neither
could our darters reach their slingers. Xeno-
phon, seeing this, resolved to pursue the ene-
my ; and the heavy-armed men and targeteers,
who were with him in the rear, followed the
pursuit. But they could come up with none
of them; for the Greeks had no horse, and
their foot could not in so short a space, over-
take those of the enemy who had so much the
start of them. Neither durst they in the pur-
suit separate themselves too far from the rest
of the army: for the Barbarian horse wounded
them as they fled, shooting backward from
their horses ; and as far as the Greeks were ad-
vanced in the pursuit, so far they were obliged
to retreat fighting ; insomuch that they could
not march above five and twenty stadia all that
day ; however, in the evening they arrived in
the villages. Here the troops were again dis- Ὁ
heartened, and Cheirisophus, with the oldest
generals, blamed Xenophon for leaving the
main body to pursue the enemy, and exposing
himself without ‘any possibility of hurting
them.

Xenophon hearing this, said they had reason
to blame him, and that they were justified by
the event. ‘* But,” says he, “1 was under a
necessity of pursuing the enemy, since I saw
our men suffer great damage by standing still,
without being able to return it; but when we
were engaged in the pursuit,” continued he,
“we found what you say to be true; for we

2F :

\

226 XENOPHON ON THE [BOOK III.

were not more able to annoy the enemy than
before, and retreated with great difficulty. We
have reason, therefore, to thank the gods that
they came upon us only with a small force and
a few troops, so that, instead of doing us great
damage, they have taught us our wants. For
now the enemy’s archers and slingers wound
our men at a greater distance than either the
Cretans or the darters can reach them; and
when we pursue them, we must not separate
ourselves far from the main body; and ina
short space our foot, though ever so swift, can- | (as he imagined) great damage, without receiv-
not come up with theirs, so as to reach them | ing any, he had a contempt for them. When
with their arrows. If we mean, therefore, to | the Greeks were advanced about eight stadia
hinder them from disturbing us in our march, | beyond the valley, Mithridates also passed it
we must immediately provide ourselves with | with the forces under his command. The
slingers and horse. I hear there are Rhodians | Greek generals had given orders to a certain
in our army, the greatest part of whom, they | number, both of the targeteers and heayy-arm-
say, understand the use of the sling, and that | ed men to follow the chase, and also to the
their slings carry twice as far as those of the | horse to pursue them boldly, with assurance
Persians, who, throwing large } stones, cannot | that a sufficient force should follow to sustain
offend their enemy at a great distance: whereas | them. When, therefore, Mithridates overtook
the Rhodians, besides stones, make use of | them, and was now within reach of their slings
leaden balls. If, therefore, we inquire who | and arrows, the trumpet sounded, and those of
have slings, and pay them for them, and also | the Greeks, who had orders, immediately at-
give money to those who are willing to make | tacked the enemy, the horse charging at the
others, granting at the same time some other | same time. However, the Persians did not
immunity to those who voluntarily list among | stand to receive them, but fled to the valley.
the slingers, possibly some will offer themselves | In this pursuit, the Barbarians lost many of
who may be fit for that service. Isee also horses | their foot, and about eighteen of their horse
in the army, some belonging to me, and some | were taken prisoners in the valley. The Greeks
left by Clearchus ; besides many others that | of their own accord mangled the bodies of those
we have taken from the enemy, which are em- | that were slain, to create the greater horror in
ployed in carrying the baggage. If, therefore, | the enemy.
we choose out all the best of these, and ac-| After this defeat the Persians retired, and
coutre them for the horse, giving to the owners | the Greeks, marching the rest of the day with-
2 sumpter horses in exchange, possibly these | out disturbance, came to the river Tigris, where
also may annoy the enemy in their flight.” | stood a large uninhabited city, called 5 Laris-
These things were resolved upon, and the same
night two hundred slingers listed themselves.
The next day proper horses and horsemen were
appointed to the number of fifty, and 8 buff
coats and corslets were provided for them, and
the command of them was given to Lycius, the
son of Polystratus an Athenian.
IV. That day the army staid in the same

“

place, and the next day they began their march
earlier than usual, for they had a valley * form-
ed by a torrent to pass, and were afraid the
enemy should attack them in their passage.
As soon as they had passed it, Mithridates
appeared again with a thousand horse, and four
thousand archers and slingers; for so many

and upon his undertaking with that number to
deliver the Greeks into his power: for having,
in the last action, with a small force, done them

ne Oy

4 Χαράδραν. In this sense χαφάδραι is taken by Ho-

which the Bishop of Thessalonica thinks he had the
universal deluge in his eye—

Tay δέ τε πάντες μὲν ποταμοὶ πλήϑουσι ῥέοντες»

Πολλὰς δὲ “λιτῦς τότ᾽ ἀποτμγουσι χαροέδραι;
where χαράδεαι is thus explained by the Greek Scholiast,
Oi ἀπὸ τῶν χειμεαίῤῥων ἐκρησσόμενοι αὐλῶνες: Ξαρὰ 70 χα-
φοΐσσειν» καὶ τρὰ χύνειν τὴν γῆν" οἱ κοῖλοι τόποι καὶ χείμκαῤῥοι,
so that χαροδρα is a valley formed by a torrent.

5 Λάφισσα. It is very judiciously remarked by the
great Bochart that it is improbable there should be any
such name of a town in this part of the world as La-

2 Σκευοφόρα. See note 6, in page 174 rissa, because it is a Greek name; and though there

8 Στολάδε. Hutchinson inclines to read σπολάδες, were several cities so called, they were all Greek: and
which has the sense I have here given to στολάδες; though | 2. no Greeks settled in these parts till the time of Alex-
Suidas acknowledges στολάδες in the sense our author r’s conquests, which did not happen till many years
takes it. r Xenophon’s death, so he concludes they could meet

1 Χειροσλήϑεσι τοῖς λίϑοις. Literally, stones so large,
that every one of them is a handful.

ee

Tissaphernes had granted him at his desire,

mer in that sublime description of an inundation, ἸΏ

ae ee ee one

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

square, and two hundred high, in which a great
number of Barbarians, who fled from the
neighbouring villages, had conveyed them-

sa, anciently inhabited by the Medes, the
walls of which were five and twenty feet in
breadth, one hundred in height, and two para-
sangs in circuit ; all built with bricks, except
the plinth, which was of stone, and twenty
feet high. This city, when besieged by the
king of Persia, at the time the Persians were
wresting the empire from the Medes, he could
not make himself master of by any means ;
when it happened that ®the sun, obscured by a
cloud, disappeared, and the darkness continued
till the inhabitants being seized with conster-
nation, the town was taken. Close to the city
stood a’ pyramid of stone, one hundred feet

with no such name so far from Greece as beyond the
river Tigris. He therefore conjectures that this city is
the Resen, mentioned by Moses, Gen. x. 12. where he
says, “ Ashur built Resen between Nineveh and Ca-
lah: the same isa great city.’” This agrees exactly with
what Xenophon says of it, who calls it πόλις μεγάλη» and
affirms the walls of it to be in circumference two para-
sangs. Bochart, therefore, supposes, that when the
Greeks asked the people of the country, what city are
these the ruins of ? they answered youd Laresen, that
is, of Resen. It is easy to imagine how this word
might be softened by a’ Greek termination, and made
Larissa.
6 Ἥλιον δὲ νεφέλη ἐνράμιρλ νμήσω, etc. This passage, I
find, admits of different readings; however, I prefer
that of Hutchinson, which is supported by Stephens and
Muretus, but differ both from him and Leunclavius, and
also from D’ Ablancourt, in translating it. They all make
ἠφάνισε to relate to the town, which, I think, is neither
80 agreeable to the sense, nor to the genius of the Greek
_ language, since ἥλιον being the accusative case, govern-
ed by προκωλύψωσαν 1 think ἠφάνισε ought to relate to
the same, which every body knows is very common in
Greek, and not to another thing, which has not been
mentioned in this sentence.

ἢ ἸΠυραμεὶς Au Sivn, τὸ wiv εὖρος ἑνὸς πλέϑερου, τὸ δὲ Expos δύο
πλέϑιεων. These are very extraordinary dimensions for
& pyramid, and very different from those of the Egyp-
tian pyramids ; so that we find the Egyptian and Asiatic
taste disagreed very much in this respect. For, though
there is some diversity in the accounts given by the an-
cient authors of the dimensions of the Egyptian pyra-
mids, yet they all make them very different in their pro-
portions from this described by Xenophon. Herodotus
makes the great pyramid at Memphis eight hundred
Greek feet square, and as many in height, τῆς ἐστὶ παν-
τακῇ μέτωπον ἕκαστον ὀκτὼ πλέϑοω, ἐούσης τετραγώνου,
καὶ ὕψος ἶσον. If the reader pleases to turn to page
170, note 7, of the first book, he wili find that the
Greek foot exceeded ours by .0875 decimals of an inch.
Diodorus Siculus says the great pyramid was four
Square, and that each side of the base was seven hun-
dred feet, and the height above six hundred. Miyiorn,
τετράπλευρος, οὔσω τῷ σχήξεωτι; τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς βάσεως πλευ--
gay ἑκάστην ἔχει 2 πλέϑρων ἑπτὼ, τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος ἔχει πλείω τῶν
ἕξ πλέϑρων. There is another account given of its di-
mensions by a modern author, Thevenot, who says, the
great pyramid is five hundred and twenty feet high and
six hundred and eighty-two square. Of these’ three

227

selves.

Thence they made, in one day’s cal six
parasangs, to a large uninhabited castle, stand-
ing near a town, called Mespila, formerly in-
habited also by the Medes. The plinth of the
wall was built with polished stone full of
shells, being fifty feet in breadth, and as many
in height. Uponthis stood a brick wall fifty
feet also in breadth, one hundred in height,
and six parasangs in circuit. Here Media, the
king’s consort, is said to have taken refuge,
when the Medes were deprived of the empire
by the Persians. When the Persian king be-
sieged this city, he could not make himself
master of it either by length of time or force,
but Jupiter 8. having struck the inhabitants with
a panic fear, it was taken.

From this place they made, in one day’s
march, four parasangs. During their march
Tissaphernes appeared with his own horse,
and the forces of Orontas, who had married
the king’s daughter, together with those Bar-
barians who had served under Cyrus in his ex-
pedition ; to these was added the army which
the king’s brother had brought to his assistance,
and the troops the king had given him. All
these together made a vast army. When he
approached, he placed some of his forces
against our rear, and others against each.of our

accounts, that of Diodorus Siculus seems to give the
most rational proportion of a pyramid, which, if sup-
posed to be an equilateral triangle, and the base to con-
tain seven hundred feet, as he says, will, in that case,
have six hundred and six feet, and a fraction of two
thousand one hundred and seventy-seven for its per-
pendicular height; for if an equilateral pyramid, of
which the base contains seven hundred feet, be divided
into two equal parts by a perpendicular let down from
the top, it will make two right angled triangles, of which
the hypothenuse will contain seven hundred feet, the
square of which will consequently be equal to the square
of the two other sides. If, therefore, from four hundred
and ninety thousand, the square of seven hundred, you
deduct one hundred and twenty two thousand five
hundred, the square of three hundred and fifty, of which
the base consists, there will remain three hundred and
sixty-seven thousand five hundred for the square of the
perpendicular, the square root of whicii will be six
hundred and six, with a fraction of two thousand one
hundred and seventy-seven ; so that the perpendicular
| height of an equilateral pyramid, the base of which is
seven hundred feet, will be six hundred and six ieee
with that fraction

8 ᾿Εμβροοντήτους.
eee ἔκφρων.

᾿Εμβρόντητος᾽ παρδιόπληκτος" μιαινό-
Suidas.

»?

228

flanks, but durst not attack us, being unwilling
to hazard a battle: however, he ordered his
men to use their slings and bows. But when
the Rhodians, who were disposed in platoons,
began to make use of their slings, and the
Cretan bowmen, in imitation of the Scythians,
discharged their arrows, none of them missing
the enemy (which they could not easily have
déne, though they had endeavoured it) both
Tissaphernes himself quickly got out of their
reach, and the other divisions retired.» The re-
maining part of the day the Greeks continued
their march, and the others followed without
harassing them any more with skirmishes: for
the slings of the Rhodians not only carried
further than those of the Persians, but even than
most of the archers could throw their arrows.
The Persian bows are long, so that their ar-
rows, when gathered up, were of service to the
Cretans, who continued to make use of them,
and accustomed themselves to take a great ele-
vation, in order to shoot them to a greater dis-
tance. Besides, there were found a considera-
ble quantity of bow-strings in the villages, and
some lead, both which were employed for the
slings.

This day, after the Greeks were encamped
in the villages, the Barbarians, having suffered
in the skirmish, retired: the next the Greeks
staid where they were, and made their provi-
sions ; for there was plenty of corn in the vil-
lages. The day after, they marched over the
open country, and Tissaphernes followed, ha-
rassing them at a distance. Upon this occa-
sion the Greeks observed that an equilateral
square was not a proper disposition for an army
when pursued by the enemy: for whenever the
sguare has a narrow road, a defile between hills,
or a bridge to pass, the wings must close, and
consequently the heavy-armed men be forced
out of their ranks, and march uneasily, being
both pressed together and disordered ; so that
of necessity they become useless for want of
order. On the other side, when the wings
come to be again extended, the men who be-
fore were forced out of their ranks must divide,
and consequently leave an opening in the centre,
which very much disheartens those who are
thus exposed, when the enemy is at their heels.
Besides, when they have a bridge or any other
defile to pass, every man is in a hurry, wanting
to be first, upon which occasion the enemy has

-q fair opportunity of attacking them. After
the generals had discovered this, they formed

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book 1.

six companies of one hundred men each, whom
they subdivided into others of fifty, and these
again into others of twenty-five, and appointed
officers to all of them. The captains of these
companies upon a march, when the wings clos-
ed, staid behind, so as not to disorder the rear,
they at that time marching clear of the wings.
And when the sides of the square came to be
again extended, ὁ they then filled up the centre,

1 Τὸ μέσον ἀνεξεπίμπλασωαν, εἰ μὲν στενότερξον εἴη τὸ διξ--
χον, were τοὺς λόχους" εἰ δὲ σλωτύτερον, κατὰ πεντηποστῦς,
εἰ δὲ πάνυ πλατὺ, κατ᾽ ἐνωμοτίας" ὥστε oes ἔσπλεων εἶναι τὸ
μέσον. Here ἃ great difficulty presents itself, which the
translators have either not seen, or if they have seen it,
they have not thought fit to take notice of it. But let us
follow Xenophon in stating the inconveniences to which
the equilateral square was subject, with the remedies
proposed by the generals to cure them. The inconve-
niences, it seems, were two; the first, that in passing
through defiles, the wings closed, which put the men in
disorder ; the second, that, after they had passed the de-
files, and the wings were again extended, the men were
forced to run to the wings, in order to recover their
ranks, by which means there was a void in the middle.
In order, therefore, to remedy these inconveniences, the
generals formed six companies or bodies of one hundred
men each, which they subdivided into others of fifty, and
these again into others of twenty-five, and appointed
officers to each of these bodies. The captsins of these
companies, when the wings closed, marched clear of
them, so as not to put them into any disorder: by this
means the first inconvenience was cured, but how was
the second to beremedied? If you believe the text as
it now stands, by filling up the void, if it was narrow,
with the companies of one hundred men each, if larger,
with those of fifty, and if very large, with those of
twenty-five; so that the narrower the interval, the
greater was the number of men to be made use of in
filling it up, and the larger, the fewer were to be em-
ployed for that purpose. But this is obviously contrary
to common sense. If, therefore, the text be so far alter-
ed as to transpose ξώτὰ τοὺς λόχους and κατ᾽ ἐνωμοτίας»
every thing will be natural. This correction, however,
I have not followed in the translation, because it is very
possible to explain the text as it now stands, and if se,
no alteration ought to be made init. It is possible, I
say, very possible, that the meaning of Xenophon may
be this. Let it be supposed that the square has passea
some defile, and that the men running to each of the
wings in order to recover their ranks, there remains a
void in the centre; in that case, I say, possibly the cap-
tains of these six companies, marching in the rear, filled
up the void, if it was narrow, with their six companies
of one hundred men each, drawu up, fer example,
twenty-five in front, and twenty-four in depth ; if the
void was larger, with those of fifty men each, drawn up
fifty in front, and twelve in depth ; and if very large,
with the companies of twenty-five men each, drawn up
one hundred in front, and six in depth; and by this
means, as our author says, the centre was always full.
This passage seems very well to have deserved the at-
tention of the translators, for if 1 am not mistaken, this
is a very fine disposition, and very well calculated to
cure the two inconveniences to which a square was sub-
ject when an enemy follewed. But the merit of this,

ee νων»

ee ee χὰ... ὁ

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

if the opening was narrow, with the companies
of one hundred men each; if larger, with those
of fifty; and if very large, with those of five
and twenty ; so that the centre was always full.
If, therefore, the army were to pass any defile
or bridge, there was no confusion, the captains
of these several companies bringing up the
rear ; and if a detachment were wanted upon
any occasion, these were always at hand. In
this disposition they made four marches.
While they were upon their march the fifth
day, they saw a palace and many villages lying
round it. The road which led to this palace
lay over high hills that reached down from the
mountain, under which there stood a village.
‘The Greeks were rejoiced to see these hills,
and with great reason, the enemy’s forces con-
sisting in horse. But after they had left the
plain, and ascended the first hill, while they
were descending thence in order to climb the
next, the Barbarians appeared, and from the
eminence showered down upon them, under
? the scourge, darts, stones, and arrows. They
wounded many, and had the advantage over the
Greek light-armed men, forcing them to retire
within the body of the heavy-armed ; so that
the slingers and archers were that day entirely
useless, being mixed with those who had charge
of the baggage. And when the Greeks, being
thus pressed, endeavoured to pursue the enemy,
as they were heavy-armed men, they moved
slowly to the top of the mountain, while the
enemy retreated ; and when the Greeks retired

and of all other dispositions practised by our author in
this memorable retreat, must be submitted to the mili-
tary men, who alone are the proper judges in these
cases. As to the signification of πεντηκοστὺς and ἐνωμοοτία,
they were both military terms among the Lacedzemo-
nians ; the first explains itself, and the second is thus
explained by Suidas. ᾿Ενωμοτίω" τάξις τις στεατιωτικὴ
ἀνδρῶν ε΄ καὶ κ', παρὼ Λακεδαιμονίοις, εἴρηται δὲ ἐκ τοῦ
ὀμνύναι αὐτοὺς μὴ λείψειν τὸν τάξιν, 8, body of soldiers
among the Lacedemonians, consisting of twenty-five
men, It must be observed, that in the first book, where
Xenophon mentions two of Menon’s λόχοι or companies
to have been cut off, he says they amounted to one hun.
dred men, whereas these companies consisted of one
hundred men each, but these seem to have been formed

- for this particular purpose.

2 “Ὑπὸ μαστίγων. It was part of the Persian disci-
Cs to make their soldiers do their duty, as Xenophon
Bays, ὑπὸ μιωστίγων» under the scourge. So Xerxes, after
he had landed in Europe, saw his army passing the Hel-
lespont under the scourge, ἐϑηείτο τὸν στρατὸν ὑπὸ μα-
στίγων διαβαίνοντα ;—D’ Ablancourt has left it quite out,
choosing rather to leave his readers uninformed of this
custom, than to clog his translation with so uncommon
a circuinstance,

229

to their main body, the same thing happened
to them again. They found the same difficulty
in passing the second hill; so that they deter-
mined not to order out the heavyy-armed men
from the third hill ; but instead of that, brought
up the targeteers to the top of the mountain
from the right of the square. When these
were got above the enemy, they no longer
molested our men in their descent, fearing to
be cut off from their own body, and that we
should attack them on both sides. In this
manner we marched the rest of the day, some
in the road upon the hills, and others abreast
of them upon the mountain, till they came to
the villages; when they appointed eight * sur-
geons, for there were many wounded.

Here they staid three days, both on account
of the wounded, and because they found plenty
of provisions, as wheat-meal, wine, anda great
quantity of barley for horses; all which was
laid up for the satrap of the country. The
fourth day they descended into the plain, where,
when Tissaphernes had overtaken them with
the army under his command, he taught them
how necessary it was to encamp in the first
village they came to, and to march no longer
fighting ; for some being wounded, some em-
ployed in carrying those that were so, and others
in carrying the arms of the latter, great num-
bers were not in a condition to fight. But
when they were encamped, and the Barbarians,
coming up to the village, offered to skirmish,
the Greeks had greatly the advantage of them ;
for they found a great difference between sally-

3 Πρὸς τὸ ἄλλο στρώτευμια. Schil. Barbarorum, says
Hutchinson in his notes: Leunclavius has also trans-
lated it in the samesense. lam sorry to find myself
obliged to differ from them both ; but I think it plain that
τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα here signifies the main body of the
Greeks, from which these heavy-armed men were de-

‘tached to drive the enemy from the eminence, which af-

ter they had effected, the enemy attacked them in their
retreat to their main body. Our author used the same
expression in the same sense some pages before, πολὺ
yee οὐχ, οἵοντε ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατεύματος διώκειν,
where all the translators have translated τὸ ἄλλο στρα-
reve, in the same manner I have rendered it here: be-
sides, the word éz/oty shows clearly that the thing here
spoken of is their return.

4. ᾿Ιωτρούς. I have said surgeons instead of physicians,
because both professions being anciently exercised by
the same persons, they were chiefly employed as sur-
geons upon this occasion. There are two verses in Ho-
mer, upon Machaon’s being wounded by Paris, which
show both the great regard that was paid to the profes-
sion, and that surgery, as I said, was a branch of it.

"Inreds γὰρ ἀνὴρ πολλῶν ἀντοίξιος ἄλλων
Ἰού; τ᾽ ἐκτούμινεινγ ἐπὶ τ᾽ Hain φώρμοιπκω ποίσσειν.

230

ing from their camp to repulse the enemy, and
being obliged to march fighting, whenever they
were attacked. When the evening approached,
it was time for the Barbarians to retire; be-
cause they never encamped at a less distance
from the Greeks than sixty stadia, for fear
these should fall upon them in the night. A
Persian army being then subject to great incon-
veniences, for their horses are tied, and gene-
rally shackled, to prevent them from running
away ; and if an alarm happens, a Persian has
the 1 housing to fix, his horse to bridle, and his
corslet to put on, before he can mount. All
these things cannot be done in the night with-
out great difficulty, particularly if there is an
alarm. For this reason they always encamped
at a distance from the Greeks. When these
perceived they designed to retire, and that the
word was given, they in the enemy’s hearing
received orders to make ready to march ; where-
upon the Barbarians made a halt; but when it
grew late they departed ; for they did not hold
it expedient to march and arrive at their camp
in the night.

When the Greeks plainly saw they were re-
tired, they also decamped, and marching away,
advanced about sixty stadia. The two armies
were now at so great a distance from one an-
other, that the enemy did not appear either the
next day or the day after. But on the fourth,
the Barbarians having got before the Greeks in
the night, possessed themselves of an eminence
that commanded the road through which the
Greeks were to pass. It was the brow of a
hill, under which lay the descent into the plain.
As soon as Cheirisophus saw this eminence
possessed by the enemy, he sent for Xenophon
from the rear, and desired him to bring up the
targeteers tothe front. Xenophon did not take
these with him, (for he saw issaphernes ad-
vancing with his whole army) but riding up to
him himself, said, ““ Why do you send for me ?”
Cheirisophus answered, “* You see the enemy

1 Ἐπισάξαι τὸν ἵππον. I was surprised to find this
translated by D’ Ablancourt, selle son cheval, which 1 had
rather attribute to his inadvertence than to his ignorance,
since he could not but know that the ancients, instead
of saddles, used a kind of housing or horse-cloth, which
the Greeks called céyz, and the Latins sagwm. This
housing is to be seen upon the horses represented on
Trajan’s pillar, and in many other monuments of anti-
quity. The Romans called these housings also strata,
the invention of which, together with that of bridles,
Pliny ascribes to Pelethronius, frenos et strata equerum
Pelethronium.

XENOPHON ON THE

[Boox 111.

have possessed themselves of the hill that com:
mands the descent, and unless we dislodge them
it is not possible for us to pass: but,” adds he,
“why did you not bring the targeteers with
you?” Xenophon replied, because he did not
think proper to leave the rear naked, when the
enemy was in sight: “ but,” says he, “ it is

high time to consider how we shall dislodge

those men.” Here Xenophon observing the
top of the mountain that was above their own
army, found there was a passage from that to
the hill where the enemy was posted. Upon
this he said, “‘O Cheirisophus! I think the
best thing we can do is to gain the top of this
mountain as soon as possible; for if we are
once masters of that, the enemy cannot main-
tain themselves upon the hill. Do you stay
with the army; if you think fit, I will go up
to the hill; or do you go, if you desire it, and
I will stay here.” Cheirisophus answered, I
give you your choice; to this Xenophon re-
plied, that as he was the younger man, he chose
to go: but desired he would send with him
some troops from the front, since it would take
a great deal of time to bring up a detachment
from the rear. So Cheirisophus sent the tar-
geteers that were in the front: Xenophon also
took those that were in the middle of the
square. Besides these, Cheirisophus ordered
the three hundred chosen men, who attended
on himself in the front of the square, to fol-
low him.

After that they marched with all possible
expedition. The enemy, who were upon the
hill, the moment they saw them climb the
mountain, advanced at the same time, striving
to get there before them. Upon this occasion
there was a vast shout raised both by the Greek
army, and that of Tissaphernes, each encour-
aging their own men. And Xenophon, riding
by the side of his troops, called out to them,
«ἐ Soldiers ! think you are this minute contend-
ing to return to Greece, this minute to see
your wives and children : after this momentary
labour we shall go on without any further op-
position.” To whom Soteridas, the Sicyonian,
said, “ Weare not upon equal terms, Ὁ Xeno-
phon! for you are on horseback, while I am
greatly fatigued with carrying my shield.” Xe-
nophon, hearing this, leaped from his horse, and
thrust him out of his rank; then, taking his
shield, marched on as fast as he could. He
happened to have a horseman’s corslet on at
that time which was very troublesome. How-

|

- in every thing.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

ever, he called to those who were before to
mend their pace, and to those behind, who fol-
lowed with great difficulty, to come up. The
rest of the soldiers beat and abused Soteridas,
and threw stones at him, till they obliged him
to take his shield, and go on. Then Xenophon
remounted, and led them on horseback, as far
as the way would allow; and, when it became

impassable for his horse, he hastened forward

on foot. At last they gained the top of the
mountain, and prevented the enemy.

V. Hereupon the Barbarians turned their
backs, and fled every one as he could, and the
Greeks remained masters of the eminence.
Tissaphernes and Arizus with their men, turn-
ing out of the road, went another way, while
Cheirisophus with his forces came down into
the plain, and encamped in a village abounding
There were also many other
villages in this plain, near the Tigris, full of
all sorts of provisions. In the evening the
enemy appeared on a sudden in the plain, and
cut off some of the Greeks who were dispers-
ed in plundering; for many herds of cattle
were taken, as the people of the country were
endeavouring to make them pass the river.
Here Tissaphernes and his army attempted to
set fire to the villages; whereby some of the
Greeks were disheartened, from the apprehen-
sion of wanting provisions if he burned them.
About this time Cheirisophus and his men

_ came back from relieving their companions,

and Xenophon being come down into the
plain, and riding through the ranks, after the
Greeks were returned, said, “ You see, O
Greeks! the enemy already acknowledge the
country to be ours; for when they made peace
with us, they stipulated that we should not
burn the country belonging to the king, and
now they set fire to it themselves, as if they
looked upon it no longer as their own. But
wherever they leave any provisions for them-

selves, thither also they shall see us direct our |
march.

But, O Cheirisophus! I think we
ought to attack these burners, as in defence of
our country.” Cheirisophus answered, “ I am
not of that opinion. On the contrary, let us
also set fire to it ourselves, and by that means
they will give over the sooner.”

When they came to their tents, the soldiers
employed themselves in getting provisions, and
the generals and captains assembled, and were
in great perplexity; for on one side of them
were exceeding high mountains, and on the

231

other a river so deep, that when they sounded
it with their pikes, the ends of them did not even
appear above the water. While they were in
this perplexity, a certain Rhodian came to them,
and said, ‘“ Gentlemen, I will undertake to
carry over * four thousand heavy-armed men at
a time, if you will supply me with what I
want, and give me a *talent for my pains.”
Being asked what he wanted, ὁ" 1 shall want,”
says he, “two thousand leather bags. I see
here great numbers of sheep, goats, oxen, and
asses: if these are flayed, and their skins
blown, we may easily pass the river with them.
I shall also want the girths belonging to the
sumpter-horses : with these,” adds he, “ I will
fasten the bags to one another, and hanging
stones to them, let them down into the water
instead of anchors, then tie up the bags at both
ends, and when they are upon the water, lay
fascines upon them, and cover them with
earth. I will make you presently sensible,”
continues he, “that you cannot sink, for every
bag will bear up two men, and the fascines and
the earth will prevent them from slipping.”
The generals, hearing this, thought the in.
vention ingenious, but impossible to be put in
practice ; there being great numbers of horse
on the other side of the river to oppose their
passage, and these would at once break all their
measures. The next day the army turned
back again, taking a different road from that
which leads to Babylon, and marched to the
villages that were not burned, setting fire to
those they abandoned, insomuch that the enemy
did not ride up to them, but looked on, wonder-
ing which way the Greeks meant to take, and
what their intention was. Here, while the
soldiers were employed in getting provisions,

the generals and captains re-assembled, and

ordering the prisoners to be brought in, in-
quired concerning * every country that lay round
them. The prisoners informed them that
there was to the south a road that led to
Babylon and Media, through which they came :
another to the east, leading to Susa and Ecba-
tana, where the king is said to pass the sum-
mer and the spring; a third to the west over
the Tigris, to Lydia and Ionia; and that the
road, which lay over the mountains to the

ὃ Κατὼ τετρακισχιλίους. This is the known force of
the preposition κατὰ» as might be shown by many ex.
amples taken from the best authors.

3 Ῥάλαντον. See note 6, page 169.

A” Hareyxov. ᾿Ελέγξει" βασανίσει. Hesychius.

232

north, led to! the Carduchians. This people,
they said, inhabited those mountains, and that
they were a warlike nation, and not subject to
the king; and that once the king’s army, con-
sisting of one and twenty thousand men, pene-
trated into their country, whence not one of
them returned, the roads being hardly passable.

1 Κωρδούχους. This people came afterwards to be
better known under the name of Parthians. I should
not have advanced this upon an authority of less weight
than that of Strabo; Πρὸς δὲ τῷ Τίγρει» says he, τὰ τῶν
TagSuaiwv χωρία οὕς οἱ πάλαι Kagdotxyous ἔλεγον. It was
the posterity of this very people with whom we shall
find the Greeks engaged in the next book, who, under
the conduct of their king Arsaces, freed their country
from the dominion of the Seleucides, and afterwards be-
came a terror even to the Romans, who were so to the
rest of mankind. They are still called Curdes, and their
country Curdistan. Plutarch informs us that Artaxerxes
(the same against whom this expedition was formed)
afterwards marched into the country of the Carduchians,
at the head of three hundred thousand foot and ten
thousand horse, and that his army had in all probability
been destroyed by famine, had not Taribazus, by infus-
ing into the minds of the two kings of the Carduchians
a mutual distrust, induced them to make peace with the
Persians.

XENOPHON.

[ΒΟΟΚ Ill.

But that whenever there was a peace subsist-
ing between them and the governor residing in
the plain, there was an intercourse between
the two nations.

The generals, hearing this, kept those pri-
soners by themselves from whom they received
the intelligence of each country, without dis-

covering what route they designed to take.

However, they found there was a necessity to
pass the mountains, and penetrate into the coun-
try of the Carduchians: for the prisoners in-
formed them, that, as soon as they had passed
through it, they should arrive in Armenia, which
was a spacious and plentiful country, and of
which Orontas was governor: whence they
might, without difficulty, march which way so-
ever they pleased. Upon this they offered sacri-
fice to the end that when they found it conye-
nient they might depart, (for they were afraid the
pass over the mountains might be possessed
by the enemy, ) and commanded the soldiers, as
soon as they had supped, to get their baggage
ready, then all to go to rest, and march upon
the first order. ~

“μάν a

i
"

ae

(hana

τὰ
:: ¥ a
ἘΚ αὶ

‘4 ναι τῇ

XENOPHON

OW THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

| BOOK -IV.

CONTENTS or BOOK IV.

I. The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchians—They are harassed by enemies; and by tempestuous wea- |
ther ; and arriving at a steep pass beset by the Barbarians, they question two captives, whether there was any ;
other road—One of them affecting ignor2nce, they cut to pieces; his companion, fearing the same fate, promises
to lead them by a circuitous and more convenient path.—II. Two thousand chosen men under his guidance are
sent to occupy the heights—These overpower the Barbarians, and enable the rest of the Greeks with Cheiriso-
phus to ascend in safety—Xenophon follows with the baggage, but has to fight his way with some slaughter—
The Greeks march over the mountains with great difficulty, and, closely pursued by the enemy, descend into
the plain on the banks of the river Centrites.—III. Here they halt in some villages, and looking reund them
after a repose from a harassing march of seven days, find themselves beset with new difficulties—Three obsta- |
cles oppose their passage of the river—By Xenophon’s dream, the army, as it were, freed from impediments,
crosses by a ford, and the skilful management of Xenophon crowns the stratagem with complete success.—IV.
They enter the province of Armenia, and having passed the fountains of the river Tigris, arrive at the Telebo-
as, in Western Armenia—Here, they make a truce with Terebazus ; but are, notwithstanding, pursued and
waylaid by his numerous forces.—V. Having left the villages, they encamp in the open air, and suffer much from
the snow—For some days they are near perishing by the cold, the depth of the snow, and the necessity of march-
‘ing without food, to escape the pursuit of the enemy—At length they come to villages replete with provisions
where they live sumptuously, and amuse themselves for seven days.—VI. Setting out thence with a guide, they

-lose him on the third day, by the fault of Cheirisophus ; and wandering without guidance, arrive on the seventh
day at the river Phasis—After two days’ march they approach the mountains, which they find occupied by the
Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasiani.—VII. They advance through the possessions of the Taochi, storm a fort, and
take many cattle, on which they subsist during their march through the territory of the Chalybes—Having
passed the Harpasus, they journey through the country of the Scythini, and procure a quantity of provisions—
The fortune of the Greeks now assumes a more cheerful aspect—Leaving the country of the Scythini, they
reach Gymnias, and from the governor of that district, they receive a voluntary offer of a guide, who, as he
promised, brings them to the mountain Theches, whence, to their unspeakable joy, they behold the sea, and
throwing together a heap of stones as a trophy, they crown it with offerings to the gods—The guide takes his
leave, laden with valuable pursuits.—VIII. Arriving among the Macronians, they traverse their territory, and
ascend the mountains of the Colchians, whom they find drawn up in battle array on the plateau—Having routed
them, they descend to well-stocked villages in the plain—Hence in two days they arrive at the sea-side, and
enter Trapezus, a Grecian city—For a whole month they pass their time in plundering the Colchians, paying
their vows to the gods, and celebrating festive games and entertainments.

oes

a ,"Ὁ

Ἣν

τ

ΤῊΒ

DISSERTATION OF POLYBIUS

Fe ee ὍΡΟΝ THE

-MACEDONIAN PHALANX.

Havine promised, in the ' fourth Book, to} but to a superiority of genius, and conduct in

compare, upon a proper occasion, the arms of
the Romans and Macedonians, and the dif-
ferent dispositions of their respective armies,
as also to consider the advantages and dis-
advantages of both; I shall take the oppor-
tunity of their being engaged together, to
endeavour to perform my promise. For since
the Macedonian disposition, recommending
itself by success, formerly prevailed over that
of the Asiatics and Greeks ; and on the other
side, the Roman disposition has been victo-
rious over that of the Africans, and of all the
inhabitants of the western part of Europe ;
and since, in our time, there has been not only
one, but many trials of the dispositions and
soldiers of both nations ; it will be a useful and
a creditable undertaking to inquire into the
difference of their discipline, and consider the
cause of the victories of the Romans, and of
their excelling all other nations in military
achievements, to the end we may not, by
attributing their success to fortune, like weak
men, compliment the victorious without foun-
dation ; but, by being acquainted with the true
reasons of it, celebrate and admire the con-
querors with justice.

As to what relates to the battles, in which the
Romans were engaged with Hannibal, and the
defeats they received from him, it is unneces-
sary to enlarge upon them, since they were not
owing either to their arms, or their disposition,

1 See page 252, note 1.

Hannibal. This we have made appear in the
relation of those battles: and this is farther
confirmed by the event of the war, (for as soon
as the Romans were commanded by a general
equal to Hannibal, they presently became vic-
torious,) and also by the conduct of Hannibal
himself, who, disliking the arms his men had
till then made use of, upon the first victory he
gained over the Romans, immediately armed
his forces with the arms of the latter, and con-
tinued to use them ever after. It is also cer-
tain, that Pyrrhus not only made use of Italian
arms, but also of Italian forces, in his engage-
ments with the Romans, placing a body of
Italians, and of his own men, drawn up ina
phalanx, alternately: however, not even by
this means, was he able to beat the Romans,
but the event of all their battles proved doubt-
ful. It was necessary to premise these things,
to the end that nothing may seem to contradict
our assertions. I now return to the proposed
comparison. Many arguments may convince
us that nothing can resist the phalanx in front,
or withstand its onset, when possessed of all
the advantages that are peculiar to it: for each
man, with his arms, when drawn up in order of
battle, takes up three feet in depth; and their
pikes, though originally sixteen cubits in length,
are, however, in reality, fourteen; of these,
four are taken up by the distance between his

‘hands, and so much of the hinder part of the

pike, as is necessary to balance the fore part,
when presented to the enemy. This being so,

256

it is plain that the pike, when grasped with
both hands and presented, must project ten
cubits before each man. Hence it happens,
that the pikes of the fifth rank will project two
cubits, and those of the second, third, and
fourth, will project more than two before the
file leaders, and when the intervals between
the ranks and files of the phalanx are properly
observed, as Homer has shown in these verses,

** An iron scene gleams dreadful o’er the fields,
Armour in armour lock’d, and shields in shields,
Spears lean on spears, on targets targets throng,
Helms stuck to helms, and man drove man along.”
Pope.
This being truly and beautifully expressed, it
follows, that five pikes, differing two cubits
from one another, in length, must project be-
fore each of the file-leaders; so that it is an
easy matter to represent to one’s self, the ap-
pearance, and strength of the whole phalanx,
when being, as usual, drawn up sixteen deep,
presenting its pikes, it makes an attack. Of
these sixteen ranks, those that exceed the fifth
cannot contribute, with their pikes, to annoy
the enemy ; for which reason they do not pre-
sent them, but each rank inclines them over
the shoulders of that before it, in order to se-
cure them from above; the pikes, by their
closeness defending them from the missive
weapons, which might otherwise, by flying
over the foremost ranks, fall upon those who
stand behind them. Besides, each of these
ranks, pressing in file, with the whole weight
of their body, the rank which immediat Jly pre-
cedes, they not only strengthen the attack, but
make it impossible for the foremost ranks to
retreat. This being the disposition of the
phalanx in the whole, and in part, we are now
to give an account of the properties and differ-
ence of the Roman arms and disposition, by
comparing them together. The Romans like-
wise, with their arms, take up three feet in
depth: but, as they cover their bodies with
their shields, changing their guard at every
stroke, and make use of their swords both to
cut, and thrust, it happens that their line of
battle is in a perpetual fluctuation ; this makes
it necessary for each man to have room, and an
interval of, at least, three feet, both in rank and
in file, if it is expected he should do his duty ;
from whence it follcws, that one Roman will
stand opposite to two file-leaders of the pha-
lanx, and consequently be exposed to, and en-
gaged with ten spears which it is not possible

DISSERTATION

for one man, when once the armies close, to
cut to pieces, before he is annoyed by them, or
easy to break through, since the hindmost ranks
can contribute nothing either to the force of the
file-leaders, or to the efficacy of their swords.
From what has been said it may be easily con-
cluded that, as I before observed, nothing can
withstand the onset of the phalanx in front,
while it preserves all the advantages that are
peculiar to it. What, therefore, is the cause
that gives the victory to the Romans, and de-
feats those who make use of the phalanx? It
is this: military operations are uncertain both in
time and place ; whereas the phalanx has but
one time, one place, and one disposition, in
which it can perform the service that is expec-
ted from it. If, therefore, there was a neces-
sity for the enemy to engage the phalanx at its
own time and place, in every decisive action, it
is reasonable to conclude, from what has been
said, that the latter would always prove vic=.
torious. But, if this is possible, and easy to
be avoided, why should that disposition be any
longer looked upon as formidable? And, in-
deed, it is allowed that the phalanx stands in
need of an even and open ground, where there
is no impediment, such as ditches, chasms, yal-
leys, eminences, and rivers: for all these are
capable of confounding, and breaking its rank
It must also be allowed, that it is almost im-
possible, at least, very rare, to find places of
twenty or more stadia, in which there is no-
thing of this nature; however, admit there are
such places ; if the enemy does not think fit to
engage the phalanx there, but, instead of that,
marches round, and lays waste the towns and
country of their friends, what will be the ser-
vice of such a disposition? Since, while the
phalanx remains in the places that are proper
for it, so far is it from being able to relieve its
friends, that it is incapable even of preserving
itself ; for the enemy will easily cut off their
provisions, the moment they have, without op-
position, made themselves absolute masters of
the country: and, if the phalanx quits the places
that are proper for it, to engage in any enter-
prise, it will become an easy conquest. But if
the enemy, resolving to engage the phalanx in
an even place, should, instead of exposing his
whole army at once to the onset of the pha-
lanx, retreat a little the instant it charges, the
event may be easily foreseen from what the
Romans now practise. For I desire no judg-
ment to be formed of my assertions from what

ON THE MACEDONIAN PHALANX.

I say, but from what has already happened :
since the Romans do not engage the phalanx

_ with all their legions drawn up in a line parallel
_ to the former ; but some divisions of them lie
_ behind in reserve, while others are engaged ; so
_ that, whether the phalanx forces those who are

opposite to it to give way, or is itself forced by

᾿ them to give way, the property of itis destroyed :

for, in order to pursue those who fly, or to fly
from those who pursue, some parts of the line
must leave the rest ; which no sooner happens,
than an opening is given for the reserve to take

_ the ground they left, and, instead of attacking

those who remain in front, to break in upon their
flanks, or their rear. Since, therefore, it is an
easy matter to avoid the opportunities and ad-
vantages of the phalanx, but impossible for the
latter to avoid those the Romans have over it,
how is it possible there should not in reality
be a great difference between them? Besides,

it is sometimes necessary for the phalanx to

march through, and encamp in all sorts of

257

places; at others, to prevent the enemy by

‘seizing some advantageous post ; sometimes to

besiege, at others, to be besieged, and to meet
with unexpected occurrences ; for all these
things are incident to war, and either decide
the victory, or greatly contribute to it: and, in
all these, the disposition of the Macedonians
is of little or no use; it being impossible for
the men, either in companies, or singly, to per-
form any service: whereas that of the Romans
is properly adapted to all; for every Roman,
when once armed for action, is equally fit for
all places, for all times, and all occurrences ; he
is also ready and equally disposed either for a
general, or a particular action, to charge with
his company, or engage in a single combat.
As, therefore, the disposition of the Romans
is vastly superior to that of the Macedonians
in the use of all its parts, so the enterprises of
the former are vastly more successful than
those of the latter.

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GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION.

The following Geographical Dissertation is a work of so much learning, that I am con-
fident it will be thought not only to explain, but even to adorn the Expedition of Cy-
rus: and though at first, I believe, only designed as a compliment to my book-
seller, is received with as great acknowledgment by the author, as it will be with ap-
probation by the public. There are, T observe, some points, in which this learned
gentleman differs from me in Chronology, and the computation of the Greek mea-
sures, or rather from Diodorus Siculus, and Arbuthnot, whom I have followed ; but
I could never answer it either to the public, or myself, if any difference of opinion in
those points could create in me a wish to deprive them of so great an improvement, or
my work of so great an ornament.

GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION.

Ir is observed by a late ingenious author, that
a ‘prince so entirely bent upon the enlarging
of his territories, as Lewis XIV. was, could
not be very well pleased with the mathema-
ticians who measured his kingdom ; for that,
by fixing the true boundaries of his dominions,
they robbed him of more land, than he could
have any hopes of regaining by four or five of
his most successful campaigns. The Mahom-
-medan princes have still a stronger tie (if
stronger can be than ambition) in this respect :
their religion obliges them, both to extend
their borders, and to be in a peculiar manner
tenacious of what they already possess. How
therefore the Grand Seignior may relish the
measures of our modern geographers, I cannot
take upon me to say; but certain it is, that
they have deprived him of so much land (which
before he had an uncontested title to), that had
the Grand Monarque suffered in such a de-
gree, the world would never afterwards have
had any reason to fear the Gallic power.

The Arabians, who are the geographers the
Turks are most conversant with, lay down
Byzantium, and the northern parts of Asia
Minor, in about 45 degrees of north latitude ;
Ptolemy in‘ about 43; and the southern parts
of Cilicia, Pamphilia, &c. in ® 36° 30’; where-

1 He places Byzantium in 43° 5. Bithyniz Promon-
torium in 43°20. Heraclea, Ponti 43°10’. Parthenii
Ostia 13° 10. Sinope 44°. Halys Ostia 43° 10. Amisus
430 6’, and Trapezus 43° 5’. So that M. Greaves (Philo-
soph, Transact. No. 178.) had no occasion to have re-
course to Ptolemy’s Almagest. Magn. to prove there is
no error crept into the text, with regard to the latitude
of Byzantium, since all these places correspond with it,
and particularly Chalcedon, which stood over against
it, he puts exactly in the same latitude, viz. 430 5’,

2 Isay in 36° 30, though I might have said less: for
he places the middle of Rhodes in35°, Xanthi Fluy.
Ostia in 360 ὁ, Phaselis 36° 25'. and Issus 360 2,

as in fact the former lie in about 41°, and the
latter in 37°. So that the Arabians make this
part of the Grand Seignior’s dominions four
degrees anda half; Ptolemy, and by far the
greatest part of the geographers ever since, two
degrees and a half broader than in reality it is ;
which, considering the ‘length of the Euxine
sea, namely, more than a thousand miles, is so
considerable a portion of country, as a super-
stitious Mahommedan could not be easily
brought to part with.

I think I may venture to say, that the
Arabians are not to be complimented with
having made any great improvements in
geography. Itis probable, the first of them
made use of a faulty copy of Ptolemy in laying
down the places above mentioned, or, it may
be, instead of 43° δ᾽, he mistook the letters, and
made it 45°, and the rest followed him without
every inquiring into the truth. But for
Ptolemy, who will, I believe, be allowed to be
the greatest geographer the world ever produc-
ed, to fall into such a mistake, is very surpris-
ing ; when we consider, that * Herodotus posi-
tively affirms, that a man, prepared for expedi-
tion, could go on foot from the Cilician sea to
the Euxine in five days. Indeed Ptolemy
makes a degree of the great circle to consist of
but five hundred stadia, and consequently the
breadth of Asia Minor (as it is commonly
called) will not be increased in proportion to
the number of degrees, it being, according to
this computation, about four hundred miles
English: but this 15 ἃ great deal too much, es-
pecially as the country is very mountainous,
for a footman to despatch in so short a time as
five days.

Strabo, from Eratosthenes, * places the

3. In Clio, cap. 72. 4. Book ii, in the beginning.

262

Sinus Issicus in the same parallel with the
Fretum Gaditanum ; which is pretty near the
truth : but then he says again from Hipparchus,
1 that Narbon, Massalia, and Byzantium lie
under one parallel. This it is probable ® led
Ptolemy into the mistake above-mentioned.
The latitude of Massalia had been determined
to be about 43°, by the observations of Pytheas.
He therefore placed Byzantium and the.shore
of the Euxine in the same latitude, and of con-
sequence made all this country almost double
what it is in reality. Indeed Strabo proves
afterwards, by an 3 odd sort of reasoning, that

1 Book ii. page 212, and in other places.

2 There might another reason be assigned for
Ptolemy’s placing Byzantium so far to the northward,
and thatis his making a degree of the great circle to
consist of but five hundred stadia, whereas in reality it
contains very near six hundred and five: so that the
greater the distance, the more in proportion are the
number of degrees increased; six of Ptolemy’s not
being quite equal to five of the great circle. And
thus we find that the distance between Alexandria,
in Egypt, the place of Ptolemy’s residence, and By-
zantium, is in reality about ten degrees, the former
being near thirty-one, the latter in forty-one ; whereas
Ptolemy increasing one degree in five, has placed By-
zantium in forty-three. However, as Hipparchus in
Strabo does affirm, that Byzantium is by observation
exactly in the same latitude with Massalia, Suc} γὰρ
ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τὸν αὐτὸν εἶναι λόγον στοῦ γνώμονος πρὸς τὴν
σπιὸν; ὅν εἶπεν 6 Πυϑέας ἐν Μασσαλίῳ : and as Ptolemy
makes them exactly the same, viz. ey. (6. 48, ὅ, I think
it is most probable he was misled by those authorities.
We may from this be convinced how little stress ought
to be laid upon the observations of the ancients, and
how far their authority is to be relied on, with regard
to the motion of the poles of the earth. Mr Cassini, in
the Mem. of the Acad. Royale, has treated this subject
in a very curious and ample manner ; after which I am
surprised how M. Voltaire (Philosophie de Nueton, cap.
23) could espouse this opinion of the poles shifting after
the rate of one minute in 100 years, and affirm that the
Egyptian astronomers had made regular observations
of the heavens for two whole revolutions of the poles :
which makes the Egyptians a very ancient nation in-
deed; for two revolutions amount to no less than
4,320,000 years. This he gathers from Herodotus, who
says that the Egyptian annals mention the sun’s rising
twice in the west. A consequence this, which nothing
but an exalted genius could have drawn! But we‘must
reraember this gentleman is a poet as well as a philo-
sopher.

2 He says, “ It is allowed by most people, that the
line which is drawn from the straits of Gibraltar
through the fare of Messina, Athens, and Rhodes,
makes all these places lie under the same parallel. It is
also allowed that this line (from the Straits to the
fare) passes somewhere very near the middle of the
sea. Now we are assured by navigators, that the great-
est distance from France (from the gulf of Lyons to
Africa is no more than 5000 stadia: and consequently
that this is the breadth of the Mediterranean in the

GEOGRAPHICAL

the parallel of Byzantium is much more north-
ward than that of Massalia: because from By-
zantium to Rhodes, (which lies in the same
parallel with the Fretum Gaditanum) he says,
is allowed by all, to be four thousand nine hun-
dred stadia: but that from Massalia to the
aforesaid parallel is not quite two thousand five
hundred. We may presume that Strabo,
though a very cautious and very modest wniter,
did not attend to the words of Herodotus : for,
if he had, he must have concluded, that upon
the supposition of Hipparchus and Eratosthe-
nes, a footman could travel in five days the
whole breadth of Spain, that is, from the Fre-
tum Gaditanum (the straits of Gibraltar) to
the Mare Cantabrium, (the bay of Biscay)
and upon his own supposition in much less;
either of which a man of his intelligence must
know to be quite impracticable.

All that can be said in this case is, that the
greatest part of the ancients looked upon He-
rodotus, as an author that indulged himself too
much in the privilege of travellers ; and there-
fore in general seem to give very little credit to
what he advances: though time and experience
have at last convinced the world, that he had
a genius superior to the rest of mankind: that
his diligence and veracity were equal to his
genius ; and that he, like our countryman R.
Bacon, discovered truths too sublime for the
contemplation of the age he lived in.

This I thought proper to premise, because
several modern map-makers, and‘ some late
authors, still adhere to Ptolemy, in placing By-
zantium and the Euxine two degrees too far to
the northward. JI shall for the future confine
myself to the proper subject of this dissertation,
namely, to the route which the Greek army took,

broadest place. So that from the aforesaid line to the
farthest corner of the gulf of Lyons, must be 2500
stadia, and to Massalia somewhat less, because it stands
more southward than the bight of the Bay. But from
Rhodes to Byzantium is 4900 stadia: so that the paral-
jel of Byzantium must be a great deal more northward
(πολὺ ἀρπτικώτερος) than that of Massalia.” page 115.
The fallacy of this argument is quickly perceived, by
only casting an eye upon any common map where we
shall find the difference of latitude between Rhodes
and Constantinople is not four degrees, that is, not 2500
stadia; and that the parallel of the Straits runs into the
coast of Africa. ὴ

4. Some of these Mr Spelman has followed in note 11,
book iv. page 243, where he says that Armenia lies be-
tween the 40th and 43rd degrees of latitude; whereas
Trebisond lies in 49 4, so that Armenia cannot reack
at most to above forty and a half.

DISSERTATION 263

in their expedition to Babylon, and in their re-
turn back again.

Xenophon begins his account of their march
from Sardes, the capital of Lydia, because he
there joined the army, but afterwards constantly
computes from Ephesus the sea-port. from
whence he began his journey. They directed
their> march through the middle of the country ;
through Lydia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Cappado-
cia, and ° Cilicia, to the gates of Syria, near the
upper end of Sinus Issicus.

From thence they proceeded to Myriandrus,
a sea-port town, of which no footsteps that I
can hear of at present remain. Ptolemy’
places it twenty minutes south of Alexandria
penes Issum (Scanderun,) upon the same me-
ridian ; but whoever casts his eye upon the
chart of the bay of Scanderun, will soon per-
ceive this to be impossible; because the bay
lies near the north-east and south-west, and
both these towns stood upon the shore. All
that we can gather from it is, that they were
distant from each other twenty of Ptolemy’s
minutes, 7. 6. nineteen English miles ; and that
therefore Myriandrus is to be placed at the en-
trance into the bay, just within the Scopulus
Rhossicus, now called, Ras al Khanzir.

From hence, the army, in four days’ march,
made twenty parasangs, (in our language leagues)
and came to the river Chalus, very justly,
by the great Delisle, supposed to be the Chalib,
or Alep, the river of Aleppo; because the
name is not only the same, allowing for the
different genius of languages ; but the distance
shows it can be no other. For as Aleppo is
about twenty small hours’ journey from Scande-
run, sO it must be something more from
Myriandrus, which lay near south-west from
the latter of those places; and as there lies a
great bog in the direct road, which was made

5 I shall speak more particularly of this march, when
I come to take notice of M. Delisle’s computations.,

6 I would recommend the following passage in Dio-
dorus Siculus to the consideration of the next editor of
that author ; 'Ο δὲ Κῦρος, ἐπειδὴ διῆλϑε τὴν Κιλικίαν, καὶ
παραγενήδδη πρὸς πόλιν “Ἰσσὸν; ἐπὶ ϑωλάττης μὲν κειμένην,
ἐσχάτων δ᾽ οὖσαν τῆς ἹΚιλικίας, καταπλεῦσας εἰς αὐτήν.
Booth translates it, ““ Having marched almost through
all Cilicia, he took shipping, and arrived at last by sea
at Issus, the utmost city of that country, near the sea-
side,” Which is indeed a verbal translation of the La-
tin version; but how to reconcile it with the original,
or with Xenophon’s account of this march, I confess,
I cannot tell.

7 Alexandria penes Issum long. 690 10), lat. 360 10
Myriandus 690 10), lat. 350 50. Mr Delisle has placed
this town fifteen minutes to the north of Alexandrete,

passable but of late years, and which Cyrus’s
army was to go almost round; we may con-
clude, that all these put together, must make
the distance from Myriandrus to the Chalus,
twenty parasangs, or Persian leagues. In
mentioning the Chalus, I cannot but make one
remark, and that is, that it is, in one respect,
very different from what it was formerly.
Xenophon says, it was full of fish in his time;
and give a very good * reason for it. Rauwolf
says, there is great scarcity of fish at Aleppo,
though the inhabitants do not esteem them ;
but the reason he gives for their indifference to
this sort of victuals, seems to me a little extra-
ordinary ; he says, “ It is because most of them
drink water instead of wine.”

From the Chalus, in five days’ march, they
made thirty parasangs, and came to the sources
of the river Daradax, which Xenophon affirms
to be one hundred feet broad; by which we
must naturally conclude, that the army march-
ed along the bank of it a considerable way ;
because we cannot suppose any river in this
country, the edge of the desert of Arabia, to be
one'*hundred feet in breadth at the source.
What river this was, or what is the present
name of it, is difficult, perhaps impossible, to
detérmine. The plethrum, or measure of one
hundred feet, is but a lax way of reckoning,
and might, perhaps, be applied to riversa great
deal less than one hundred feet in breadth:
as our “measures, in modern times, are of-
ten applied to rivers in a very random manner.
flowever, as modern travellers take no notice
of any such river, we must let it rest as it is,
till more satisfactory discoveries are made in
these parts. What surprises me most in this
very particular account of their march is, that
our author takes no notice of the river, now
called 15 Ephrin, about half way between the bay

8 Because the inhabitants of that country worshipped
them as gods. See Book i. page 172.

"9 Travels published by J. Ray, part, i. c. 8,

10 Thus we find Xenophon applies the measure of one
hundred feet to some of the rivers of Cilicia, which other
authors call no more than brooks falling from Mount
Taurus cross 2 small plain into the sea.

11 In this manner Rauwolf says the Euphrates is half a
league broad at Babylon; whereas Sir Thomas Herbert
Says it is only almost double the breadth of the Thames
at London. At Bir, Rauwolf says, it is a mile broad;
Maundrel, that it is as broad as the Thames at London.

12 Tavernier mentions two rivers between Alexan-
dretta and Aleppo; over the first he says is a bridge
very long and strongly built, Book ii. cap. 1. But in
this he is mistaken, the bridge and causeway being laid

264

of Scanderun and Aleppo ; and which the army
must of necessity pass in their march to the
East; for it rises in the mountains above
Korus, and falls into the lake of Antioch. This
river is at least as considerable as the Chalus,
and much more so, I dare venture to say, than
any river between Aleppo and the Euphrates.
This, among a great many others, some of
which I shall have occasion to mention in the
sequel of this discourse, does almost prevail
upon me to think, that Xenophon kept no
journal, at least no regular one, of this ex-
pedition ; but that he drew it up a great many
years afterwards, at his leisure, in his ’ exile,
from the several particulars, which must have
made a very strong impression upon his me-
mory. ‘This will not seem so strange, when
we consider, that, in Xenophon’s days, writing
was not what it is in our’s ; the materials were
not easy to be had, nor were they easy to be
carried in such marches as they performed.
From the source of the Daradax, they march-
ed, in three days, fifteen parasangs, to Thap-
sacus, upon the Euphrates. This city, though
nothing at present remains of it but the name,
was formerly a place of great note: it was the
frontier town of the kingdom of Israel, in the
days of David and Solomon: for it is said, 1
Kings iv. 24, that Solomon 523 A pa ΤΊ ΟῚ
smo day sadn S23 my yn npsna saw ay
that is, He had dominion over all on this side
the river, from Thapsakh even to Ngaza over
all the kings on this side the river, viz. the
Euphrates. Our translators have, rendered
them Tiphsah and Azzah, which puts such a
disguise upon these two noted cities, that I dare
to say, very few people, upon seeing these
names in the Bible, have been able to know
them. Such confusion has the pointing of
the Hebrew brought into that primitive and
sacred language! Thapsakh, in the original,
signifies a pass, or passing over, or perhaps,
in this place, more properly a ford; for as
in our nation, there are at present bridges over
most of the rivers at such places as end in

over the bog above mentioned: the other he calls Af-
rora, and says that upon rains it is not fordable. This
is the Ephrin, the fording of which does frequently so
much damage to the bales of goods, that our Turkey
merchants, some years ago, proposed to build a bridge
over it at their own expense; but the Turks would not
consent, and so the design was dropped.

1 Ishall speak of this more particularly towards the _

end of this Dissertation,

ΕΝ

GEOGRAPHICAL

ford, such as Oxford, Wallingford, Hertford,
and the like, yet it is certain that these names
were given them from fording the rivers at
those places before the bridges were built. In
like manner, it is more than probable, that
Thapsakh was so called, from the Euphrates
being fordable at that place; because it was a
town of note in David’s time, and consequently
must have had its name long before, in those
times of simple nature, when ferry-boats, and
bridges of boats, were not invented.
makes the Euphrates fordable here; and Rau-
wolf, about the same place, found the river so
full of shoals, that though their boats could
draw but little water, the navigation was ex-
tremely dangerous. And, indeed, Menon, who
was a man of great cunning, must have drawn
this secret from somebody, else it can scarcely
be supposed, he would attempt to pass a river
near half an English mile in breadth, that is
broader than the Thames at Woolwich. This
I have been the more particular in, with a de.
sign to show what a notable compliment the
inhabitants of Thapsacus paid Cyrus, when
they told him that the gods had wrought a
miracle in his favour, by making the river, the
great river, to submit to his authority; inas-
much as it was never known to be fordable be-
fore this time.

I cannot here pass without taking notice of
a great error crept into the copies of Strabo;
where speaking of Alexander’s design of sub-
duing the Arabs, he tells us, “ That great con-
queror, seeing the impossibility of attacking
them by land, proposed to build a great quan-
tity of boats, in Pheenicia and Cyprus, and
3 transporting them seven stadia, to Thapsacus,
to convey them, by means of the river, to Ba-
bylon.” Which makes it not a mile from the
coast of the Mediterranean to Thapsacus,
whereas, it must be at least one hundred and
fifty. I cannot find that any of the learned

—

2 Book xvi. page 741. “A πομισθέντα εἰς Θάψακον,
σταδίοις ἐπτὰ εἶτα τῶ ποταμῷ xaruxousobives mixer Ba-
ξυλῶνος. It is certain that Strabo, in composing such
a work as his Geography is, must consult a very great
variety of authors ; and though he himself always makes
use of the stadium in computing of distances, yet in tran-
scribing other writings, he might sometimes be forced
to adopt other terms: for instance, in this place, he
might meet with σταθμοῖς ἐπτὰ; and put it down so, as
not being able to determine the exact quantity: which
some ignorant scribe, seeing σταδίοις in all other places _
made use of, might change, and think he had done his
author great service.

Ptolemy . |

DISSERTATION.

men, who have made their observations upon
this author, have taken any notice, much less
made any attempt towards the clearing up of
this passage.

Pliny, Stephanus of Byzantium, and Lucan,
affirm, that Alexander passed the Euphrates
at Zeugma, (a place near two hundred and
thirty miles higher up the river than Thapsa-
cus,) contrary to the authority of all other his-
torians, and the nature of the thing itself; for
as Alexander was at Tyre, in his return from
Egypt, and was to direct his march towards
Arbela, it would have been near four hundred
miles out of his way to have gone to Zeugma.
What might probably lead Pliny and the rest
into this mistake, was the name of the place:
for * Zeugma was so called, because a bridge
was laid over the Euphrates there; and as
there was also a bridge over the Euphrates
at Thapsacus, it might easily lead authors,
at so great a distance, into such a mis-
take. The reason Mr Hutchinson gives, namely
that* these authors must speak of different
expeditions, sounds somewhat strange to me:
because it is certain, that Alexander made but
one expedition against the Persians; at least,
(which is most to our purpose) that he never
passed the Euphrates but once-in these parts.

As to Ptolemy’s placing Thapsacus in
Arabia Deserta, whereas all other authors
place it in Syria, it is but very little material ;

because though it is really within the limits of
' Syria, yet it stands* in the desert which ad-
joins to Arabia. This great geographer places
Thapsacus in thirty-five degrees of latitude ;
but as he puts all the sea-coast half a degree
too far towards the south, so I have ventured
to place this in 35° 30’.

3 What. Pliny says, Book vy. cap. 26. Scinditur Eu.
phrates a Zeugmate octoginta tribus millibus passuum ;
et parte leva in Mesopotamiam, vadit per ipsum Seleu-
ciam, circa eam-prefluenti infusus Tigri, is sufficient
to persuade us, that either there is some error in the
text, or that Zeugma was a lax term applied to several
places; for Zeugma, properly so called, stood some-
where near the place where Bir now stands, from
whence, to the end of the mountains of Mesopotamia,
is near three hundred miles ; and from thence to the
plain country of Babylonia, where this division most
assuredly was, must be above four hundred miles; so
that instead of eighty, perhaps it should be eight
hundred.

4 De diversis nimirum expeditionibus intelligende
videntur discrebantes auctorum ἰόν πα Dissert.
page 8.

5 The desert begins two or three leagues from Alep-
po. Tavernier, Book ii. cap. 3.

265

The army having passed the Euphrates,
marched upon the banks of it, for the most
part: Isay, for the most part, because they
did not do it constantly ; since Xenophon tells
us, pag. 26. b. i. that some of their marches
were very long, when Cyrus had a mind the
army should go on, till they came to water or
forage. Now they cannot be supposed to
quicken their marches for want of water, while
they travelled on the bank of so fine a river.
Weare but little accquainted with the course
of the Euphrates, though several travellers
have sailed down it. It is probable, that the
river makes some great windings towards the
south, where no man that is acquainted with
the country, would keep to the bank of it; one
of these Rauwolf mentions, 5 which took them
up more than half a day to pass.

Strabo makes the distance between Thap-
sacus and Babylon, following the course of the
Euphrates,(that is,the route this army took, )’ to
be four thousand eight hundred stadia, and, as
it is repeated very often, we depend upon it,
there is no error crept into the text: and as the
Greeks in Alexander’s time, and for Several
years afterwards, travelled this way, the! dis-
tanée must be very well known. Hoiwever,
in his account of this march, ‘makes

Υ le
From Thapsacus, through Syria, ᾿ Ὁ Bila
to the river ὃ Araxes, in 9 days, 0 Ve ifs Bae Ὗ

To the river Masca, unknown to rc
modern writers, in 5 days, 33
To Pyle,inl3days, . .. . 90
In Babylonia, 3 days, . . . . 12
March in order of battle, p. 187,
1 day, ἰ ᾿
March with less circumspection, .
1 day, suppose, i =

6 He says, that * on the ninth of October they came
to a point called Eusy, which took them up more than —
half a day to pass.” So that if they were above half a
day in reaching the point, it is probable that the bent of
the river was more than double, and must take them
more than a day to get round, which could not be an ἴῃ.
considerable distance, as the stream was in their fayour.

7 Book ii. page 82, &c.

8 This river Rauwolf calls Chabu, (not observing the
rin the termination) and says there is a castle named
Sere at the mouth of it, p. ii. cap. 5. There wasa castle
in this place in the days of Julian the Apostate, which
Zosimus calls Circesium, Book iii.

21,

266

It is plain from what is said con-
cerning the retreat of Arizus,

after the battle, p. 192, that up- > 4,
on the day of battle, they had
marched,

197

Which amounts to no less.than five thousand
nine hundred and ten stadia: now if we con-
sider that they were yet a considerable distance!
on this side Babylon, (Plutarch says five hun-
dred stadia) we must perceive this account
swelled prodigiously above the truth. All the
solution that I can pretend to give to this dif-
ficulty is, that the Persians, who were the
guides of this expedition, must mark out the
distances according to their fancies: that ex-
cessive heat and hunger are companions, that
make a journey seem tedious and long; and
consequently, when their Persian friends told
them they had marched so many parasangs,
the Greeks made no hesitation to believe them,
in order to rest themselves. And, indeed, if
we attentively consider the marches, as set
down in Xenophon, we shall find most of them
too long for so great an army to perform, es-
ool as they must have a prodigious quan-
tity of carriages along with them, not only to
conyey their provisions, but also the aceoutre-
ments of the heavy-armed men. For instance,
from the Araxes to the Masca, they marched
in five days thirty-five parasangs, which is
very near twenty-four miles a day. From
'Masca to Pyle, they despatched in thirteen
| days ninety parasangs, which is very near
twenty-four miles one day with another; too
~ | much to be performed by an army of near one
| hundred and twenty thousand men, in the mid-
dle of summer, in the latitude of thirty-four,
and with such great numbers of attendants as
they must of necessity have along with them.
In marching through the country of Baby-
| lon, they came to the canals which were cut
ween the Tigris and Euphrates, in order, as
most authors agree, to circulate the waters of
the latter, which would otherwise drown all
the adjacent country, when the snows melt
upon the Armenian mountains. Xenophon
says, these canals fall out of the Tigris into
the Euphrates; whereas 2 Strabo and Pliny

1 Xenophon says no less than three thousand and
sixty stadia, but this I shall speak more particularly to
by and by.

2 See Mr Spelman’s note 5, page 187.

GEOGRAPHICAL

say the contrary, and Arrian goes so far as to
affirm, that the level of the Tigris is much
lower than that of the Euphrates; so that the
water must necessarily run always one way.
Our modern travellers inform us, that the
country between these two rivers is, in these
parts, rich low land, something like the pro-
vince of Holland : so that it is more than pro-
bable, that these canals were cut to circulate
the waters of the one river as much as the
other ; and that as the Tigris is by much the
most rapid of the two, the water must come
down with greater fury, and stand in more
need of being diverted when it arrived in the
level country. It is worth our observation,
that these two great rivers could never swell at
the same season; because as the mountains out
of which the Tigris rises, lie in the south of
Armenia, and those in which the Euphrates
has its source in the north, it is certain that
the snows upon the former must melt sooner
than those upon the latter. Accordingly, we
find the author of Ecclesiasticus mentions the
overflowing of the Tigris *in the latter end of
March, and beginning of April. And Pliny
assures us, that the Euphrates overflows in
* July and August. It might so happen that
the Greek or Roman travellers, from whom
these authors could have had their intelligence
(all travellers generally choose the spring to
perform long journeys in) might not arrive at
Babylon early enough in the season, to see any
thing of the rise of the Tigris. But having
spent March, April, May, and perhaps June,
in their journey, they must find the channel of
the Euphrates quite full, and discharging the
superfluous waters with great rapidity, into the
Tigris ; sufficient to persuade any common ob-
server, that the level of the former must be above .
that of the latter. However, had it been so in
reality, the Euphrates must quickly have for-
sook his old course, and in a few years have
joined the Tigris, by one or more of these.

3 Chap. xxiv. 25. Pliny also says, that the Tigris’
overfiows in such a manner, as to run into a river which
falls into the Euphrates, B. vi cap. 27. Now, if it does
this in the upper parts, where its current is so very swift,
as to merit the appellation of arrow, what can we expect
in the lower country, where the land is flat, and its
stream more gentle ?

4 Increscit (nempe Euphrates) statis diebus, Mesopo-
tamiam inundans, sole obtinente vicesimam partem
Cancri: minui incipit in Virgine, Leone transgresso.
In totum vero remeat in vicesima nona parte Virginis,
B. v. 26.

DISSERTATION.

canals; for Strabo, and modern observers have
assured us, that the land between these rivers
is fat and very rotten, and, consequently must
soon have been worn deep and broad enough to
‘convey any quantity of water, which, for a
constancy, could run through it. When our
author was in this country, I find, by computa-
tion, was towards the latter end of September,
a time when both the Euphrates and Tigris
must be very low; and, therefore, some art
must be used in order to make these canals so
full of water. Clearchus, we see, suspected it
to be the case, and no doubt but he had good
reason for these suspicions. The Tigris was
much the smaller river of the two, and conse-
quently the more manageable. It is therefore
probable, that they had some works in it, in
order to raise the water to a proper height ;
and that when Cyrus approached with his
army, it is likely the king ordered the country
to be laid under water, as far as they were able
to do it, with a design to retard and harass
them as much as possible. This would turn
the water through the canals into the Eu-
phrates, and may be the reason why Xenophon
differs from other authors in this particular.
Speaking of the magnitude of the Euphrates,
puts me in mind of what Strabo says of it,
where he informs us that it runs through the
middle of ancient Babylon, and was a stadium
in breadth, 5 Ὁ γὰρ ποταμὸς διὰ μέσον ῥεῖ τῆς
πολίως σπταδιαῖος ro πλάτος : Which Calmet,
with the generosity of “modern writers, takes
for granted, without examining what difficulties
such an assertion is loaded with. Xenophon,
who forded it himself, affirms, that this river
is four stadia broad at Thapsacus, above five
hundred miles higher than Babylon: and all
the world is sensible, that rivers do not grow
narrower the further they proceed in their
course. What surprises me most is, that

——

5 Book xvi. p. 38.

6 Dean Prideaux, Connec. Part I. Book ii. adheres to
this sense of Strabo, though he quotes Diodorus Siculus,
who tells us, Book ii. that the bridge of Babylon was
five stadia long. Now instead of correcting Strabo by
such an authority, he gives it this unnatural turn, viz.
that the bridge must be a great deal longer than the
river was broad: though he himself has but just before

- told us, that the person who built this bridge had banked
up the river on each side with brick, in such a manner
as the river could never overflow; so that to make the
bridge five times as long as the distance between these
two banks, must be a needless, not to say a ridiculous

piece of work.

267

Calmet should fall into this mistake, when he
had Rauwolf before him, and quotes him in
this very article, as an author of considerable
credit. This writer travelled through these
parts two hundred years ago, and speaking of
the bridge of Babylon (some of the piers of
which at this day remain), says thus: ‘“ The
arches of it are built of burnt brick, and so
strong that it is admirable: amd that so much
the more, because all along the river, as we
came from Bir, where the river is a great deal
smaller, we saw never a bridge: wherefore, I
say, it is admirable which way they could
build a bridge here, where the river is at least
“half a league broad, and very deep besides.”
p- ii. c. 7. Sir Thomas Herbert, who had
been in these parts, and it is probable had taken
a view of the river hereabouts, who, though he
falls into a great many ὅ mistakes in matters of
learning, yet he must be allowed to be a com-
petent judge in those things that are the objects
of sense, assures us, that the Euphrates at
ancient Babylon was well nigh double the
breadth of the Thames at London. That
Xenophon was not mistaken in the breadth of
the river at Thapsacus, and that there is no
error crept into the text, we may be convinced
from what our ingenious countryman Maundrel
says on the same subject, where he assures us,’

ἢ It must here be observed, that when travellers men-
tion the breadth of rivers, we must not take what they
say to be strictly true: they have no instruments with
them to determine distances ; and had they instruments,
the generality would not know how to make use of
them. What Rauwolf says in this place, must be under-
stood as spoken very much at large, half a league being
thirteen stadia. Diodorus Siculus, we have seen, makes
the bridge over it five stadia. Now as a bridge is by
much more easily measured than ariver, and as Xeno-
phon makes it four stadia at Thapsacus, we may suppose
that five stadia, a little more than half an English mile,
was the breadth of the Euphrates at Babylon.

8 For instance, he tells us that Ninus enlarged Wine-
veh the Great upon Tigris, formerly called Nysib and
Rauhaboth, and since Mosul, being indeed rather the
rains of Seleucia. Page 226. He also informs us from
Xenophon, that Cyrus had one hundred and twenty-five
millions of pounds when he marched against his brother
Artaxerxes. Page 249.

9 Journey from Aleppo to Beer, April 20, where he
tells us, that the river is as broad as the Thames at
London, and that a long bullet-gun could not shoot a
ball over it, but.it dropped into the water. By this it ap.
pears that it is a great deal broader than the Thames at
London, for a common fowling-piece will carry a ball,
without any elevation, more than twice the breadth of
the Thames at Blackwall. At London bridge the Thames
is nine hundred feet over : now supposing it one hundred
feet more at Blackwall, will make it one thousand, that.

268
that a long bullet-gun could not shoot a ball
over the Euphrates at Jerabolus. This I take
to be the ' ancient Zeugma, above two thousand
stadia, or two hundred and thirty miles, higher
up the river than Thapsacus. So that if it is
so broad at Jerabolus, we cannot think four
stadia (not quite half a mile) any thing extraor-
dinary for its breadth at Thapsacus.

As to the situation of Babylon, I confess, I
ean find nothing to determine it with any ex-
actness. Though astronomical observations
were made there constantly for several centu-

GEOGRAPHICAL

supposition, the meridian distance between
Babylon and Scanderun must be 22° 21’, which,
upon a little examination, will be found very
much to exceed the truth. For instance, from
Scanderun to Aleppo, is not sixty miles;
which, considering the winding of roads and the
difference of latitude, cannot exceed one de-
gree. From Aleppo to Thapsacus, Xenophon
makes forty-five parasangs, which upon this
parallel, the difference of latitude above one
degree, cannot make above two and a half de-
grees. From Thapsacus to Babylon was four

ries, yet less remains (if less can remain) of | thousand eight hundred stadia, following the

these, than of that once so famous city. Mr
Bedford 2 has reckoned up a great variety of
opinions concerning the situation of this place,
and at last himself adheres to one of the worst.
He quotes three of the principal Arabians,
who, it is highly probable, had every one of
them been upon the spot, and made some sort
of observation to determine the latitude. For
as they differ among themselves, they could not
copy from any that went before, nor from one
another; and as the difference is but very
small, it might be owing to the inaccuracy of
their instruments. But he chooses to forsake
these, and follow Bochart, who places it® al-
most a whole degree further to the north. As
to the longitude, he, again from Bochart, makes
it 77° 46’, which is a great deal too much: for
as the longitude of Scanderun has been deter-
mined ὁ to be 55° 25/, so upon the foregoing

doubled is two thousand, almost three stadia and one half:
so that we may conclude this at least to be the breadth
of the Euphrates at Jerabolus. Pliny says, Book v. cap.
24, “ Arabiam inde leva, Oreon dictam regionem, tri-
schcena mensura, dextraque Commagenem, disterminat
(nempe Euphrates).” P. Hardouin observes upon the
place, “ Amnem ibi latum esse ait schcenis tribus.”
Now Pliny assures us, Book xii. cap. 14. the schcenus
consists of forty stadia, or five Roman miles; so that
according to Hardouin, the Euphrates must be fourteen
English miles broad at Bir. However, as the sentence
will admit another construction, we have no occasion
to father such an absurdity upon Pliny. Ido not know
whether it is worth while to take notice of a small mis-
take or two in Delisle’s maps. He makes the Euphrates
five hundred feet broad, and the pyramid near Larissa
upon the Tigris two hundred paces high, and one hun-
dred pacessquare. Whereas Xenophon makes the river
four stadia broad, i. e. five hundred paces, or two thou-
sand five hundred feet; and the pyramid one hundred
feet square, and two hundred high,

1 I conclude so from the many beautiful ruins found
there, and especially from the remains of a bridge said to
be thereabouts. Vide Maundrel udi supra.

2 Scripture Chronology, Book i. eap. 1.

8 The Arabians place it in 33° 20’. Bochart in 31° 15’.

course of the Euphrates. Now, allowing for
the difference of latitude, and bending of the
river, we will suppose* Babylon more to the
east by three hundred geographical miles, (and-
this I am persuaded will be thought too much)
which being reduced, will be found to be six
degrees. So that the meridian distance be-
tween Scanderun and Babylon, cannot upon
any reasonable calculation be supposed more
than ° nine and a half degrees, which added to
the longitude of Seanderun, makes 64° 55/, the
longitude of Babylon. TBochart therefore has
placed this city no less than thirteen degrees
too far to the east. As for the Arabians,
Eachard, &e. they followed Ptolemy; and as
he had, for the most part, nothing but imagina-
tion to determine the longitude of places by, it
is not to be wondered at, if he generally does it
in a manner very wide from the truth.

4 The French place Paris in 20° long. and therefore Mr
Delisle makes the longitude of Alexandretta to be but
54° 15’. However, as we reckon London 199 east from
Ferro, and Paris 2° 25’ from London, and as Mr
Chazelles found the meridian distance between Paris and
Scanderun to be 25 16’, i. 6. 34° , so the true longitude of
Seanderun is 55° 15’. ἢ

5 This way of reckoning is in some measure confirmed
by Josephus, Antiq. viii. ο. 6. where he says that Tha-
domira (that is Palmyra) was one day’s journey from the
Euphrates, and six from Great Babylon. Here by day’s
journey, is meant the horseman’s journey, or sixty
miles ; so that from the Euphrates over-against Palmyra
to Babylon is three hundred miles. But Thapsacus
stands somewhat more to the west than this part of the
Euphrates ; that is, the course of the river is S. and by
E, and 5. 5, Ἐπ so that three hundred geographical miles _
must be pretty near the true meridian distance between
Thapsacus and Babylon. Pliny indeed affirms, Book v.
cap. 25. that from Palmyra to Seleucia upon the Tigris
is three hundred and thirty-seven miles; but as other
copies say five hundred and thirty-seven, I must leave it
to the decision of the critics.

6 Mr Delisle makes the distance between Babylon and
Scanderun to be pretty nearly equal fo that between

| Babylon and Smyrna. Now the meridian distance of

DISSERTATION.

After the’ battle, and the death of Cyrus,
the Greeks, though victorious, had no hope left,
but that of getting back again to their own
country. But to effect this was a matter of
considerable difficulty. To return by the same
way they came, was impossible, because all
their provisions were spent, and they were to
march through the deserts of Arabia: and they
wanted guides to show them another road. At
last they entered into a truce with the king,
one of the conditions of which was, that he
should conduct them safe to their own country.
The officers sent by the king to perform this,
led them through the middle of Babylonia, a
country intersected with canals and ditches
kept full of water, in order to convince the
Greeks that all endeavours to arrive at Babylon
must be in vain, if the people of the country
were their enemies. I am far from being of
Mr Spelman’s opinion, where he supposes the
distance mentioned by Xenophon between the
field of battle and Babylon, three thousand and
sixty stadia, to be a mistake of the transcriber.
The Persians, without doubt, persuaded them
the distance was so great, and led them through
the country with a design to convince them,
that whoever should attempt to march thither,
must be entirely discouraged and bafiled by the
many difficulties he wouldmeet with. They were
no strangers, it is likely, to Daniel’s prophecies,
which were wrote in their capital, and in their
language : and which plainly foretold that their
empire should be overturned by the Greeks.

—

the two latter of these places is by observation found to
be nine degrees ; so, as the difference of longitude be-
tween Scanderun and Babylon is nine degrees.

7 Plutarch (in Artax.) speaking of the loss of this
battle, lays al] the blame upon Clearchus, for not accord-
ing to Cyrus’s order, bringing his Greeks to front the
king’s centre ; but I think the conduct of Clearchus may
beeasily vindicated, This general very well knew, from
the mock-encounter at Tyrizum, what was to be ex-
pected from the rest of Cyrus’s forces, viz. that they
would run away at the first onset, and himself with his
handful of Greeks be left alone to encounter with the
king’s army. A handful they might he called with the
greatest propriety, being thirteen thousand against one
million two hundred thousand, (for so many the king’s
army was supposed to consist of) Clearchus therefore
kept close to the river, with a design not be surrounded
by such prodigious numbers ; which had it happened at
the beginning of the battle, before the Greeks had tried
the Persian metal, might have disheartened his men,
and lost the day. Had Cyrus relied upon Clearchus’s
promise, (viz. that all should go well) and waited pa-
tiently for the event, all had gone well, he had won the
day, aud been king of Persia.

‘the same author informs us.

269

This they might endeavour to avert by such
arts as I have mentioned; with a design that
if any of these soldiers should get back again
to Greece, (which however they did all in their
| power to obstruct) they should spread such an
account among their countrymen of the diffi-
culties they had met with, as should for the fu-
ture put a stop to all undertakings of this kind,
There can no other reason, I believe, be as-
signed for conducting them to Sitace: for it
was entirely out of their way, and they must
pass 8 by Babylon to arrive at it. This town
stood near the Tigris, and part of the province
of Babylon was from it called Sitacene. Stra-
bo says, the road from Babylon to Susa lay
throughit. Now, as Susa was near S. BE. from
Babylon, Sitace must lie beyond Babylon from
hence, at the distance of five hundred stadia, as
Xenophon con-
firms this, by making it twenty parasangs, or
six hundred stadia, from Sitace to Opis, a large
trading town upon the Tigris, about the place
where Bagdat now stands.

Fronr Opis the army marched up the Tigris,
till they arrived at the mountains of the Car-
duchians, at present called the Curdes, the
same untractable people, and show the same
regard to travellers they did to these Greek
wanderers. They stroll about upon the moun-
tains from hence as far as the springs of the
Euphrates, and plunder every one they mect
with, that is weaker than themselves. They
will be under no sort of government, and pay
as little respect to the Turk, who pretends to
be their master, as their forefathers did to the
kings of Persia. In all this tract, I can find
very little for a geographer to exercise himself
upon. If Rauwolf had Xenophon’s Anabasis

'along with him, or the contents of it fresh in
his memory, he might have made several re-
marks, which would have given great light into
our author; for he travelled over the same
ground from Bagdat to these mountains.

It took up the army seven days to cross this
inhospitable country, wherein they suffered
more than from all the great armies of the Per-
sians. At last they came to the Centrites, a
river which, in those days, served as a boundary
between the Curdes and Armenia. Mons,
Delisle has made this river run eastward, and

8 I suppose here that they were conducted to the left
towards the Tigris, and not suffered to pass within sight
of Babylon.

270

fall into the 1 lake of Van. I have ventured
to turn its course westward ; because I take it
to be a branch of the Lycus, which, when it
falls into the Tigris, is so very considerable a
river, that Rauwolf? says, is at least a long mile
broad, and must come out of this country from
the east ; for had it come from the north, the
Persians, after the rout at * Arbela, would
have been under no necessity of running such
risks in attempting to pass it. Besides, we
ought to reflect, that in these seven days the
Greeks could not have travelled more than
seventy miles, considering the many obstruc-
tions they met with in the country of the Car-
duchians ; and that as the course of the Tigris
is in these parts from the N. W. and the course
of the army to the north, they could not be fifty
miles from the Tigris at the place where they
crossed the Centrites. This river was not a
very small one ; Xenophon makes it two hun-
dred feet broad, and consequently, if it runs
towards the east, must rise at least thirty miles
towards the west; and then what room can we
find for the rise and progress of so large a river
as the Lycus, which must drain the East for a
considerable distance ?

From hence the army marched over the
plains of Armenia to the river Teleboas,
which Mons. Delisle in his ἢ dissertation and
map, in the Memoirs of the Royal Academy
of Sciences, entirely overlooks, and passes
from the * head of the Tigris to the Euphrates,
without taking any notice of, or laying down
any river between them; however, in his
large map published in the year 1723, entitled,

1 He does not indeed give it any name in his maps of
this expedition, but in his other maps he makes it the
lake of Van.

2 Partii. cap.ix. This must be understood with some
allowance: Rauwolf assures us he was in very great
fear while he forded this river, and therefore might think
it four or five times bigger than in reality it is.

3 This place is still known by the name of Harpel.
Rauwolf, whi sup.

4 Entitled, *“‘ Determination Geographique de la Si-
tuation et de l’Etendue de Pays Traversee,” ἃς. in the
Memoirs of the Acad. Royale, An. 1728, p. 55.

5 M. Delisle brings Herodotus to prove, that there
were in these parts three rivers of the name of Tigris.
This he does in order to show that the Greeks did not
approach near the head of the Tigris properly so called,
viz. that which flows by Diarbekir ; but supposes it the
most easterly branch. However, he might have saved
himself a good deal of trouble, had he attended to Xeno-
phon’s words, who does not say they passed the head of
the Tigris, or were near it, but only, that they were
now advanced above it. Vol. i. page 268.

GEOGRAPHICAL

Retraites des Dix Mille, he has rectified this
mistake, and laid down the Teleboas as an
arm of the most easterly branch of the Eu-
phrates, which M. Delisle has discovered from
Ptolemy, to rise fifty leagues to the south-east
of the springs above Ertzrum: and which he
makes the Greeks pass just at the fountain.
So that their passing of this branch of the Eu-
phrates must be more to the eastward by at
least two degrees than the meridian of Ertz-
rum : but how little this squares with the situ-
ation of these countries, a small degree of re-
flection will convince us. We have seen above,
that, upon the most favourable calculation, the
longitude of Babylon cannot be more than
64° 55’. After the battle, the Greeks trayel-
led upon the banks of the Tigris, till they
came to the Carduchian mountains: now, as
the course of this river is from the N. W. and
W.N.W. so they must diminish the. longitude
considerably by this long march. Delisle’s
map makes it three degrees; so that they en-
tered the Carduchians’ country in longitude
51° ὅδ. But the Royal Academy of Sciences,
of which M. Delisle was geographer, places
Ertzrum ὅ in 68° 45/, so that the sources of the
Euphrates, which M. Delisle, from Ptolemy,
places fifty leagues 5. E. of the Ertzrum, must
be at least in 70° 45’ longitude. Upon this
supposition, therefore, the Greeks, in travel-
ling three degrees of latitude, for so much M.
Delisle makes it from their entering the Car-
duchians’ country to their fording the Eu-
phrates, must deviate to the east no less than
nine degrees; which is quite incredible, espe-
cially as Xenophon himself tells us, and M.
Delisle repeats his words, that their course
was north. Again, let us view this affair in
another light: Tournefort informs us, (vol. ii.

6 This places Ertzrum farther to the east, than any
geographer I can meet with will allow. I am surprised
that neither Mr D’ Anville, nor the English editor of Du
Halde’s China, in folio, takes any notice at all of this cir-
cumstance, in determining the situation of the Caspian
sea. The greatest longitude they are willing to allow
to Astrakhan, is but 68° 55’, very little more than this of
Ertzrum ; whereas there must be at least four degrees of
difference between them. Observations are material
evidences in geography. The Acad. Royal, An. 1699,
assures us these situations were grounded upon obser-
vations. How therefore this article could slip the notice
of persons 80 much interested in the discovery of it, is te
me very surprising. Not but that I have reasons (to
myself yery strong ones) to think that those places are
not situated so far to the east; however, as there is no
reasoning against facts, I desist.

DISSERTATION.

let. 6.) that from Ertzrum to Aleppo is thirty-
five days’ journey ; and Tavernier (book ii. 6.
4.), that from Bir to Mousul is but fifteen
days’ journey. Now, as Bir is in the road from
Aleppo to Ertzrum, or very near it, and 7 four
days’ journey from Aleppo, so it will be thir-
ty-one days’ journey from Bir to Ertzrum.
Bir is in lat. 37° 10’; Ertzrum in 39° 56! 35”,
and Mousul is about 35° 80. So that Ertz-
rum is more to the northward with respect to
Bir, than Mousul is the southward by 1° 6/ 35”,
for which we must allow five days’ journey ;
therefore Ertzrum is more to the east than
Mousul by eleven days’ journey. But M. De-
lisle makes the Greeks enter the Carduchian
mountains a little *to the west of Mousul;
and consequently as they travelled north, must
pass the Euphrates a great deal to the west of
Ertzrum ; whereas he has laid down their route
above two hundred miles to the east of Ertz-
rum. M. Delisle tells us of one M. Duval,
formerly geographer to the king of France,
who drew a map of this expedition, and laid
down the countries as best suited his own no-
tions, without any regard to their true dimen-
sions ; by which he doubled the Persian do-
minions, and made Asia Minor to contain one
thousand five hundred square leagues, instead
of six hundred. How much M. Delisle has
succeeded better, we have in some measure
seen above. He quotes P. Beze’s authority
for the latitude of Trebisond, but says not one
word about the longitude: the reason of this
seems to me to be, that, if he had, it would
_ have overset his whole scheme. He places
Babylon in 62° long. the Royal Academy
places Trebisond in 65° long., so that had the
places been laid thus down, and the route of
the army made somewhere towards the north,
they must have arrived " at the Euxine a good
deal to the west of Trebisond. In order to

——_-

᾿ ἢ Tavernier says it is four days’ journey for the horse
caravan: but then I imagine he must reckon the pass-
ing of the river into the time. Book ii. cap. iv.

8 This cannot be, because had they advanced up the
Tigris as far as Mousul, they must have passed the Ly-
cus, which, as it is larger than any river they passed
after the Tigris, Xenophon must have taken notice of it.

9 Especially if we allow, as above, three degrees for
their westing on the banks of the Tigris. There is in
Xenophon one material article not taken notice of by
Mr Delisle, and that is, that where they crossed the ri-

ver Teleboas, the country was called the Western Ar- |

menia; which name would but ill suit with the country
two hundred miles east of Ertzrum, ἡ

271

remedy this, he has laid down Trebisond in 57
and a half, and Ertzrum in 58; has made the
ten thousand, from the Carduchian mountains,
steer a N.N.E. course: so that when they
came into Georgia, they turned to their left,
and, travelling afterwards near three hundred
miles due west, arrived at Trebisond. Whereas
had the Black Sea been ' extended to its due
length, the Greeks must have arrived at the
shore of it where he places Taochir, the place
where he makes them turn to the left.

I think I may venture to say, that M. De-
lisle is equally unhappy in his guesses, with
respect to the ancient measures of the Greeks.
He compares the distances of places, mention-
ed by Xenophon, with their true distance de-
termined by astronomical observations. Keno-
phon makes the distance between Ephesus and
the gates of Syria nearly equal to that between
the gates of Syria and Babylon. Modern ob.-.
servers have discovered, that from Smyrna
(near Ephesus) to Scanderun (near the gates
of Syria) is pretty near equal to the distance of
Scanderun from Bagdat (near ancient Baby-
lon.) ™ The same, he tells us, may be said of
their return from Babylon to Trapezus; but
that comparing these distances together, he
concludes, that the measures of the ancient
Greeks were much smaller than we suppose
them; that a stadium in Xenophon’s days was
but about half so much as it was in the times
of the Romans. He supposes, that in ancient
times they made use of a common pace in the
mensuration of land, which is no more than
two feet and a half; whereas, afterwards the
pace was double, i. e. five feet. He says, what
confirms him in this opinion is, the quantity of
a degree determined by Aristotle, who says, in
his book De Ceelo, that the circumference of
the earth is four hundred thousand stadia,
which being reduced, gives one thousand one

10 Arrian, who measured the Euxine, makes it from
the mouth of the Thracian Bosphorus to Trebisond
seven thousand and thirty-five stadia, that is, about eight
hundred and five miles English. Tournefort does not
always mention the distances ; but, by what he says, we
may gather he made it about eight hundred miles,
whereas Tavernier makes it nine hundred and seventy
miles, and Gimelli nine hundred.

11 His meaning is, that upon his supposition it agrees
pretty well with modern observations, i. e. from Babylon
to Trebisond is about half as much as Xenophon makes it,

12 One step or common stride in walking ; whereas
the pace was the return of the same foot, or two strides,

272

hundred and eleven and one-third to each de-
gree. However, upon examination, we cannot
find that Aristotle ever determined the quan-
tity of a degree, or that it was at all determined
in his days. He is in this book speaking of
the smallness of the body of the earth, plainly
discoverable from the different elevations of the
stars at different places, not far distant from
each other; where he says, “* That all the
mathematicians who have attempted by reason-
ing to discover the earth’s circumference, affirm
that it is four hundred thousand stadia.” All
we can gather from hence is, that, comparing
the different elevations at several places toge-
ther, they made a guess at the earth’s periphery.
Strabo seems to intimate, that Eratosthenes
was the first who applied celestial observations
to determine the magnitude of the earth; and
2M. Cassini is positive in this opinion.
However, we will suppose that Aristotle did
determine the quantity of a degree to be one
thousand one hundred and eleven and one-third
of the stadia of his time, and that Eratosthenes
discovered it to contain seven hundred of his
time, it will then of consequence follow, that
between the days of Aristotle and Eratosthenes,
the Greek measures were changed in the same
proportion as one thousand one hundred and
eleven and one-third bears to seven hundred,
which is a supposition that will hardly be al-
lowed, when we consider, that from the death
of the one to the birth of the other was little
more than *forty-years. Besides, if this me-
thod of arguing is to take place, there would be
no erid of altering the measures of antiquity.
Xenophon makes it from Thapsacus to the
place of battle five thousand nine hundred and
ten stadia, which, with the five hundred men-
tioned by Plutarch, makes the distance from
Thapsacus to Babylon six thousand four hun-
dred and ten stadia. But in Aristotle’s time,
i.e. at Alexander’s expedition, about seventy

1 Kal τῶν μαθηματικῶν ὅσοι τὸ μέγεϑος ἀναλογίξεσϑαι
πειρῶνται τῆς περιφερείας, εἰς τετταράκοντα λέγουσιν εἶναι
μυριάδας orediove—-Which cannot be understood that
any one had actually measured the contents of a degree ;
but only that they had guessed at the whole by a com-
putation or reckoning.

2 Acad. Royale, anno 1694. Pliny calls this undertak-
ing of Eratosthenes, Improbum annum; but adds, Ve-
rumita subtili argumentatione comprehensuy, ut pudeat
non credere. Book ii. cap. 108.

3 Aristotle died in the hundred and fourteenth Olym-
piad, and Eratosthenes was born in the hundred and
twenty-sixth,

GEOGRAPHICAL

years after Xenophon was in this country, it
was found to be four thousand eight hundred;
so that the stadium must be increased near
one-fourth in this space of time.

It is very unlucky for M. Delisle’s hypothe-
sis, that the ancient Greeks never made use of
such a measure as the pace, or had any such
term, that I can find: all their measures were
by the foot, and by such compositions of it, as
are very well known, such were the fathom,
six feet ; plethrum, one hundred; and stadium,
six hundred. This last was the longest mea-
sure, and therefore they always compute large
distances by it. When the Greek foot was
first fixed, is, like the beginning of most
other things, I believe, quite unknown; but to
be sure, a great many centuries before the times
we are treating of. And when the standard-
measure of any nation is once fixed, and be
comes current, it is not only needless, but ex-
tremely difficult, afterwards toalterit. Perhaps
nothing less than the total destruction of a
people, or a universal change of customs can
effect this. But suppose, for argument’s sake,
we allow that the Greeks had such a measure
as the pace, and that originally this pace con-
tained two feet and a half, but afterwards was
disused, and the geometrical pace, that of five
feet, took place: yet how could this affect the
stadium, which contained six hundred of such
feet as the pace was composed of? As the
foot was the foundation of both, so they could
have no influence the one upon the other.
Indeed, had the stadium been composed of a
determinate number of paces, as the Roman
mile was, M. Delisle’s argument would have
had some show of reason in it, some probability
to support it: but to apply two sorts of paces,
which consisted of different numbers of feet, to
the stadium which consisted of a determinate
number of feet of the same length, is such an
impropriety, as I am surprised so sagacious a
person as M. Delisle most assuredly was,
should fall into.

But it may be answered, that the difficulty
still remains. If Xenophon’s measures are
applied to the true distances, determined by
astronomy, they will be found double: for from
Ephesus to the gates of Syria, is made to be
about eight thousand stadia; whereas its real
distance is not five thousand. To this it may
be replied, that great armies, with such num-
bers of carriages as they must always have with

DISSERTATION.

them, cannot go the nearest way; they must
abserve the disposition of mountains and rivers,
and call at towns a good distance from the di-
rect road, upon the account of provisions.
This was undoubtedly the case of the army
before us, which, if joined to what I said above
about their Persian guides, may give a tolerable
account why the distances are so magnified in
their march from Ephesus to Babylon. But
in their return the case is very different: at
this time they reckoned for themselves, and if
we take the distance from Opis (near which
Bagdat now stands) to their passing the Eu-
‘phrates below Exrtzrum, we shall find, allowing
for their course westward along the bank of
the Tigris, I say we shall find it correspond
pretty near with the astronomical observations.
Whereabouts they passed the Euphrates, I
cannot take upon me to say ; but we have seen
above, that it must be considerably to the west
of Ertzrum, below the junction of its 4 two
branches ; for had they passed two rivers by
the name of Euphrates, Xenophon would cer-
tainly have taken notice of it. Indeed he says
the springs of this river were not far off; but
he speaks not of his own knowledge, and οὐ
πρόσω iS an indeterminate expression, which
does not at all fix the distance ; besides, the
river was so deep, that it reached up to their
middle, which is very considerable, as it was in
the depth of winter, the snow lay upon the
ground, and consequently could be supplied
with no water but from the springs.

4 I cannot pass without taking notice of a mistake in
Tournefort, who says, vol. ii. let. 6. that one of these
branches runs a days’ journey to the south of Ertzrum,
the other a day and a half, or two days’ journey to the
north of it; whereas, he has told us but just before, that
the bridge of Elijah is but about six miles from Ertzrum.
It is well known that, in the East great distances are
measured by days’ journeys, small ones by hours: it is
therefore probable, that in discoursing about the coun-
try, he was told it was so many hour’s journey, which
he put down journee, without distinguishing it from a
day’s journey. Calmet says, that Strabo and Pliny differ
from each other almost in every thing concerning the
Euphrates. For that Pliny represents it first running
to the south, and then to the west: whereas Strabo
affirms that it first runs west, and then south. How-
ever, upon examination, I believe they will be found to
agree exactly; and that Calmet has mistaken Pliny’s
meaning. This great naturalist, B. v. cap. 24. compares
Mount Taurus and the Euphrates to two great cham.
pions contending with each other ; that the mountain,
though twelve miles broad, is not able to stop the river;
but, however, prevails so far, as not to suffer it to have
its way, but diverts it to the south, whereas before its
course was westward.

273

From the Euphrates they proceeded still
north for three days. We are certain that their
course was north, because our author informs
us, that ἄνεμοος Βοῤῥᾶς ἐνωντίος ἔσ'νιε" viz. that the
north wind blew full in their faces, in so fierce
a manner as to scorch and benumb the men.
Now had they not thought themselves under a
necessity of travelling north, they would never
have chose to face so terrible a wind as this.
They still proceeded one day farther ; we must
naturally conclude towards the same point of
the compass: and then put themselves under
the conduct of the bailiff of the village.

And here we meet with the greatest diffi-
culty in the whole book. 5 Ertzrum is but
five days’ journey from the Euxine; and the
Greeks, where they passed the Euphrates,
could not be much farther from it. We have
seen they marched to the northward three days
fifteen parasangs; and another day, the dis-
tance not mentioned, (suppose five parasangs)
which amount to above sixty miles; so that
they must be at this time half way to the coast
of the Black Sea. Insomuch that, had they
kept still on in the same course, they must in
three or four days more have arrived at Cera-
zunt, Trebisond, or somewhere thereabouts.
But, instead of this, we find they made it no
less than forty-five days’ march, and several of
these very long ones, before they came to Tre-
bisond. This is very surprising, and the more
so, when we consider, that from the sources of
the Euphrates to the banks of the Caspian, is
not more than thirteen days’ journey. So that
these wanderers were enclosed between the
Euuxine, the Caspian, the Euphrates, and
Mount Caucasus: and how they could make
such marches for forty-five days together, in
this space, is, I confess, entirely beyond my
comprehension.

We find after the battle, when the Greeks
were without guides, that they directed them-
selves “by the sun; and Xenophon in his
speech to the army, in the fifth book plainly
shows, that they understood their compass well
enough to know the four principal points,
How therefore they could be so prodigiously
misled, is very strange. However, we must
remember, that in after-times, when these
parts were better known, Artavasdes, the king

5 Tourneforé, vol. ii. let. 6.
6 Page 203,

2M

274

of the country, abused Anthony ! by mislead-
ing him. We must consider also, that when
the Greeks were in this country it was in the
middle of winter; my account makes it Janu-
ary; and that these countries are at this time
of the year extremely subject to fogs; so that
they might not see the sun for several days to-
gether: and consequently the old bailiff, like a
true subject of the king of Persia, might take
such an opportunity to mislead them, in order
to distress and destroy them. It is highly pro-
bable it was this that made him run away, and
leave his son behind him: *for had he done
his duty, it is not at all likely that he would
have left his son in such circumstances. He
might have some ambition in him, though his
estate was low; though he was but the supe-
rior of a * Troglodyte village, yet he might
hope that the sacrificing of a son might raise
him to the government of a province ; as we see
great numbers of garreteers among us, who
think themselves qualified to be at least minis-
ters of state.

After the Greeks had lost their guide, they
marched seven days thirty-five parasangs, and
arrived at the Phasis. This M. Delisle strives
4to prove is the Araxes. But by what is

ed

1 B. xi. p. 524. Where he says he led him round
about more than double the direct way, ἐποίησε πλέον 4
διπλασίαν τῆς εὐϑείας, διὰ ὀρῶν, zal ἀνοδιῶν, καὶ κυκλοσο-
ρείας-

2 That is, had he conducted them to towns where they
could get provisions. But instead of this, he carried
them into desolate countries, where he concluded they
must of course be starved; where the first people they
could meet with were the Taochians and Chalybians,
who kept all their provisions in such fastnesses, as the
bailiff might imagine it was impossible for them to force.
And indeed he was not much mistaken in his aim ; for
had they not with great courage, and no small address,
stormed the Taochian mountain, itis more than probable
they had every one perished with hunger.

3 The villages of this country do retain the same form
to this day. Gimelli, P. i. Ὁ. 8. 6. 3. tells us, ** He was
in dispute with himself, whether to call the houses caves
or stables, for they are dug out of the earth; that the
roofs are upon a level with the surface of the earth, and
that the men and beasts lodge together in them.”

4. The main of his argument consists in this, that Con-
stantine Porphyrogonetes says, that the Phasis runs near
Theodosipolis, that it parted his empire from Iberia, and
was likewise called Erax. Now Theodosipolis stood
near the place where Erizrum now stands; and there-
fore if the Colchian Phasis rises somewhere in this coun-
try, and flows north, i¢ would run as near that city as
the Araxes could do, and would naturally serve as a
boundary between Iberia and the Greek empire. As to
the name, it proves very little; for as avas signifies a ra-
pid stream, the Persians applied it toa great many rivers,

GEOGRAPHICAL

said above, it is quite improbable they could
deviate so far to the east. And to suppose. ~
they came to the Araxes, after they had pass-
ed the Euphrates, is still more unlikely; be-
cause these two rivers rise out of the same
mountain, about °six miles distant from each
other; the Euphrates runs west, and the Araxes
east, and then south-east. Now, as the Greeks
had passed the Euphrates, and travelled north-
ward four days, they must have left the Araxes
so far behind them, that it is very unlikely they —
could ever come back again to it. I would ra-
ther for the present, till this country is better
discovered, suppose it to be the noted Colehian
Phasis. Strabo affirms, that this river has its
source in Armenia, ° Φάσις μέγας: π᾿οταμὸς ἐξ ᾽Αρ-
μενία; τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔχων. Dionysius the geographer
says, :

Φάσις
᾿Αξξάμενος τὸ πρῶτον ἀπ᾽ οὔρεος ᾿Αφμμενίοιο.

So that the ancients, who knew these countries
much better than we do, gave the Phasis a very
different rise to what is assigned to it by the
moderns, placing its source in the mountains of
Armenia, probably, by what they say of its
long course, not at a great distance from the
fountains of the Euphrates and Araxes, especi-
ally as Dionysius calls it, the Armenian moun-
tain, out of which the Euphrates rises.

This will appear still the more probable, if
we seriously attend to what Moses says in his
description of Paradise, Gen. ii. y. 10, &c.
where he informs us, that a river proceeded out
of Ngeden to water the garden.; and there pwn,
in that place, i. e. in the garden, it was divided
and became into four heads p'wx4 Capita, as
the Latin accurately expresses it. The name
of the first Phisun, which encompasses the
whole country of 7 Khoilh, for so it is written in
the original, or perhaps Kloilkh,) where there is

5 Pliny, Book vi. cap. 9. says, “‘Araxes eodem monte
oritur, quo Euphrates vi. mill. passuum intervallo ;”
which is confirmed in some measure by Tournefort, who
tells us, vol. ii. 1. ἢ. that the Araxes runs by Assancala,
which is but six hours from Ertzrum.

6 B. x. p. 498. and again B. xi. p. 529. he says,
Ποτωμοὶ δὲ πλείους μέν εἰσεν ἐν «ἢ χώρω" γνωριμεώτατοι δὲ
Φάσις μὲν καὶ Δύκοςε

7 I can find nothing to convince me that the Hebrews
ever used the Ἵ asaconsonant. The 3 pronounced soft,
as some European nations do at present, supplied the
place of v. Thus ]‘p 52: Thudbal Cain, is Vulcan;
p.w shebang, is seven, and the like. The Ἢ is, I im

DISSERTATION. 275

gold, and the gold of that country is good,
there is also the τι τῷ and the stonetorw. All
which particulars, viz. the name of the river,
for Phisun and Phasis are very near the same,
the name of the country, and the products of
it, do plainly point out the Colchian Phasis, we
are now treating of. The ancients are so full
of the Colchian gold, that it would be endless
to quote all they say upon this subject. The
bare mentioning the Argonautic expedition
(whether real or fictitious) will be sufficient to
persuade any one that Colchis was formerly
noted for the best gold. What Pliny ® says
of it may convince us, that the character Moses
gives of it is just, where he tells us that the
gold of that country is good. As to the m7
it is supposed by the most learned writers, both
Jews and Christians, to signify Crystal, and
conw Emeralds; both which the ancients make
Scythia, the country about Phasis, famous for.
Solinus 9 informs us, that though crystal was
the produce of several parts of Etirope, and
some places in Asia, yet that of Scythia was
the most valuable. And Pliny mentions the
emeralds of Scythia in such strong terms, that
I must beg leave to transcribe his words, it not
being an easy matter to translate them, ' “ No-
bilissimi Scythici, ab ea gente, in qua reperiun-
tur, appellati: nullis major austeritas, nec min-
us vitii: et quantum Smaragdi a ceteris gem-
mis distant, tantum Scythici e ceteris Smarag-
dis.”

It may be objected against what I have here
said, that it is entirely improbable four rivers
should have the same source, and that accord.
ingly these four, which I suppose the rivers of
Paradise, namely the Phasis, the Aras, the
Tigris, and the Phrat, have their sources at a
considerable distance from one another. ‘To
this I answer, that the time Moses speaks of
was before the flood, when the surface of the
earth was very different from what it is at pre-
sent: For that the universal deluge wrought
prodigious changes in the outward parts of this
globe, I think, is manifest from the very ruin-
ous appearance of mountains, the unequal dis-

agine, the waw, the o or τὸ of the East, and is always
used as a vowel.

8 B. xxxiii. ¢. 3.

9 C. xv. speaking of Scythia, “‘Istie et crystallus,
quem licet pars major Europ et particula Asie sub-
ministrat, preticsissimum tamen Scythia edit.”

10 B, xxxvii. c. 5.

position of their parts, (I mean the heaviest
bodies mixed with and often placed above the
lightest) and sea-shells found in great quantities,
and surprising varieties upon some of the high-
est of them. Should I attempt to explain the
cause and manner of these alterations, or to
write a geographical dissertation upon the an-
tediluvian earth, what fate could I expect, when
so many great men have handled this subject
with so little success.

I am sensible the current of learned men is
against me, who almost all agree that Paradise
was situated about the place where Babylon
afterwards stood; that the Tigris and Euph-
rates meet near that place, and afterwards part
again: and, therefore, that the heads mentioned
by Moses, are those two partings, making four
divisions; the two upper being Hiddekil and
Phrat, the two lower Phison and Gihon. But
with due submission to those great names, who
have espoused this opinion, I believe it is
founded upon a" mistake: for that the Euph-
rates and Tigris do not meet together till a

11 The original of this mistake seems to have come
from Pliny, who says that the Euphrates is divided:
(vids p. 20.) that one branch falls into the Tigris at Seleu-
cia, the other runs through Babylon, and is lost in the
bogs. However, in another place he informs us, that
this part of the river which runs through Seleucia was
an artificial canal. Book vi. cap, 28. he calls it Fosa,
and tells us who it was that made it. This was known
afterwards by the name of Nahar Malcha, the King’s
River. Strabo tells us the Jand was so rotten, that the
canals which circulated the water were very subject to
fill up, so that Alexander caused new ones to be made.
At the junction of one of these with the Tigris, Seleu-
cia was built. Trajan and Severus afterwards clean-
sed this canal for the passage of their fleets to the Tigris
Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxiv. cap. 6. says, id. (viz.
** Fumen Regium, (which he also eallsfossile flumen,) an-
tehac Trajanus, posteaque Severus, egesto solo, fodiri in
modum canalis amplissimi studio curaverat summo, ut
aquis illue ab Euphrate transfusis, naves ad Tigridem
commigrarent.”? Notwithstanding which, when Julian
the Apostate came hither, he was forced to cleanse it
Zosimus indeed says (B. iii.) the King’s River had water
in it, but not enough to carry the emperor’s fleet with-
out being cleansed: whereas Amm. Marcell. positively
affirms that it was quite dry; all which plainly proves
that this was not the natural course of the river. Rau-
wolf and Herbert both affirm that these two rivers meet
alittle below Babylon; but as they took it upon trust
we must believe Tavernier, who was an eye-witness.
Besides, did the rivers join so near Bagdat, why do they
complain of selling their boats for a trifle at Elago ?
They might carry them to Bagdat, and have as good a
market for them as any in the East, But the truth is,
the canals are choked up, and there is no getting thither
in a boat, but by going above eight hundred miles round
about.

276

great many hundred miles below Babylon;
nay, it is positively affirmed by the ancients,
that originally they did not meet at all, but had
their channels distinct quite to the sea; and
that the ‘inhabitants of the country by stop-
ping up the Euphrates, in order to water their
lands, diverted its course, and turned it into
the Tigris. In this manner were the Rhine
and the Maese joined together by an earth-
quake in latter times; Tavernier, who himself
sailed down the Tigris, makes the present
2junction of these two rivers, to be at Gorno,
at the distance of one hundred and forty-five
leagues, or four bundred and thirty-five miles
from Bagdat, only fifteen leagues from Balsora.
Indeed, Della Valle, and the East India Pilot,
make the river to part again, and fall into the
Persian Gulf, by two mouths; but then who-
ever considers the situation of the country, that
it is near the sea, and marshy, that the river is
three or four miles broad, and that it overflows
the adjacent country every year, will think it a
very improper place to make a garden of, for
the entertainment and delight of man in his
state of innocence. Moses, indeed, says, that
this garden was in the east from the place he
wrote in, that is, from Arabia Petra; but
this will prove nothing at all, because the
Hebrews took no notice of the intermediate
points ; so that when a place lay any where to-
wards the east, they said it was situated otpn
in the east; in the same manner as we say,
that Riga, Revel, and Petersburg, are in the
east country. Job says, that “ Gold cometh
out of the north;” meaning, without doubt,
the gold of the Phasis ; but then we must con-
sider, that Job lived a great deal further east,
than where Moses wrote, bordering upon the
Sabeans and Chaldeans, and consequently would
have the Colchians near full north.

But to return from this long, and, I am
afraid, tedious digression: The Greeks, after
they had passed the Phasis, wandered into
countries, of which there are but few marks at
present to know them by. There is, indeed,
a province of Georgia, called Taochir, which,
as it has a plain resemblance to the Taochians,

1 Pliny, B. vi.c. 27. “ Inter duorum amnium ostia
Xxy. mill. passuum fuere, aut (ut alii tradunt vii.) mill.
utroque navigabili: sed longo tempore Euphratem pre-
clusere Orcheni et accole agros rigantes: nec nisi
Pasitigri defertur in mare,”

2 Book ii. e. 8.

GEOGRAPHICAL

and as the Greeks must be in these parts, it
may be presumed to have been formerly inha-
bited by this people. Who the Chalybians
were, or where they lived, I can find nothing
remaining. What Mr Hutchinson * quotes
from Strabo, that Χαλδαῖορι Κάλυξες cd παλαιὸν
ὠνομιάξοντο, is plainly meant of the Chalybians,
in the next book, who, as Mr Hutchinson him-
self allows, were very distant both in country
and manners, from the people the Greeks had
to deal with in this place.

After this they came to the river Harpasus.
I do allow with Delisle, that there is a river of
this name in this country, which Tournefort
calls * Arpagi, and makes to fall into the
Araxes ; but how to bring the Greeks hither,
and where to assign them the long marches they
had before performed, is, I confess, quite above -
my sphere. To do any thing tolerable in this
particular, we must wait till this country is per-
fectly discovered ; and whenever there shall be
a complete map of it exhibited to the world,
we may venture to affirm, that then the learned
will be able to lay down the march of this army
with some accuracy. The next people the
Greeks met with in their progress, were the
Scythians ; probably the same with those Scy-
thians, ° whom Diodorus places in this country.
From hence they came to a city called Gym-
nias ; of which 1 can meet with nothing, but
that the same is called Gymnasia by Diodorus.
At this place they were furnished with a guide,
who was more just to them than the bailiff
had been: for in five days ° he conducted them
to the top of a mountain, from whence they

could plainly discern the sea.A A sight they ζὰυν

had long desired! Ina short time after this,
they arrived at ‘ Trebisond, a Greek city ; and
keeping near the sea-shore, marched, all that
were able, to Cotyora.

And here Xenophon puts an end to his jour..
ney ; making this the conclusion of the Kerd-

3 Dissert. p. xiv.

4 So that Mr Hutchinson had no oceasion te correct
Diodorus.

5 B.ii.c. 43. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον (80. Σκύθαι) παρὰ τὸν
᾿Αράξην ποταμὸν ὀλίγοι κωτώκουν παντελῶς καὶ διὼ τὸν
ἀδοξίαν κωταφρονούμενοι.

6 Diodorus Siculus says fifteen days: but in this, and
several other particulars, he differs so much from
Xenophon, that I suspect, in drawing up the aecount
of this expedition, he made use of some other author.

ἢ Itake no notice of the places they touched at, be
cause Mr Spelman’s notes are as full as can be desired.

DISSERTATION.

βασις (Retreat,) as the place of battle was of
the ᾿Ανάβασις (Expedition). The reason of this
is, because they afterwards sailed much the
greatest part of their way to Greece.
Xenophon himself says that from the field
of battle, in Babylonia, to Cotyora, they made
eight months ; and in the conclusion he informs
us, that the whole expedition and retreat took
up fifteen months. Now whoever will be at the
pains to compute the marches and halts from
Sardis to the battle, will find them to amount
to exactly six months ; but as Xenophon be-
gins the expedition from Ephesus, we should
reckon the time from the same place. There-
fore, allowing something for their march to,
and stay at Sardis; their ® consulting, and
passing the Cilician mountains; their ° stay
and quarrel at Carmande; and the " affair of
Orontas, (where the soothsayer’s ten days
plainly show the time not accounted for:) J
say, allowing for these, as Xenophon has said
nothing about their continuance, we cannot
think a month too long a time for them all;
which will make just fifteen mouths from their
departure from Ephesus to their arrival at
1 Cotyora. Our author placing this account at
the end of his book, has induced all the learned
men, I can meet with, to suppose, that the
whole of their transactions, from their first
setting out, to their joining of Thimbron, took
up no more than fifteen months.
introduced still a worse mistake, by misplacing
the year of the expedition in all the chronolo-
gical tables. Diodorus Siculus places the ex-
. pedition in the last of the ninety-fourth Olym-
piad; and Thimbron’s passing over into Asia,
to make war upon Tissaphernes, in the first of
the ninety-fifth Olympiad, and all have follow-
ed him, as far as I can perceive, without ex-
amining into the affair. However it is most
certain, that from their departure under Cyrus,
to their junction with Thimbron, was very

8 Page 173,

9 Page 182.

10 Page 184.

11 What puts this beyond all dispute, are the distances,
which are only computed to Cotyora: for from Ephe-
sus to the battle are one million six thousand and fifty,
and from the battle to Cotyora one million eight thou-
sand six hundred stadia, in all three million four thou-
sand six hundred and fifty, the whole sum mentioned
by Xenophon at the end of the book, without taking
any notice of their tavels after they left Cotyora.

This has |

277

near if not quite two full years; and conse-
quently that the year of the expedition ought
to be fixed in the third of the ninety-fourth
Olympiad, and this will account for the chasm
or non-action which Mr Spelman has ” dis-
covered in Diodorus, that year. In order to
make out what I advance, I reckon up the time
thus: namely,
Months.
From Ephesus to the battle. . . . . ἢ
From the battle.to Cotyora,.°... 2 . .- 8
From their arrival at Cotyora, to their join-
ing Seuthes, (upon a moderate computa-
EMOTE Dicks εν ξεν ἐπ neh) sae πο wets eel
Serve under Seuthes, .... Ὁ 2
From their leaving Seuthes, to their cotta
Thimbron, must be near . .... 2
25
The two months they served under Seuthes,
were in the middle of winter (suppose Decem-
ber and January), which is the only mention
of the season of the year in the whole book.
From thence we gather, that the battle was
fought about the latter end of September ; that
they were in the snows of Armenia about the
beginning of January, came to Trebisond to-
wards the end of February, and arrived at Co-
tyora about the beginning of June. They set
out from hence towards the latter end of July,
joined Seuthes at the end of November, and
were incorporated with the troops under Thim-
bron, the March following, two full years from
their first departure from Ephesus, to serve
under Cyrus. The Greeks, it is well known,
began their year from the 15 summer solstice.
Therefore, as this army returned when Thim-
bron passed over into Asia, (as is plain from
Xenophon) that is, in the spring of the first of
the ninety-fifth Olympaid; so it is apparent,
that Cyrus mustered his forces, and departed
from Sardes in the spring of the third of the
ninety-fourth Olympiad ; which was two years
before their junction with the Lacedzmonian
general, Archbishop Usher plainly saw some
difficulty in this particular; for, in repeating
Xenophon’s words, where he tells us, they
were eight months from the battle to Cotyamie
this learned prelate says, “ “ It ought to be fi

12 Introduction, p. viii.

13 That is, the first month after the summer solstice.

14 ‘* Cotyora venerant octo (vel quinque potius ut Se.
ries Historie postulare videtur) post pugnam mensibus.”

278

as the course of the history afterwards re-
quires ;” meaning, without doubt, that out of
the fifteen months mentioned by Xenophon,
at the end of the book, some time ought to be
allowed for their joining the Lacedzmonians.
But, with all due respect be it spoken, three
months is not sufficient for this by a great deal ;
for instance, they staid at Cotyora forty-five days,
and served under Seuthes two months, besides
a very considerable train of actions both before
and after ; all of which together could not, ac-
cording to my computation, take up much less
than ten months. But further, if we collect
the days from the field of battle, to their arri-
val at Cotyora, as they lie scattered in Xeno-
phon, we shall find more than seven months
accounted for, besides two or three places
where time is not strictly mentioned; which
plainly shows that no error can be crept into
the text; but that eight months was the time
they spent in this march.

It is true, indeed, that the battle was fought
in the fourth of the ninety-fourth Olympiad ;
but then it was in the beginning of it; where-
as, Diodorus affirms, that Cyrus! hired his
mercenaries, sent to the Lacedemonians for
assistance, mustered his army at Sardes, and
began his march this same year; (ἢ supposing,
‘without doubt, that they spent but fifteen
months in the whole of their travels) all which,
as I think, I have proved beyond all contradic-
tion, ought to be placed in the third of the
ninety-fourth Olympiad, Micion being archon
of Athens.

At Cotyora they took shipping, and sailed
to Harmene, a port near Sinope; and from
thence to Heraclea. In this second trip, Xeno-
phon informs us, that they saw the mouths of
several rivers; first, that of the Thermodon,
then of the Halys, and, after this, that of the
Parthenius ; whereas it is most certain, that
the Thermodon and Halys are a great way on
the other side of Sinope, and consequently,
Xenophon must have seen the mouths of them

1 Usher copies Diodorus in all these particulars, and
yet afterwards says, ‘“‘commissa pugna est sub initium
Anni 4. Olympiadis xciv.”

2 He supposes that Cyrus, having spent the summer
and winter in preparing for the expedition, set out in
the rng of the fourth of the ninety-fourth Olympiad,
and that the Greeks returned late in the spring follow-
ing,

GEOGRAPHICAL

in the former run, that is, from Cotyora to -
Harmene. This will render what I hinted at
above very probable, viz. that our author kept
no regular journal of this expedition ; for, if he
had, where could he have more leisure to write
than on board, where he could have nothing
else to do, there being pilots to steer the course,
and sailors to manage the ships ?

It is evident, from the digression in the fifth
book? about Diana’s offering, that our author
did not write ‘this history in its present form, —
till several years after his return from the Ex-
pedition: for he there makes mention of his
sons going a-hunting; whereas it is pretty
plain, that at the time we are speaking of, *he
had no children. He staid in Asia with the
troops, till Agesilaus was recalled, and after
the battle of Cheronea he retired to Scilus.
This battle was fought in the second of the
ninety-fourth Olympiad, near five years after
his return from the expedition. In this inter-
val he married, and had two sons; and when
these were grown up, which we must suppose
would take up about twenty years, *he wrote

3 Page 287.

4 This work came out under the name of Themisto-
genes of Syracuse; and Xenophon himself refers to it
under this title in the second book of his history. But
the world was soon convinced who was the true author;
for there are not only several passages in it which Xeno-
phon himself alone could know, but it is likewise penned
with so much harmony and sweetness, as could flow from
no other than the Attic Bee. Indeed it is the opinion of
some learned men, that Themistogenes did write an ac-
count of the expedition, which Xenophon refers to, as
above ; but that he afterwards wrote one himself, which
is the work we have now extant. However we shail
find this very unlikely, when we reflect that our ᾿Ανάξασις
was wrote while Xenophon lived in ease and peace at
Scilus, and his sons were alive ; whereas his Greek his
tory was not drawn up fill after the battle of Mantinea ; -
when Scilus was destroyed, Xenophon removed to Co-
rinth, and one of his sons slain; so that Scilus was de-
stroyed some time before this battle, and the expedition
must be written before the Greek History.

5 See Book vii.

6 It is probable he wrote this history to vindicate lis
honour, and published it under another name to avoid
the imputation of vanity. There were other accounts,
it is likely, of this expedition, which either blamed his
conduct, or were silent as to its merit. What confirms
me in this opinion, is the relation which Diodorus Sicu-
lus gives of the same transactions, which not only varies
from Xenophon in abundance of particulars, but never
mentions his name where he most deserves it, viz. in
conducting the most memorable retreat that ever was
performed in any period of time. This he attributes to
Cheirisophus, by saying that he was chosen general,

DISSERTATION.

this account of the transactions of the Greeks,
in Upper Asia. So that if some trivial mat-
ters have slipped his memory, it is not at all to
be wondered at, since it was penned so many
years after the affairs it mentions were trans-
acted.

And here I cannot forbear to express some
doubt, concerning our author’s age at the time
we are treating of. Diogenes Laertius affirms
that he died in the first of the one hundred and
fifth Olympiad ; and Lucian, that he lived to
be upwards of ninety years of age. So, when
he accompanied Cyrus into Asia, he must be
at least fifty-one: which to me seems quite
irreconcilable with the account he gives us of
himself. When their commanders were all
destroyed, the Greeks were under great anxiety,
as being in the heart of the Persian empire, in
the neighbourhood of a great army, and all
their best officers murdered. The army was

so dispirited, that no one seemed to take any |

care for its preservaticn. Xenophon, revolv-
ing these things in his mind, says to himself,
76 Do I stay for the arrival of a general from
Greece to take the command upon him? Or
do I wait for years to accomplish myself?
But I shall in vain hope to grow older, if I
this day surrender myself up to the enemy.”

He therefore immediately calls up the captains |

who had served under bis friend Proxenus, and
proposes the election of officers in the room of
those who were put to death; and concludes
his speech with saying, that if they should

choose him for their commander, he would |

not excuse himself by reason of his age. These
two passages, compared with Phalinus calling
him boy ὃ in the second book, and his taking

notice of himself frequently as the youngest |

officer, do almost prevail upon me to think,

that he was no more than twenty-three or,

twenty-four years of age; his beard not fully
grown, and therefore he might with some pro-
priety be called boy. Proxenus was but thirty
when put to death, and consequently we must
suppose Xenophon to be less, when he talks

B. xiv. c. 5. The only time I can find he mentions Xeno-
phon’s name, is his warring against the Thracians, B.
xiv. c. 6.

ἢ ᾿Εγὼ οὖν τὸν ἐκ ποίας πόλεως στρατηγὸν προδοκῶ ταῦ-
τῶ αεάξειν. 3 ποίαν δ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἐμαυτῷ ἐλθεῖν ἀναμένω 5 οὐ
γὰς ἔγωγ᾽ ἔτι πρεσβύτερος ἔ ἔσομαι») ἐὼν τήμερον προδῶ E ἐμαυ-
τὸν τοῖς πολεροίοις, whore it is plain by πρεσβύτερος, that he

looked upon himself as too young to command.
8 Page 201.

279

of excusing his age to the officers who served
under Proxenus; else what he said must have
been looked upon as a banter upon the years of
his friend, and upon the men who served under
such a boy. It may be answered, that as the
Athenians never pressed men into their armies,
who were above the age of forty, so Xenophon
might say he would not refuse the command
by pleading this custom: but this will be found
to square but very indifferently with all the
other particulars; for had he been upwards of
fifty, he had been older than Clearchus, ὃ whom
all the rest submitted to of course, and con-
sequently can never be supposed to be the
youngest commander, when new ones were
chosen. Besides, it is not credible, that a man
would go volunteer in such an expedition as this,
that is, to march one thousand two hundred
miles into an enemy’s country, and then, when
a command was offered him, talk of refusing it
upon the account of his advanced age. And

though the Athenians did exempt men from

forced service at the age of forty, yet this was
only with respect to the common soldiers;
their generals were not thought the worse for
being above that age. I think I may leave it
to all the world to judge, whether it would not
be ridiculous in any general to talk of resigning
upon account of his age at fifty-one, especially
when he was affirming upon every occasion,
that he was one of the youngest officers in the
army.

I cannot take my leave without pointing out
a very considerable error in Arbuthnot’s tables,
which has misled Mr Spelman in reducing the
Greek to the English measures at the end of
the book ; for who could have any suspicion of
the correctness of a work, which, it is sup-
posed, was overlooked by some of the greatest
geniuses in Europe? These tables make the
Greek foot somewhat larger than the English
foot: the pace to contain five feet English,
and yet the stadium to contain about one hun-
dred paces, four feet four and a half inches ;
so that six hundred Greek feet are not a
to five hundred and five English feet: and so
the μίλιον, which contains four thousand eight
hundred Greek feet, is made equal to eight hun-
dred and five paces five feet, that is four thou-

9 Page 202. As the oldest officer, the rest being with-
out experience. If we may guess at the rest by the
ages of those mentioned, they must all be young men.
Proxenus was but thirty, Agias and Socrates about
forty, when put to death.

280 GEOGRAPHICAL

sand and thirty English feet. This error arises
from computing by the fathom, instead of the
pace; and if this mistake be rectified in the
next edition, the tables will be correct for any
thing I know at present to the contrary. The
surest way of reducing the ancient measures to
those of the moderns, is to keep in mind the true
proportion of their respective feet. Thus nine
hundred and sixty Greek feet are equal to nine
bundred and sixty-seven English, and therefore

DISSERTATION.

the thirty-four thousand six hundred and fifty .
stadia, contained in the whole expedition and
return of this army, will, when reduced to our
measures, amount to three thousand nine hun-
dred and sixty-six miles. The Greek mile, or
μίλιον is less than an English mile by four hun-
dred and forty-five English feet. An English
mile contains five thousand two hundred and
forty-one Greek feet.
R. Forster.

"7
io
if

hia
tal gs

at τως,

THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

BOOK VI. \

I. From this time, some of the Greeks, while
they staid here, subsisted themselves by the
provisions they bought in the market, and
others, by those they got in plundering the
country of Paphlagonia. On the other side,
the Paphlagonians lost no opportunity of rob-
bing the stragglers, and, in the night-time, en-
deavoured to annoy those who were encamped
in places more advanced than the rest. ‘These
proceedings increased the ill blood that was be-
tween them. Upon this, Corylas, who was at
that time governor of Paphlagonia, sent ambas-
sadors to the Greeks in costly robes, and well
mounted, with instructions to acquaint them
that Corylas desired neither to do an injury to
_ the Greeks, nor receive any from them. To
this the generals answered, that they would
consider of it with the army. In the mean-
time, they entertained them with all hospitali-
ty, and invited such of the army as they judged
most proper: then having killed some of the
oxen they had taken, and other cattle, they
gave them a handsome entertainment, the
company lying 10n beds made of brushwood,
covered with grass and leaves, and drinking
out of horn cups which they found in the coun-
try. :
As soon as the libations were over, and they
had sung the pean, two Thracians first rose
up, and danced with their arms to the sound of
a flute : they capered very high, and with great
agility; then made use of their swords. At
last one of them struck the other in such
_ @ manner, that every one thought he had kill-
ed him, (but the stroke was given with art,)

1 Στιβάσιν. This is the explication given by Hesy-
chius and Phayvorinus of στιβάς.

upon which the Paphlagonians cried out; and
the other, having despoiled him of his arms,
went out 5 singing a song of triumph in ho-
nour of Sitalees: then other Thracians carried
off the man as if he had been dead, though
indeed he was not hurt. After this, some
° AAnians and Magnesians rose up, and danc-
ed ‘in their arms, what they call the Carpzan

2 ’Addy Σιτάλκοαν. Herodotus, Thucydides, and Dio-
dorus Siculus speak much in commendation of Sitalces,
king of Thracia, in whose honour, no doubt, this song
of victory was composed by the Thracians : Thucydides
tells us that he was slain in a battle against the Tribal-
tians, and that his nephew Seuthes succeeded him. As
this happened the first year of the eighty-ninth Olym-
piad, that is, the eighth of the Peloponnesian war, and
only twenty years before the time of this expedition, it
is possible this Seuthes may be the prince in whose ser-
vice the Greeks engaged, as we shall find in the seventh
book ; though I am sensible that Thucydides makes him
the son of Sparadocus, and Xenophon of Mesades.

3 Αἰνιᾶνες “οὶ Μάγνητες. Possibly the first might
belong to Ainea, a town said by Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus to have been built by Aineas, after the taking of
Troy.

4 Οἱ ὠρχοῦντο τὴν καρπαίωαν καλουμένην ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις.
The pantomime representation of the ancients is so often
confounded in translations of their works into modern
languages with what is now called dancing, that I think
myself obliged to explain my sense of this passage, in
order to prevent my translation of it from being thought
to fall under the general mistake. It is certain that the
Greeks and Romans had, besides their tragedies and co.
medies, a mute pantomime representation, which was
éalled by the former ὀρχήσις) and by the latter sa/tatio.
This is that representation, in praise of which Lucian
has written a particular treatise ; what he designed for
praise, we may make use of for information. After
having run through a detail of the vast knowledge an
ὀρχηστὴς or pantomime ought to be master of, he says,
that as his profession consists in imitation, and as he un-
dertakes to represent, by his gestures, what the chorus
sings or recites, his chief business is perspicuity, to the
end that none of his actions may stand in need of an ex-
planation, but that the spectators may, like the Pythian

2Q

306

dance; the manner of which is as follows.
One of them having laid down his arms, sows,
and drives a yoke of oxen, looking often behind
him, as if he were afraid; then a robber ap-
proaches, whom the other perceiving, he catches
up his arms, and advancing, fights with him !
in defence of his oxen (and all this these men
performed in time to the flute). At last, the
robber binds the ploughman, and carries him
off with the oxen. Sometimes the ploughman
overcomes the robber, and, fastening him to the
oxen, ties his hands behind him, and so drives
him away.

After this, Mysus entered with a buckler in
each hand, and danced sometimes, as if he had
been engaged with two adversaries ; then used
his bucklers, as if engaged with only one;

oracle, understand the pantomime though mute, and
hear him though he does not speak. By the way, the
Greek verse attributed to the Pythian oracle, to which
Lucian alludes, is preserved by Plutarch,
Καὶ κωφοῦ cuovinus καὶ οὐ λαλέοντος ἀπούω.

Upon this occasion Lucian tells a story of a famous pan-
tomime in Nero’s time, who, to show the excellence of
his art to Demetrius the Cynic, commanded the music
and even the chorus to be silent, while he represented
by himself (ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ὠρχήσατο) the amour of Venus
and Mars, the Sun giving information, and Vulcan
catching them both ina net, the gods standing by, Venus
blushing and Mars trembling and asking forgiveness:
Lucian adds, that Demetrius was so well pleased with
the performance, that he cried out, I not only see but
hear what you represent, for you seem even to speak
-with your hands. The reader will pardon this short
dissertation upon an art, which is so far lost, that it is
thought by many never to have existed. Lucian applies
the word ὀρχούμενος with great humour to the anfortu-
nate companion of his captivity and his labour, as he calls
him, τὸν ἄϑλιον κοινωνὸν καὶ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας, καὶ τῆς
ἀχ ϑοφορίας, I mean the poor ass that was thrown down
the precipice, upon which he says, ὁ δὲ, ἀπήει κάτω, τὸν
ϑάνατον ὀρχούμενος, which I do not translate, because I
cannot. The dance here mentioned by Xenophon is, by
Hesychius, called a Macedonian dance; it is so particu-
larly described by Xenophon, that I think I may venture
to eall it after him, the Carpzean dance, without trans-
lating the word.

1 Μάχεται πρὸ τοῦ ζεύγους. Both the Latin trans-
lators have said ante yugum dimicat, which D’ Ablan-
court has followed ; but as =g¢ is very frequently used
in the sense I have given it upon this occasion, that is
for ὑπὲρ» I thought it more natural to say that the hus-
bandman feught with the robber in defence of his oxen,
than before them, particularly as the oxen seem to be
the prize contended for: since, when the robber gets
the better, he drives away the oxen; but, if there can
be any doubt whether σρὸ is used in this sense, the fol-
lowing passage in Euripides will clear it up; it is in
Alcestis, where Admetus says to Pheres,

Οὐκ ἠϑέλησας οὐδ' ἐτόλμησας Seavey
Tod σοῦ πρὸ παιδός. ....

XENOPHON ON THE

[BooxK VI.

sometimes he * whirled round; then threw
himself head foremost and fell upon his feet,
without parting with the bucklers: this made
a fine sight. Last of all he danced the Per
sian dance, striking his bucklers against each
other, and in dancing, fell upon his knees, then
sprung up again, and in all this he kept time to
the flute. He was succeeded by some Manti-
neans and other Arcadians, who, being dressed
in the handsomest armour they could provide,
rose up, and advanced in time to a flute that
played a point of war. They sung the pzan,
and danced in the same manner that is practised
in solemn processions. The Paphlagonians
were amazed to see all these dances performed
by men in arms. Upon this, Mysus, perceiv-
ing their astonishment, prevailed upon one of
the Arcadians, who had a woman dancer, to.
let him bring her in; which he did according-
ly, after he had dressed her in the handsomest
manner he was able, and given her a light
buckler. She danced the Pyrrhic * dance with
great agility: upon which there was great clap-
ping; and the Paphlagonians asked whether
the women also charged with their troops. The
others answered, that it was they who drove the
king out of their camp. This was the end of
that night’s entertainment.

The next day the generals brought the am-
bassadors to the army: when the soldiers came
to a resolution neither to do any injury to the
Paphlagonians, nor suffer any fromthem. After
that, the ambassadors departed : and the Greeks, |
finding they had as many ships as they wanted,
embarked and sailed with a fair wind all that
day and the next night, keeping Paphlagonia
on their left hand ; and the day after they ar-
rived at Sinope, and anchored in * Harmene,

2 Tort δὲ ἐδινεῖτο καὶ ἐξεκυξίστα. Homer tells us that.
Vulcan represented two dancers performing a dance of
this kind upon Achilles’s shield,
δοιὼ δὲ κυξιστῆρε zat αὐτοὺς

Morris ἐξάξχοντες ἐδίνευον κατὰ μέσσους."
And Tournefort says that the Turkish dervises preservé.
this kind of dancing, which they make a religious cere.
mony ; and that upon a signal from their superior, they
turn round with an amazing velocity.

3 Πυῤῥίχην. This dance is called by Dionysius of Ha-
licarnassus and Hesychius &érAs0s ὄρχησις, the first leav-

‘ing it in doubt whether Minerva or the Curetes were

the authors of it; and the second whether one Pyrri-
chus a Cretan, or Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, was the
inventor of it.

4 ᾿Ἀρμήνην. Both Strabo and Arrian make mention
of Armene or Harmene as asea-port belonging to Sinope,
from which the former says it was distant fifty stadia

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

one of its ports. Sinope is situated in Paph-
lagonia ; it is a colony of the Milesians. The
inhabitants sent the Greeks, as a mark of hos-
pitality, three thousand medimni ° of flour, and
fifteen hundred ‘ceramia of wine. Hither
Cheirisophus came with some galleys. The
soldiers expected he would bring them some-
thing : however he brought nothing, but gave
them an account that both Anaxibius the ad-

and the Jatter forty. Herodotus says that the Cimme-
rians flying from the Scythians into Asia, built a town up-
on the peninsula, where Sinope, a Greek city, now stands.
But we find by Strabo that the inhabitants of Sinope
looked upon Autolycus, one of the Argonauts, to be their
founder, whose statue, made by Sthenis, Lucullus carried
away when he took the town. The same author tells
us, that the Milesians, observing the advantageous situa-
tion of the place, and the weakness of the inhabitants,
sent a colony thither. And by the account that author
gives of Sinope, no city could be more advantageously
situated ; for he says it stood upon the isthmus that
joined the peninsula to the main land, having on each
side a sea-port, where great quantities of the tunny fish
were taken as they swam along the Asiatic coast, from
the Palus Mzotis, where they are bred, to the Bospho-
rus. He adds, that the peninsula was surrounded with
sharp rocks which made the access to it very difficult,
that the land above the town was very fertile, and dis-
posed into gardens, and that the city was well built and
adorned with a place of exercise, a market, and magui-
ficent porticoes. This account both of the situation of
Sinope, aud of the country round it, is confirmed by
Tournefort, who was there himself ; and, in the relation
he gives of it, is grievously out of humour with the mo-
dern geographers for taking no notice either of the pen-
insula, or of the sea-ports lying on each side of it. Si-
nope is famous for having given birth’to two consider-
able men of very different characters, Diogenes, the
Cynic philosopher, and the great Mithridates. Strabo
says it was in his time (thatis, in the reign of Augustus)
a Roman colony. Icannot part with this subject without
taking notice that Sinope furnished the ancient painters
with a red earth, which is one of the four colours with
which alone, Pliny tells us, Apelles, Echion, Melanthi-
us, Nicomachus painted those immortal works ; “ qua-
tuor coloribus solis immortalia illa opera fecere ; ex al-
bis Melino, ex silaciis Attico, ex rubris Sinopide Pon-
tica, ex nigris Atramento, Apelles, Echion, Melanthius,
Nicomachus.”’

5 Μεδίμνους. Médipeves—uireoy ἐστὶ ξηρῶν, οἱὸν πυρῶν ἢ
πριϑιῶν" ἔχει δὲ χοίνικως ὀντὼ καὶ τεσσαράκοντω. Har-
pocration. So that the medimnus ννἃϑ ἃ dry measure
containing forty-eight chzenixes, each of which Arbuth-
not makes equal to an English pint; but then he says a
medimnus contains four pecks and six pints, which is a
mistake ; for if, as he says, sixteen pints make ἃ peck,
it is'plain that forty-eight pints will make but three
pecks : so that, in reality, a medimnus is equal to three
English pecks.

6 Κεράμιω. ἹΚεράμοιον, τὸ τοῦ οἴνου ἢ ὕδωτος oreepeviov.
Hesychius, And in another place κάδος, περάμιον. Now
the cadus Arbuthnot makes equal to the metretes, which
he says contains ten gallons, two pints, sothat zee soy,
upon these authorities, will be a liquid measure con-
taining ten gallons, two pints.

307

miral, and the rest of the Lacedemonians, cele-
brated their praise, and that the former pro-
mised them, if they would come out of the
Euxine sea, they would have pay.

The soldiers staid five days at Harmene:
and looking upon themselves to be in the neigh-
bourhood of Greece, they were more desirous
than before to carry some booty home with
them. 7 They thought, if they made choice
of one general, that single person would find a
readier obedience from the army both by night
and day, than if the command were vested in
many: where it was necessary for him to con-
ceal his designs, he would conceal them better,
and where to prevent the enemy, he would use
greater expedition, for there would then be no
need of conferences, but whatever that single
person resolved upon, would be put in execu-
tion : for hitherto in all operations the generals
were governed by the majority. While they
had these things under consideration, they cast
their eyes on Xenophon; and the captains
came to him and acquainted him with the re-
solution of the army: and eachof them, ex-
pressing his affection to him, endeavoured to
prevail upon him to undertake the command.
Xenophon was not averse to it, when he con-
sidered that he should, by this means, increase
both his credit with his friends, and his repu-
tation in his country, and that possibly also,
he might be the cause of some advantage to
the army.

These considerations led him to desire to be
commander-in-chief. On the other side, when
he reflected that future events being concealed
from all mankind, he might, for that reason,
run a hazard of losing the glory he had already
gained, he was in suspense. While he was in
this doubt, he thought the best thing he could
do was to consult the gods: in the presence
therefore of two priests, he offered sacrifice to
* Jupiter the king, to whom he was directed by

ἢ Ἡγήσαντο οὖν, εἰ Eve ἕλοιντο ἄρχοντα, μιδέλλον ἂν; ἢ
πολυαρχίας οὔσης, Divo Dos τὸν Eve χροῆσϑαι τῷ στρατεύ--
μάτι καὶ νυκτὸς woul ἡμέρως" καὶ εἴ τι δέοι λανϑάνειν,
μᾶλλον ἂν καὶ πκούπτεσϑαι, καὶ εἴ τι αὖ δέοι φθάνειν,
ἧττον δὲν ὑστερίζειν" οὐ γὰρ ἂν λόγων δεῖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους,
ἀλλὼ τὸ δόξων τῷ ἑνὶ περαίνεσθαι ἄν. 1 have transcribed
this whole passage, that the reader may see how dread.
fully D’Ablancourt has mangled it; these are his words,
* Les soldats donc, pour mieux couvrir leur enterprise,
et l’executer plus promptement resolurent d’elire un
general.”’

8 Adi τῷ βασιλεῖ. Harpucration mentions two porti-

νυ

»

808 “XENOPHON ON THE:

the oracle of Delphos to address himself ; and
whom he looked upon to be the author of the
dream he had, when, together with the other
generals, he was first appointed to take charge
of the army. He called to mind also, that, when
he left Ephesus in order to be presented to
Cyrus, ‘an eagle cried on his right, sitting

cves dedicated at Athens to Jupiter under two different
appellations ; the first to Jupiter ἐλενϑέριος, because the
people of Athens, as Dydimus says, were freed from the
Persians by his assistance ; the other to Jupiter βασιλεύς.
This passage explains what our author mentions in the
third book, where he says the oracle of Delphos directed
him to sacrifice to the proper gods, by which, we find
here, he means Jupiter the king.

1 ᾿Αετὸν dvemieriozero ἑωυτῷ δεξίον. 10 was an old super-
stition among the Greeks to look upon all appearances,
and particularly that of an eagle on the right hand, as an
omen of success. When Telemachus takes his leave of
Menelaus, Homer makes an eagle appear on his right,
with a goose in his talons,

Ὡς ἄρα οἷ tixoves ἐπέπτατο ἑαυτῷ δεξιὸς ὄρνις

Alerés, deyiy χῆνω φέρων ὀνύχεσσι πέλωρον»

ἭΜκμερον ἐξ αὐλῆς.
This omen Helen, who was present, takes upon herself
to interpret, and says it signifies that Ulysses shall return
and punish the suitors, who, it seems, were represented
by the white goose. By the way, Homer makes Helen
rather than Menelaus interpret this omen, possibly to
avoid making the good man indirectly reproach his wife
by this interpretation; for Menelaus seems to have
forgotten or forgiven all that was past, and they then
lived very well together. It may be asked why the
Greeks looked upon the omens that appeared on their
right to be prosperous, and the Romans on those that
appeared on their left to be so? This question, though,
at first sight, it may appear frivolous, is of so great
consequence to the understanding many passages both
in the Greek and Roman authors, that I really think it
very well deserves to be discussed. The first thing to
be considered is, that the Greeks and Romans did not
turn their faces towards the same quarter of the heavens
when they took their stand in their augural ceremo-
nies, the former turning theirs to the north, and the
latter theirs to the east. But this deserves something
more than a bare assertion. Homer, who is always a
religious observer of the ceremonies of his country,
makes Hector reprimand Polydamas for advising him
to attend to the flight of birds, and says he cares not
whether they fly to the right, that is, to the east, or to
the left, that is, to the west,

--τῶν οὔτι μετωτρέπομ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀλεγίζω,

ἘΠτ ἐπὶ δέξῥ ἴωσι πρὸς ἠῶ τ᾽ ἠέλιον τε,

ἘΠτ᾽ ia’ ὠριστερὰ τοίγε, ποτὶ ζόφον ἠερόεντα.
It may not possibly be so easily allowed that the Ro-
inans, upon these occasions, turned their faces towards
the east: I say this because I remember to have seen
the contrary asserted by a very learned man, I mean
Dacier, in his Notes upon Horace; he there says,
“ ceux qui prenoient les auspices, tournoient toujours
le visage vers le midi ;” and a little after he adds, “cela
a toujours ete observe de meme par les Romains, sans
qui’l y ait jamais eu aucun changement; et c’est une
verite si constante, que l’on ne scauroit expliquer ni
consilier autrement tous les passages des anciens, ou il

[ BOOK VI.

however on the ground, which the priest, who
accompanied him, said was an omen, that por-

est parle de ces matieres.”” Errors in authors of little
merit are of little consequence ; but when ushered into
the world under the sanction of a name deservedly
famous for critical learning, they are either taken for
truths, or at best pass uncontradicted. That this is an
error will appear to a demonstration, from the two.
following passages of those two oracles of the Roman
history, Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The
first, speaking of the inauguration of Numa Pompilius,
Says, *‘ Augur ad levam ejus, capite velato sedem ceepit
dextra manu baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quem
lituum appellavyerunt. Inde, ubi, prospectu in urbem
agrumque capto, Deos precatus, regionem ab oriente ad
occasum determinavit; dextras ad meridiem partes,
levas ad septentrionem esse dixit.” In this division
then we find the south was on his right hand, and the
north on his‘left, consequently his face was turned to
the east. Dionysius of Halicarnassus not orly confirms
this, but gives several reasons why the augurs, upon
these occasions, turned their faces to the east. The
first is this, ὅτ, zabiden μέν ἔστι καὶ στάσις ἐρίστη τῶν οἰωνοῖς
μμωντευομένων ἡ βλέπουσα πρὸς ὠτατολῶ;ς, ὅθεν ἡλίου τε ἐνα--
φοραὶ γίνονται καὶ σελήνης) καὶ ὠστέρων πλανητῶν τε καὶ
ἀπλανῶν" ἥτε τοῦ κόσμου περιφορὰ: δι᾿ ἥν τοτὲ μὲν ὑπὲρ ms
ἄπανπα τὰ ἐν αὐτῷ γίνεται, τοτὲ δ᾽ ὑπὸ γῆς, ἔπειθεν agkauiny
τὴν ἐγκύκλιον ἐποδίδωσι πένησιν. This reason, according
to the system of astronomy then in vogue, was a very
plausible one, that is, because the heavenly bodies began
their motion from the east. To this I shall add the
reason given by the same author, why the Romans
looked upon the lightning that appeared on the left
hand, as a happy omen. I mention this not only to
confirm what has been said, but also to show that a pas-
sage in Virgil, which, like many others, is looked upon
as poetical, is, like them, merely historical. Dionysius
says that Ascanius, the son of Hneas, being besieged
by the Tuscans, under Mezentius, and upon the point
of making a sally, prayed to Jupiter, and to the rest of
the gods, to send him a happy omen ; upon which, they
say, the sky being clear, it lightened on his left. Now
let us see what use Virgil has made of this tradition.
Ascanius is besieged by the Rutulans and Tuscans,
commanded by Turnus and Mezentius; he is insulted
by Remulus, but, before he takes revenge of him, he
prays to Jupiter to favour his coup d@’essai; Upon this
a clap of thunder was heard on the left, where the sky
was clear,
** Andiit, et coeli genitor de parte serena
Intonuit levum.”

This is told almost in the same words by the Greek
historian, φασὶν αἰθρίας ovens ἐκ τῶν οἰςιστερῶν ἐστοάψαι τὸν
οὐφανόν.

However, I desire I may not be understood as if I
meant by this that Virgil took this passage from Dio-
nysius. I am very sensible that the Greek historian
speaks of the seven hundredth and forty-fifth year, as
of the year then present, in the preface to his history,
Claudius Nero for the second time, and Calpurnius Piso
being consuls ; and that Donatus tells us, in his life of
Virgil, that, designing to return to Rome with Augus-
tus, whom he met at Athens, as the latter was coming
out of the east, he died at Brundusium, Cn. Plautius
and Qu. Lucretius, being consuls. Now Dion Cassius
says, that Augustus went into the east in the spring of
the year, in which M. Apuleius and P. Silius were con-

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

tended something great, and above a private
station, something illustrious, though toilsome ;
for other birds attack the eagle chiefly when
‘she is sitting upon the ground. He added that
the omen foretold nothing lucrative, because,
when the eagle preys, she is generally upon the
wing. While therefore he was offering sacri-
- fice upon this occasion, the god plainly signified
to him, that he ought neither to seek the com-
mand, nor, if they chose him, to accept it : and
this was the issue of the affair. However the
army assembled, and they all agreed to choose
a single person to command them: this there-
fore being determined, they proposed him:
when it was manifest they would choose him,
ifany one put the question, he rose up, and
spoke as follows :

“ς Gentlemen! as I ama man, I take a plea-
sure in the honour you design me, and return
you thanks for it ; I also beseech the gods to
give me an opportunity of being the occasion
of some advantage to you: but I cannot think
it will be any either to you or myself to give
me the preference, when a Lacedemonian is
present: on the contrary, if youshould want
their assistance in any thing, you will, by this
means, be the less entitled to it. Neither do
I look upon this as a thing altogether safe for
me to engage in; for I am sensible they never
ceased making war upon my country, till they
made the whole city acknowledge, that the
Lacedemonians were the masters of Athens,
as well as of the rest of Greece : however, up-
on this acknowledgment, they desisted, and
immediately raised the siege of that city. If,
therefore, I, who am sensible ‘of this, should
seem, where I have it in my power, to invali-
date their authority, I have reason to fear that
I should very soon be taught my duty. As to
your opinion, that the command of a single
person will leave less room for contest, than
that of many, be assured that, if you choose an-
other, you shall find I will not oppose him:
for I look upon it, that, in war, whoever op-
poses his commander, opposes his own safety :
* whereas, if you choose me, I shall not be

suls, which, in the fusti consulares, is the 733d of Rome,
and that he returned to Rome the next year. All that
I mean by what 1 have said, is that both the poet and
the historian took the passage from the history of Rome.

P™ Ay δ᾽ ἐμὲ ἕλησϑε, οὐκ ἂν ϑαυμάσαιμι εἴ τινα εὕροιτε
wok ὑμῖν καὶ ἐμοὶ ἀχϑόμενον. 1)" Ablancourt has left out
all this sentence,

309

surprised, if you find others, who will be of-
fended both at you and me.”

After he had said this, much greater num-
bers than before rose up, and said, he ought to
take upon him the command. And Agasias
the Stymphalian alleged it- would be ridiculous
to suppose what was mentioned to be true;
because, at any rate, the Lacedemonians might
as well be angry, if, when they met to sup to-
gether, they did not chouse a Lacedemonian
for their president ; for, says he, if that is the
case, neither ought we, it seems, to be captains,
because we are Arcadians. Upon this the as-
sembly showed by their murmur that they ap-
proved of what they said.

Xenophon seeing it was necessary to enforce
what he had alleged, advanced and went on.
“ But, gentlemen ! that you may know all the
circumstances of this affair, I swear by all the
gods and goddesses, that, after I was acquaint-
ed with your resolutions, I sought by sacrifice
to know whether it were for your advantage to
confer this command upon me, and for mine to
accept it: and the gods signified to me, by the
victims, in so clear a manner that the most ig-
norant man could not mistake it, that I ought
to decline the command.” Upon this they
chose Cheirisophus, who, after he was chosen,
came forward and said, “ Be assured, gen-
tlemen! I should have given you no opposi-
tion, if your choice had fallen upon another.
But,” says he, “you have done a service to
Xenophon by not choosing him, since Dixip-
pus has lately accused him to Anaxibus, in the
strongest manner he was able, though I en-
deavoured all I could tosilence him.” Cheiri-
sophus added that he thought Anaxibus would
rather desire Timasion of Dardanus, who had
served under Clearchus, for his colleague, than
himself, though he was a Lacedemonian.
“ But,” says he, “since you have made choice
of me I shall endeavour, on my part, to do you
all the service in my power. In the mean-
time, be ready to sail to-morrow, if the weather
is favourable. Heraclea is the port we must
all endeavour to arrive at. When we are
there we will consider of what we have farther
to do.”

11. The next day they weighed anchor with
a fair wind, and sailed two days along the
coast : and, in their passage, saw the Jasonian
shore, where the ship Argo is said to have
come to land ; and the mouths of several rivers :

310

first that of the ' Thermoden ; then of the
* Halys, and, afterwards that of the * Parthe-
nius: and having sailed by the last, they ar-
rived at ὁ Heraclea, a Greek city, and a colony
of the Megarians, situated in the country of
the Maryandenians. They came to anchor
near to the peninsula of Acherusias, where
Hercules is said to have descended to bring up
Cerberus, and where they show, at this day, a
chasm, two stadia in depth, as a monument of
his descent. The inhabitants of MHeraclea
sent the Greeks three thousand medimni of
barley meal, and two thousand ceramia of wine,
as hospitable presents, with twenty oxen, and
one hundred sheep. Here the river Lycus,
about two hundred feet broad, runs through the
plain.

The soldiers being assembled, deliberated
whether they should proceed the rest of the
way till they were out of the Euxine, by land
or by seas; when Lycon of Achaia rising up,

' Τοῦ Θερμιώδοντος. This river, after it has received
many others, runs through a plain called Themiscyra
formerly inhabited by the Amazons, and then falls into
the Euxine 568.

* Tod" Aduios. This river, Strabo says, took its name
from the beds of salt, through which it runs, ἀπὸ τῶν
ἁλῶν ἃς καταῤῥεῖ. He adds, that its source is in the
Greater Cappadocia: and, upon this occasion, Arrian
blames Herodotus for saying it flows from the south,
whereas it comes, as he says, from theeast. This river
formerly parted the Persian and Lydian empires. Tour-
nefort says this country is so full of fossil salt, that it is
to be found in the high roads, and ploughed lands.

3 “Τοῦ TlagSeviove The Parthenius rises, according to
Strabo, in Paphlagonia, and derives its name from the
cheerful meadows through which it runs.

4 Εἰς ᾿Ηξάκλεων. Heraclea was anciently a city of
great consideration, and in alliance with Rome, till Mi-
thridates made himself master of it by corrupting Lama-
chus, one of their magistrates, which furnished Cotta,
who served under Lucullus, with a pretence both of
plundering it, and reducing it to ashes, for which he was
deservedly censured at his return to Rome. 1 find Stra-
bo makes Heraclea to have been a colony of the Mile-
sians, but Xenophon seems to deserve most credit, since
he is supported by Diodorus Siculus, Pausanias, and
many other authors of the best note. Heraclea was af-
terwards called by the modern Greeks, to whom it be-
longed, Penderachi, and by the Turks, in whose posses-
sion it now is, Eregri. ‘There are many medals to be seen
at this day, formerly struck by this city in honour of the
Roman emperors, with a Hercules on the reverse, by
- which it appears that he was the patron of it: and when
Cotta took it, there was a statue of Hercules in the mar-
ket place, with all his attributes of gold. But it must
be observed, that this was the Grecian, not the Egyptian
Hercules, from whom Diodorus .Siculus observes the
Greeks borrowed most of the great actions which they
ascribed to their Hercules.

XENOPHON ON THE.

[Boox VI.

said, “1 5 wonder, gentlemen ! at our generals, |

for not endeavouring to find money for us to
buy provisions ; for the presents we have re-
ceived will not subsist the army three days;
neither is there any place,” says he, ‘from
whence we can supply ourselyes. My advice
therefore is, that we demand of the inhabitants
of Heraclea no less than three thousand ὅ cyzi-
cenes.” Another said a month’s pay, no less
than ten thousand: and that “‘ we ought to

choose ambassadors, and send them immedi- ©

ately to the town while we were assembled, to
the end we might know what answer they
thought proper to return, and thereupon con-
sider what measures to take.” Upon this they
proposed sending, as ambassadors, first Cheiri-
sophus, because they had chosen him for their
general; and some named Xenophon. But
both these declined it absolutely; for they
concurred in opinion, that they ought not to
constrain a Greek city, in friendship with them,
to supply them with any thing against their
will. When they found these were unwilling
to go, they sent Lycon of Achaia, Callimachus
of Parrhasie, and Agasias of Stymphalus.
These, going to the town, informed the inha-
bitants of the resolutions of the army: it was
said Lycon even added threats, if they did not
comply with all their demands, The inhabi-
tants hearing this, said they would consider of
it, and immediately removed all their ? effects
out of the country, and carried all their proyi-
sions into the town: at the same time the
gates were shut, and men in arms appeared up-
on the walls.

Hereupon, the authors of these disturbances
accused. the generals of having defeated the
design ; and the Arcadians and Achaians as-
sembled together; (they were chiefly headed
by Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Lycon the
Achaian. ‘They said it was a shame that one

Athenian, who brought no forces to the army,

should have the command both of the Pelo-
ponnesians and Lacedemonians. They said
they had the labour, and others the profit,—
which was the less to be suffered, because the
preservation of the army was owing to them ;
for they said the Arcadians and Achaians had

5 Θαυμάζω μὲν, ὦ ἄνδεες» τῶν στρατηγῶν. Θαυμάξω,
ὅτε πρὸς γενικὴν συντάσσομεν; τὸ καταγινώσκω συμαίνε"
πρὺς δὲ αἰτιωτικὴν, τὸ ἐπαινῶ. Suidas,

6 Κυξικηνούς. See note 1, p. 296, upon the fifth book.

7 Χρήματα. See note 7, page 175, upon the first book.

ee

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

preserved it, and that the rest of the army was
nothing; (and it was true the Arcadians and
Achaians made above half the army) if, there-
fore, they were wise, they ought to assemble,
and having chosen their own generals, to march
by themselves, and endeavour to get some
booty. This was resolved: and those Arca-
dians and Achaians, who served under Cheiri-
sophus, leaving him and Xenophon, joined to
the rest, and chose their own generals, to the
number of ten. These they voted to execute
whatever should be approved of by the majo-
rity. Here, therefore, ended the generalship
of Cheirisophus, the sixth or seventh day after
᾿ he was chosen.

Xenophon was inclined to march in their
company, looking upon that as safer than for
every one to travel by himself; but Neon, who
had been informed by Cheirisophus, that Cle-
ander, the Lacedemonian * governor of By-

zantium, said he would come to the port of

Calpe, with some galleys, persuaded him to go
by himself. He gave him this advice to the
end that none should partake of this oppor-
tunity, but only they, with their own soldiers,
should go on board the galleys; and Cheiriso-
phus, partly discouraged at what had happened,
and partly through the hatred he, from that
time, conceived against the army, permitted
Xenophon to do as he thought fit. The latter
had some thoughts also of leaving that part of
the army that remained with him, and of sail-
ing away; but while he was offering sacrifice
to Hercules the Conductor, and consulting that
god, whether it were better for him to march
on with the rest of the soldiers, or to leave
them, the god signified, by the victims, that he
should go on with them. By this means the
army was divided into three bodies: the first
consisted of Arcadians and Achaians, being
above four thousand five hundred in number,
all heavy-armed men; the second, of fourteen
hundred heavy-armed men, and seven hundred
targeteers, belonging to Cheirisophus, the last
being Thracians, who had served under Clear-
chus; and the third of seventeen hundred
heavy-armed men, and three hundred targe-
teers, who followed Xenophon; the horse,
which amounted to about forty, were solely
commanded by him.

-----

Β ᾿Αρμοστής. “Αρμοσταὶ, οἱ ὑπὸ Λακεδοιμονίων εἰς τὰς
ὑποκόους πόλεις ἄρχοντες ἐκπεμπόμενοι. Harpocration.

911

The Arcadians, having turnished themselves
with ships from the inhabitants of Heraclea,
first set sail, that, by falling upon the Bithy..
nians unawares, they might get the greater
booty. With this view they landed in the
port of Calpe, situated about the middle of
9 Thrace. Cheirisophus, leaving Heraclea, tra-
velled through the country; but when he
arrived in Thrace, he kept near the sea, be-
cause he was in an ill state,of health; and
Xenophon, having provided himself with ships,
landed upon the confines of Thrace, and of the
territory of Heraclea, and from thence, marched
through the middle of the country.

111. In what manner, therefore, the general-
ship of Cheirisophus was abrogated, and the
Greek army divided, has been already related.
The actions of each of them were as follows :
the Arcadians, landing by night at the port of
Calpe, marched to the next villages, at the
distance of about fifty stadia from the sea.
When it was light, each of their generals led
his own division to a village, and, where any of
the villages seemed larger than the rest, they
marched in a body formed of two divisions: at
the same time they fixed upon a hill where
they were all to re-assemble; and, as their
irruption was unexpected, they 1took many
slaves, besides great numbers of cattle.

The Thracians who escaped, got together :
for, being targeteers, many of them made their
escape from the Greeks, who were heavy-
armed men. Being now assembled in a body,
they first attacked the division commanded by
Smicres, one of the Arcadian generals, while
he was upon his march to the place of rendez-
vous with a considerable booty. For some
time, the Greeks fought as they marched; but,
while they were passing a valley, the Thra-
cians put them to flight, and killed Smicres
with all his men. They also defeated another
division commanded by Hegesander, one of the
ten generals, eight only escaping; and with
them Hegesander himself. The rest of the
generals came to the place of rendezvous, some

9 Τῆς Φράκης. These are the Thracians, who, as
Herodotus says, having settled in Asia, were called
Bithynians. He adds, that they were driven out of
Thrace by the Teucrians and Mysians.

10 Περιεβάλοντο. ἹΠεριβαλλόμιενος" προσπορισἄμεενος. Sui-
das. Phavorinus. So that I cannot think the word
collego, made use of by both the Latin translators, so
proper upon this occasion.

312

with difficulty, and others without any at all.
The Thracians, after this advantage, gave
notice to one another, and assembled, with
great resolution, in the night: and as soon as
it was day, great numbers of horse and targe-
teers were drawn up round the hill, upon which
the Greeks were encamped; and their num-
bers continually increasing, they attacked the
heavy-armed men, with great security ; for the
Greeks had neither archers, darters, or horse ;
while the others, advancing with their light-
. armed men, and horse, lanced their darts, and
when the Greeks offered to attack them, re-
treated with ease; and assailing them in dif-
ferent places, gave several wounds, without
receiving any; so that the Greeks could not
stir from the place, and were at last debarred
from water by the Thracians. Being reduced
to great extremity, terms of accommodation
were proposed, and other things were agreed
upon; but the Thracians refused to give hos-
tages, which the Greeks insisted on. This
put a stop to the treaty; and this was the
situation of the Arcadians.

In the meantime, Cheirisophus, marching
with safety along the coast, arrived at the port
of Calpe. While Xenophon was upon his
march through the middle of the country, his
horse, who were upon the scout, met with
some ambassadors, who were travelling the
road. When they were brought to Xenophon,
he asked them, whether they had any where
heard of another Greek army. These men
informed him of every thing that had passed ;
that the Greeks were actually besieged upon a
hill, and that the whole army of the Thracians
had surrounded them on all sides. Upon this
he ordered the men to be strictly guarded, that
he might use them as guides, where it was
necessary ; and having placed his scouts, he
assembled the soldiers, and spoke to them as
follows:

«“ Gentlemen! part of the Arcadians are
slain, and the rest besieged upon a hill. It is
my opinion, that if these are destroyed, all
hopes of our own safety are desperate, the
enemy being so numerous, and so much
emboldened by their success. The best thing
therefore, we can do, is immediately to march
to their relief: that if they are still alive, we
may haye their assistance in battle, rather
than, by being left alone, be alone exposed to
the danger of it. Let us, therefore, for the
present, march on till supper-time, and then

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VI.

encamp ; and while we are upon our march,
let Timasion, with the horse, advance before, |
keeping us still in sight, and reconnoitre the
country, to prevent surprise.” At the same
time, he sent those of the light-armed men,
who were most prepared for expedition, to the
sides and tops of the hills, with orders if they
saw any thing to give notice. He ordered
them also to set fire to every combustible
thing they met with. “ For,” says he, “ we
have no place to fly to: it isa great way back
to Heraclea; a great way through the country -
to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is near at hand.
Indeed, it is not far from the port of Calpe, .
where we conclude Cheirisephus is arrived, if
he has met with no accident; but, when we
are there, we shall find neither ships to tran-
sport us, nor provisions to subsist us even for
one day. - However, if those who are besieged
should perish, it will be more disadvantageous
for us to hazard a battle in conjunction with
the troops belonging to Cheirisophus only,
than, if they are preserved, to join all our
forces, and make our preservation a common
concern. But let us go with this resolution,
either to die with honour, upon this occasion,
or perform the greatest of all actions in pre-
serving so many Greeks. Possibly, God has
ordained this with a design of humbling those
who magnified their prudence, as superior to
ours, and of rendering us, who derive all our
hopes from the gods, more renowned than
they. Follow then your leaders, and be atten-
tive to the orders you receive, that you may
obey them.”

When he had said this, he put himself at
their head. The horse, spreading themselves
over the country, as far as was proper, set fire
to every thing where they passed, and the
targeteers, marching abreast upon the emi-
nences, set fire also to every thing they found
combustible, as did the army also to what the
others happened to leave; so that the whole
country seemed in a blaze, and the army
appeared very numerous. When it was time,
they encamped on a hill, and. discovered the
enemy’s fires, from whom they were distant
about forty stadia; upon this they made as
many fires as they could. But when they had
supped, orders were given that all the fires
should immediately be put out: and having
placed guards they went to sleep. The next
morning, by break of day, after they had
invoked the gods, they put themselves in

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

order of battle, and marched with all the haste
they could. Timasion and the horse, with
the guides, advancing before the army, found
themselves, before they were aware, upon the
hill where the Greeks had been besieged.
Here they saw neither friends nor enemies,
(of which they gave notice to Xenophon and
the army) but only some old men and women,
with a few sheep and oxen that were left
behind. At first, they wondered what the
matter was, but, afterwards, they understood
by the people who were left, that the Thra-
cians went away, as soon as the evening came
on; and the Greeks the next morning; but
whither, they said, they could not tell.
Xenophon and his men, hearing this, after
they had eat their breakfast, got their baggage |
ready, and marched on, desiring, as soon as
' possible, to join the rest of the Greeks at the
port of Calpe. In their march, they saw the
footing of the Arcadians and Achaians in the
road leading to Calpe; and, when they overtook
them, they were pleased to see one another,
and embraced like brothers. The Arcadians
asked Xenophon’s men, why they had put out
their fires? ““ For,” said they, “we thought |
at first, when we saw no more fires, that you

designed to attack the enemy in the night ;
(and they, as we imagined, were apprehensive
of this, and for that reason went away, for they
retired about that time,) but you not coming,
and the time wherein we expected you being
expired, we concluded, that, being informed of
our situation, you were terrified, and had re-
tired to the sea-side. Whereupon, we resolved
not to be far behind you: and this was the
reason of our marching hither also.”

IV. That day they encamped upon the shore
near the port. This place, which is called the
port of Calpe, is situated in the Asiatic ‘Thrace.
This Thrace begins at the mouth of the Eux-
ine Sea, and extends on the right hand, as far
as Heraclea. To which place, from Byzan-
tium, 1 it is as far as a trireme galley can row
in the longest day. Between these two cities
there is no town belonging either to the Greeks,
or their allies ; but all the coast is inhabited by
Thracians or Bithynians ; and whatever Greeks
are thrown upon their coast by shipwreck, or
1 Ἡμέρας μάλα μαπρᾶς πλοῦς. Kenophon has great
reason to say that it is a long day’s work for a galley to
go from Byzantium to Heraclea, since Arrian, in his
Periplus, makes it 1670 stadia, 870 of which he reckons

from Byzantium to the port of Calpe, which agrees very
well with Xenophon’s account.

313

by any other accident fall into their hands,
they are said to abuse them in the most savage
manner. The port of Calpe lies in the mid-
way between Heraclea and Byzantium. A
promontory runs out into the sea, of which that
part which lies contiguous to it, is a craggy
rock, in height, where it is lowest, not less
than twenty fathom. The neck of land, by
which this promontory is joined to the conti-
nent, is about four hundred feet in breadth;
and the space within this neck is ample enough
to afford habitation for ten thousand men. The
port lies under the rock upon the western
shore ; and, close to the sea, flows a spring
plentifully supplied with fresh water; this
spring is commanded by the rock. This place
affords great plenty of timber, particularly that
which is proper for building ships, in great
quantities, and in great perfection close to the
sea. The mountain. that lies next the port,
reaches about twenty stadia into the midland.
The soil is a mould free from stones ; but that
part of it which lies next the sea, and extends
above twenty stadia, is covered with great
numbers of stately trees of every kind. The
rest of the country is pleasant and spacious,
abounding with villages well inhabited; for it
produces barley, wheat, and all sorts of legu-
mens, panic, sesame, a sufficient quantity of
figs, vines in abundance, yielding a sweet wine,
and every thing else but olive-trees. This is
the nature of the country.

The soldiers encamped along the shore:
had they entered into any of the villages, they
would not have quartered there ; because they
suspected they were drawn thither by the arti-
fice of some people, who were desirous to build
a city there. For the greatest part of them
had not engaged in this service through want,
but induced by the reputation of Cyrus, some
even bringing soldiers with them, who had
spent their fortunes, some having left their
fathers and mothers, and others their children,
with a design to return, when they had acquired
enough to enrich them; for they heard that
the other Greeks, who before served under
Cyrus, had made their fortunes. This being
their situation, they were desirous to return in
safety to Greece.

The morning after the junction of their
forces Xenophon offered sacrifice concerning
their going out of the camp; (for there was a
necessity to lead them out in order to get pre-
visions) he also proposed to bury the dead.

2K

314

The victims being favourable, the Arcadians
also followed him, and they buried the greatest
part of the dead, where each of them lay, (for
their bodies having lain five days, there was
no possibility of bringing them away) some of
them they removed out of the roads, and, lay-
ing them in a heap, buried them with all the
decency that their present circumstances would
admit of. As for those whose bodies could
not be found, they erected a large ' cenotaph,
with a great funeral pile, which they crowned
with garlands. Having performed these things
they returned to their camp: and after they
had supped, went to rest. The next day there
was a general meeting of the soldiers, (they
were chiefly assembled by Agasias of Stym-
phalus, one of the captains, and Hieronymius
of Elis, a captain also, and by the oldest Ar-
cadian officers) in which they came to this re-
solution, that, for the future, whoever proposed
dividing the army should be punished with
death ; that the army should march in the same
disposition it was in before, and that the same
generals should command. Cheirisophus hav-
ing lost his life by a medicine he took in a
fever, Neon the Asinzean succeeded him.
After this Xenophon rising up, said, “ Gen-
tlemen! it seems we are under a necessity both
of travelling by land, for we have no ships, and
of marching away immediately ; for, if we stay,
we shall want provisions. We, therefore, shall
offer sacrifice ; in the mean time, if, upon any
other occasion, you were prepared to fight,
prepare yourselves for it now, for the enemy
have resumed their courage.” After this, the

generals offered sacrifice in the presence of’

Arexion of Arcadia, the priest : for Silanus of
Ambracia had hired a ship, and made his es-
eape from Heraclea. But the victims they
sacrificed concerning their departure were not
favourable ; so they staid there that day: and
some had the confidence to report, that Xeno-

1 Kevorégiove In the same manner we fiud in Thucy-
dides, that the Athenians, in the funeral of the first of
their countrymen, who were killed in the Poloponne-
sian war, besides a coffin for every tribe, carried also an
empty one in honour to the memory of those whose bo-
dies couJd not be found. Virgil has translated the Greek
word by fumulus inanis in the third Book, where he
says Andromache had raised an empty monument to the
manes of Hector,

*€ Manesque vocabat
Hectoreum ad tumulum; viridi quem cespite inanem,
Et yeminas, causam lachrimis, sacraverat aras.”

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK γι.

phon, being desirous to build a city there, had
prevailed upon the priest to declare that the
victims were not favourable to their departure.
Upon this, Xenophon ordered a herald to pub-
lish that any one, who was willing, might be
present at the sacrifice the next day,. and that,
if there was any priest among them, he should
also attend, and assist in inspecting the vic-
tims ; he offered sacrifice accordingly in the
presence of great numbers ; and, though victims
were three times sacrificed concerning their
departure, still they were not favourable. This
gave the soldiers great concern; for the pro-~
visions they had brought with them were all
cousumed, and there was no market near.

Hereupon they re-assembled, and Xenophon
said, “ Gentlemen! the victims you see, are
not yet favourable to our departure; at the
same time, I see you are in want of provisions;
it is necessary, therefore, in my opinion, to
offer sacrifice concerning this.” Upon which
one of the men, rising up, said, “ It is with
reason the victims do not favour our departure :_
for a ship coming in yesterday by accident, I
was informed that Cleander, the Lacedemonian
governor of Byzantium, designed to come
hither from thence with transports and gallies.”
Upon this they all concluded to stay for him.
However they could not avoid going out to get
provisions concerning which he again offered
sacrifice three times, and still the victims were
not favourable; the soldiers now came to
Xenophon’s tent, complaining they had no
provisions : but he told them he would not Jead
them out, while the victims forbade it.

The next day he sacrificed again, and, it
being a general concern, almost all the army
crowded round the sacrifice: but the victims
fell short. Still the generals did not think fit
to lead out the army, however they called them
together; and Xenophon said, “ Possibly the
enemy may be assembled in a body, and, then
we shall be under a necessity of fighting: if,
therefore, we leave our baggage in the place of
strength, and march out prepared to fight, it is
possible the victims may be more favourable.”
The soldiers, hearing this, cried out it was to
no purpose to lead them to the place he men-
tioned, but that they ought immediately to offer
sacrifice. They had no victims left: so they
bought some oxen out of a cart, and sacrificed
them; and Xenophon begged of Cleanor the
Arcadian, to show an earnestness, if this sac-

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

tifice promised any thing. Notwithstanding
this.the victims were not favourable.

Here Neon, who had succeeded Cheiriso-
phus, seeing the men oppressed with want,
was desirous to gratify them, and, having found
out a man belonging to Heraclea, who said he
was acquainted with some villages in the neigh.
bourhood, where they might get provisions,
ordered proclamation to be made, that whoever
was willing might go out to supply themselves,
there being a guide ready to conduct them.
Upon this two thousand men went out of the
camp with javelins, leather bags, sacks, and
other vessels. While they were in the villages
dispersed in plunder, some horse, belonging
to Pharnabazus, first fell upon them: these
were come to the assistance of the Bithynians,
designing, jointly with them, to hinder, if
possible, the Greeks from penetrating into
Phrygia. This body of horse killed no less
than five hundred of the Greeks: the rest fled
to a mountain.

The news of this defeat was brought to the
camp by one of those who escaped. Xeno-
phon, since the victims were not favourable
that day, taking an ox out of one of the carts
(for there were no other victims) sacrificed it,
and then went out to their relief with all the
men who were not above forty years of age;
and, having brought off the rest, they returned
to the camp. It was now near sunset, and the
Greeks ate their supper in great consternation ;
when, on a sudden, some Bithynians, coming
up through the thickets, surprised the advanced
guard, and, killing some of them, pursued the
rest to the camp ; and, the alarm being given,
all the Greeks ran to their arms. But it was
not thought advisable to pursue the enemy, or
leave their camp in the night ; for the country
was full of thickets ; so they lay that night up-
on their arms, taking care effectually to rein-
force their out-guards.

VY. In this manner they passed the night.
The next day, as soon as it was light, the gen-
erals led them to the place of strength, and the
army followed, with their arms and baggage,
and before noon they had dug a trench quite
across the neck of land that leads to the pro-
montory, and fortified the whole length of it
with palisades, leaving three gates. In the
meantime a ship arrived from Heraclea, laden
with barley-meal, cattle, and wine. Xenophon
rising early offered sacrifice concerning an ex-

315

pedition against the enemy, and the first victim
was favourable. When the sacrifice was near
an end, Arexion of Parrhasie, the priest, saw
an eagle on the favourable side, and called out
to Xenophon to lead on. After the men had
passed the trench, they stood to their arms, and
the generals ordered proclamation to be made,
that the soldiers, as soon as they had dined,
should march with their arms, leaving those
who had care of the baggage, and the slaves be.
hind. All the rest went out except Neon ; for
it was thought most advisable to leave him to
command those who remained in the camp;
but, when the captains and soldiers were about
to leave them, they were ashamed to stay be-
hind, while the rest marched out; so they left
only those who were above five and forty years
of age. These, therefore, staid in the camp,
and the rest marched forward. Before they
had gone fifteen stadia, they came to the dead
bodies, and, * extending one of their wings up-
on a single line, where the first of them lay,
they buried all those that fell within the line.
After they had buried these as they marched
along, they formed a line of the other wing,
where the first of the bodies lay unburied, and
in the same manner buried those that fell in
their way: and when they came to the road
that led from the villages, where the dead
bodies lay in heaps, they brought them all to-
gether, and buried them. .
It being now past noon, they marched clea
of the villages, and, while the men were em-
ployed in taking whatever provisions they met
with within reach of the line, on a sudden
they discovered the enemy marching over some
hills opposite to them. Their army was dis-
posed in a line, and very numerous both in horse
and foot ; for Spithridates and Rathines were
there with the forces they had received from
Pharnabazus. As soon as the enemy saw the
Greeks, they halted at the distance of about
fifteen stadia. Upon this, Arexion the Greek
priest, immediately offered sacrifice, and the

᾿ 2 Τὴν οὐρὼν τοῦ πέρατος ποιησάμενοι OTR τοὺς πρώτους
φανέντας νεκροὺς») ἔϑωπτον πάντας ὁπόσους ἐπελάμβανε τὸ
κέρας. 1 very much suspect that οὐρὰν τοῦ πέρωτος
ποιήσωσι αἱ signifies to extend one of the wings of an
army upon a line; but, as I do not find this sense of the
expression supported by the authority of any author, or
lexicon, though I have consulted many, I only offer it as
a conjecture, and leave if to the consideration of the
learned.

~

316

very first victim was favourable. Then Xe-
nuphon said to the generals, “ Gentlemen ! it
is my opinion that we ought to place some
bodies of reserve behind the line of battle, to
sustain it, if necessary, and that the enemy when
disordered may be received by these bodies of
reserve, that will be fresh and in order.” All
this met with general approbation. “Do you
therefore,” continues he, “advance against the
enemy, that now we have seen them, and been
seen by them, we may not stand still; and I
will form the bodies of reserve in the rear, in
the manner you approve of, and follow you.”
Upon this the generals advanced in silence ;
and Xenophon having separated from the main
body, the three hindmost ranks, consisting of
about two hundred men each, placed one, com-
manded by Samolas of Achaia, behind the right
wing, another of which Pyrias of Arcadia had
the command, behind the centre ; and the third,
commanded by Phrasias, an Athenian, behind
the left wing; these had orders to follow the line
of battle at the distance of about one hundred
feet. As they marched on, those in the front
coming to a valley, ' that was large and difficult
to pass, halted, not knowing whether it was
passable or not, and an order was given for all
the generals and captains to come up to the
front. Xenophon wondered what should stop
their march ; but, as soon as he heard the order,
he rode up in all haste. As soon as the offi-
cers were got together, Sophenetus, the oldest
of the generals, said it ἢ was not advisable to
pass a valley of such difficulty ; but Xenophon,
answering with some earnestness, said,

1. ᾿Εσὶ νάπει μεγάλῳ. I cannot approve of the word
altus, which both Leunciavius and Hutchinson have
made use of, upon this occasion, for νάπος ; I am very
sensible that νάπος signifies saitus, but I do not look
upon that to be the signification of the word in this
place, because he tells us afterwards, that there was a
bridge over this νάπος» which I am sure is, in no degree,
applicable to saltus, particularly, since he calls it νάπος
μέγα; which addition puts it out of all doubt that bo-
cage epais, in D’Ablancourt, is improper, since bocage
is a diminutive. I have called it a valley, in which I
am supported by Phavorinus, who explains the word
in that sense ; vers, ἡ κοιλότης τοῦ ὄρους.

Ὁ “Ὅτι οὐκ ἄξιον εἴη dia βαίνειν. 1 agree with Hutchin-
son, that Stephanus and Muretus had no reason to find
fault with this reading. I go further ; he calls it satis sana
scriptura, but 1 think the phrase perfectly elegant, and
of the same turn with a passage in Demosthenes, quot-
ed by Suidas—O:a γὰρ τοῦτο μάλιστα ἄξιόν ἐστι σιωπᾷν, OF
οὔτ᾽ ἐστὶν ὁ καταπλήσσων, οὔθ᾽ ὁ καλάσων ἡμᾶς. Upon
which occasion Suidas explains the word in this manner,
ἄξιον" οἱ ῥήτορες ἐπὶ τοῦ εὐλόγου καὶ δικαίου ἐκλωμβάνουσι.

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book Vi.

“ You know, gentlemen! that I never wil-
ingly sought dangers for you; because I am
sensible you want safety, more than glory ; but
this is our present situation. Itis not possible
for us to go hence without fighting ; for, if we
do not engage the enemy, as soon as we offer to
depart, they will pursue us, and fall upon us in
our retreat. Consider therefore with your-
selves, whether it is better for us to attack
them with our arms to cover us, or to see them
pursuing us, when we are defenceless. You

know also that there is no honour to be got by -

flying from an enemy, while even cowards gain
courage by pursuing; for which reason I had
rather pursue with half the number of forces,
than retreat with twice as many. Besides, I
am confident that you yourselves do not * ex-
pect the enemy will stand, if we attack them;
but we are all sensible, that if we retire, they
will have courage enough to follow us. How-
ever, to be on the other side, with a difficult
valley in our rear when we engage, is not
that an advantage worth contending for?
May the enemy ἡ find every passage open to
their flight ! whereas the situation of the place
ought to instruct us that we can have no hope
of safety, but in victory. I wonder any one
should think this valley more dreadful than so
many other places we have passed through.
Shall we not find this very place, where we
now are, difficult to march over, if we do not
overcome the horse? Will not the mountains
we have traversed be difficult to repass with
such numbers of targeteers at our heels? But
admit even that we arrive at the sea-coast in

3 ᾿Ἐλπίζετε. In this sense Thucydides uses the word
in the beginning of his history, where he says, that he
chose the Peloponnesian war for his subject, because he
expected it would be of more importance than any be-
fore it, éAvicas μέγαν τε ἔσεσθαι, καὶ ἀξιολογώτατον τῶν
προγεγενημένων. Upon which the Greek Scholiast ob-
serves, τὸ ἐλπίσας, ob μόνον ἐπὶ ἀγαθοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἁπλῶς ἐπὶ τῇ
τοῦ μέλλοντος ἐκβάσει λέγεται. After the example of the
Greeks, the Latins also gave this sense to the word
spero, as we find in Virgil, where Dido, in the agony of
her mind, tells her sister,

“* Hunc ego si potui tantum sperare dolorem,
: Et perferre, soror, potero.”

4 Τοῖς μὲν γὰρ πολεμίοις ἔγωγε Bovrciuny ἂν εὔὕπορι
πάντω φαίνεσθαι, ὥστε ἀποχωρεῖν. This soldierly wish of
Xenophon, that the enemy might have hopes of safety
in a retreat, while his own men had none but in yic-
tory, is thus disfigured by D’Ablancourt : “ Je voudrois
que nous fussions si bien remparos de toutes parts,
qu’ils ne scussent pas par ou nous attaquer, afin qwils
Se retirassent plutot.”

‘

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

safety, how ° large a valley is the Euxine sea?
Where we shall neither find ships to transport
us, or if we stay there, provisions to subsist us.
And, if we make haste thither, we must haste
abroad again to get provisions. We had better
therefore fight, now we have eaten something,
than to-morrow, when we are fasting. Gentle-
men! the sacrifices are favourable, the omens
happy, and the victims assure us of success.
Let us go on. Since the enemy have seen us
all, they ought not to eat their supper with satis-
faction, or encamp where they please.”

Upon this the captains bid him lead on, and
no one contradicted it: he therefore put him-
self at their head, and ordered every man to
pass the valley in his rank, for he thought it
would be more expeditious for the army to pass
over in a body, than if they filed off over
the bridge, that lay across the valley. After
they had passed it, Xenophon, coming up to
the foremost ranks, said, “‘ Remember, gentle-

men! how many battles, with the assistaice of |

the gods, you have gained, and what those are
to expect who turn their backs upon the enemy.
Consider also that we are at the gates of
Greece. Follow Hercules your conductor, and
exhort one another by name. There isa plea-
sure in reflecting that whoever, upon this occa-
sion, says or does any thing brave and glorious,
will be remembered by those whose applause
he is ambitious of.”

This he said as he rode along the ranks:
then put himself at the head of the line of bat-
tle, and, having placed the targeteers upon the
wings, he marched against the enemy. He had
also ordered the heavy-armed men to carry their
pikes on their right shoulders, till the trumpet
sounded ; then to present them, and move slowly
on: and that none should run, when they pursu-
ed. Upon this the word was given, “ Jupiter the
preserver, and Hercules the conductor.” The
enemy encouraged by the advantage of their
post, stood their ground ; and, when our men

5 ἸΠόσον τι νάπος 6 πόντος. Methinks this expression
should have convinced the Latin translators that νάπος
was not, upon this occasion, to be translated by saltus.
However, they have, I find, still adhered to it. Hut-
chinson has said, “‘quantus taudem saltus ipse pontus
est?” And Leunclavius, “ quantus queso saltus ipsum
pelagus Ponticum erit?”? I expected D’Ablancourt
would also have pursued this translation, and have
said, “‘ quel bocage sera le Pont Euxin 9᾽ But he has
prudently avoided this absurdity, by leaving out the
whole sentence

317

drew near, the Greek targeteers shouted, and
ran on before they were ordered. The enemy’s

-horse, with the body of Bithynians, advanced

against them, and both together put the targe-
teers to flight: but, when the line of battle,
consisting of the heavy-armed men, marched
briskly up to meet them, and, at the same time,
the trumpet sounded, and the men sung ° the
pean, then shouted and presented their pikes,
they no longer stood their ground, but fled.
Timasion pursued them with the horse; and
his men, being but few in number, killed as
many of them as they could. The enemy’s left
wing, which was opposite to the Greek horse,
was presently dispersed; but the right, not
being closely pursued, rallied upon a hill.
As soon as the Greeks saw them make a stand,
they thought the easiest and safest thing they
could do, was to charge them immediately.
Accordingly, they sung the pzean, and advanced
directly; but the enemy did not stand: the
targeteers pursued them till their right wing
was also dispersed. However, few of them
were killed, for the enemy’s horse being very
numerous, kept the Greeks in awe. When
our men saw the body of horse belonging to
Pharnabazus still unbroken, and the Bithynian
horse flocking to them, and observing, from a
hill, what was doing, though they were spent
with labour, yet they resolved to charge them
also, as well as they could, that they might
give them no time to recover their spirit and
breath. So they formed themselves, and
marched against them. Upon this, the enemy’s
horse fled down the hill with as much precipi-
tation, as if they had been pursued by horse:
for there was a.valley to receive them, which
the Greeks knew nothing of, because, as it was
late, they had given over the pursuit, before
they came to it. Then returning to the place,
where the first action happened, they erected a
trophy, and came back to the sea about sunset.
For they had near sixty stadia to their camp.
VI. After this, the enemy employed them-
selves in their own concerns, removing their
families and “effects to the greatest distance
they could. In the meantime, the Greeks
waited for the arrival of Cleander, with the
gallies and transports ; and going out every day
with their sumpter-horses and slaves, they fur-

6 Καὶ ἐπαιάν,ζον.
book.
ἡ Τὰ χρήματα. See note}, page 175, upon the first book.

See note 8, page 189, upon the first

318

nished themselves in all security, with wheat,
barley, wine, legumens, panic, and figs ; for the
country produced every thing but oil. While
the army lay in their camp to refresh them-
selves, the men had liberty to go out for
plunder; and upon those occasions, the booty
was their own: but when the whole army
went out, if any one straggled from the rest,
and got any thing, they determined it should
belong to the public. The camp now abound-
ed in all things, for provisions came from
every side out of the Greek cities ; and people,
who sailed along the coast, being informed
that a city was going to be built with a ha-
ven, willingly put in there: and those of the
enemy, who lived in the neighbourhood, sent
to Xenophon, hearing he had the conduct of
the intended settlement, to know what they
should do to deserve his friendship; and he
showed them to the soldiers. In the mean-
time, Cleander arrived with two galleys, but no
transports. It happened, that when he came,
the army was gone out to get provisions, and a
party of stragglers, going up the mountain in
search of plunder, took a great number of
sheep; but being afraid they would be taken
from them, they informed Dexippus of it, the
same who ran away with the fifty-oar galley
from Trebisond, and desired him to secure the
sheep, agreeing that he should retain some of
them for his pains, and restore the rest.

_ Immediately Dexippus drove away the sol-
diers who stood round them, and told them the
sheep belonged to the public; then went to
Cleander, and informed him that they endeay-
oured to take them away by force. Cleander
ordered him to bring the man who attempted
it before him. Upon that, Dexippus seized
one of the men, and was carrying him away,
when Agasias, meeting him, rescued the man;
for he belonged to his company: and the rest
of the soldiers who were present, threw stones
at. Dexippus, calling him traitor. This put
not only him, but many of the men also, who
belonged to the galleys, in fear, and made them
fly to the sea; and Cleander himself was
among thése who fled. Hereupon, Xenophon
and the rest of the generals endeavoured to
suppress the tumult, and told Cleander, that
there was no danger, and that all this was oc-
casioned by the standing order of the army,
But Cleander, being inflamed by Dexippus,
and himself nettled for having discovered so
much fear, said he would sail away, and cause

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VI.

them to be proclaimed enemies, and that as

such, none of the Greek cities should receive -

them: for the ! Lacedemonians were, at that
time, the masters of all Greece.

The Greeks looked upon this as an affair of
bad consequence, and begged of him not to do
it; but he said it could not be otherwise, un-
less they delivered up the man who began
throwing stones, together with the person who
rescued him. This was Agasias the constant
friend of Xenophen ; for which reason Dexip-
pus had accused him.
commanders called the army together, and some
of them treated Cleander as a man of no im-
portance; but Xenophon thought the affair of
no small consequence, and, rising up, said:

“ Gentlemen! I look upon it as a matter of
great moment, if Cleander goes away, as he
threatens, in this disposition: for we are now
in the neighbourhood of the Greek cities, and
as the Lacedemonians preside over Greece,
every single Lacedemonian can effect what-
ever he pleases in these cities. If, therefore,
this man first shuts us out of Byzantium him-
self, then gives notice to the rest of the Lace-
dzemonian governors, not to receive us into
their cities, as men refusing obedience to the
Lacedemonians, and absolutely ungovernable ;
this character of us will at last reach the ears
of Anaxibius, the admiral, and then it will be

difficult for us either to stay where we are, or to ©

sail away; for, at this time, the Lacedzemoni-
ans command both at seaand land. We ought
not, therefore, for the sake of one or two men,
to exclude ourselves from Greece, but to obey
them in every thing; for the cities to which
we belong, obey them. As to my own parti-
cular (for I hear Dexippus tells Cleander, that
Agasias had never done this, if I had not given
him orders,) for my part, I say, I am ready to
clear both you and Agasias of this accusation,
if he will say that I was the author of any of
these things, and to condemn myself, if I be-
gan throwing stones, or any other violence, to
the last of punishments, and will submit to it.
My advice also is, that if Cleander should ac-
cuse any other person, he ought to surrender
himself to him to be tried; by this means you
will be free from censure. As things now
stand, it will be hard if we, who expect to
meet with applause and honour in Greece,

————

1 *Hexov δὲ τότε πάντων τῶν ᾿Ἑλλήνων ci Λακεξαιμένιει,
See the Intreduction, p. 161.

In this perplexity, the

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

should, instead of that, not even be in the
same condition with the rest of our country-
men, but be excluded from the Greek cities.”
After this, Agasias rose up, and said, “ Gen-
tlemen ! I call the gods,and goddesses to wit-
ness, that neither Xenophon, nor any other
person among you, ordered me to rescue the
man ; but seeing Dexippus (who you know has
betrayed you) carrying away a brave man be-
longing to my company, I thought it was not
to be borne, and own I rescued him. Think
not of delivering me up, for I will surrender
myself to Cleander, as Xenophon advises, to
be tried by him, and used as he thinks fit. Let
this be no cause of war between you and the
Lacedemonians ; but let every man return with
safety to whatever part of Greece he pleases.
I only desire you will choose some of your own
number, and send them with me, to Cleander,
that if I omit any thing, they may both speak and
act in my behalf.” Upon this, the army gave
him leave to choose such persons as he thought
proper to accompany him; and he chose the
generals. Agasias and the generals accordingly
went to Cleander, together with the man who
had been rescued by Agasias ; and the generals
spoke to Cleander in the following manner:
«The army has sent us to you, O Cleander,
and desires, if you accuse them all, that you
will yourself pass sentence upon them all, and
treat them as you think fit: if one, or two, or
more of them, they have thought proper they
should surrender themselves to you, and sub-
mit to your judgment. If, therefore, you ac-
cuse any of us, here we are before you: if any
other, let us know it ; for no man shall refuse
to submit to your judgment, who will submit
to our command.” After this, Agasias, ad-
vancing, said, “ I am the person, O Cleander,
that rescued the man whom Dexippus was car-
rying away, and that gave orders to our men to
strike Dexippus ; for I knew the soldier to be
a good man, and that Dexippus, who had been
chosen by the army to command the galley we
begged of the inhabitants of Trebisond, in or-
der to get ships together to transport us, had
run away with the galley, and betrayed the sol-
diers, to whom he owed his preservation. Thus
he is the cause not only of our having deprived
the inhabitants of Trebisond of their galley,
but of our being looked upon as ill men, and,
as far as it lay in his power, of our ruin; for
he had heard, as well as we, that if we went
by land, it was impossible for us to pass the

aA”

319

rivers that lay in our way and return to Greece.
Such is the character of the person from whom
I rescued the man. If either you, or any one
belonging to you, had been carrying him away,
and not one of our own deserters, be assured
that I should have attempted no such thing.
Know, then, that if you put me to death, you
will destroy a brave man, for the sake of a
coward and a villain.”

Cleander, hearing this, said he could not ap-
prove of the conduct of Dexippus, if he had
been guilty of these things; “ But,” adds he,
‘‘in my opinion, though Dexippus were the
worst of men, no violence should be offered
to him, but that he ought to be tried, (in the
manner you yourselves propose, ) and punished,
if guilty. As for you, leave Agasias with me,
and depart: and when I give you notice, be
present at his trial. I neither ascuse the army,
nor any other person, since Agasias himself
owns he rescued the man.” Upon this, the
soldier who had been rescued said, “ Though
you seem to think, O Cleander, that I was ap-
prehended as an offender, yet know, that I nei-
ther struck any one, or threw stones at any; I
only said the sheep belonged to the public: for
the soldiers had made an order, that when the
whole army went out, whatever booty was
taken by any particular person, should belong
to the public. This was all I said, and for this,
Dexippus seized me with a design to carry me
away, that every man’s mouth being stopped,
he might have his share of the booty, and se-
cure the rest for his accomplices, contrary to
2the standing order of the army.” To this
Cleander answered, “ Since you are that kind
of man, stay here, that we may consider what
to do with you also.”

After this Cleander and his company went
to dinner; and Xenophon assembling the
army, advised them to send some persons to ᾿
Cleander to intercede for the men. Hereupon
they resolved to send the generals and captains,
together with Dracontius the Spartan, and
other proper persons, to entreat Cleander, by

2 Tlaed τὴν ῥήτρον. Ihave taken parex here in the
same sense that Plutarch says Lycurgus used it when he
called his decrees by that name, Iam sensible that the
word also signifies an agreement, but as our author calls
the same thing τῶν oreariwray δόγμα a few tines Yefore, I
have chosen to give it that sense here also. Leuncla-
vius has said very properly contra edictum, and Hut.
chinson, I think, not so well, contra pactum. D’ Ablan.
court has, according to his custom where he meets with
a difficulty, left it out.

890

all means to release them. As soon as Xeno-
phon came to him, he said, “ The men you de-
manded, O Cleander! are in your hands, and
the army makes you not only master of their
fate, but of its own. However, they now
conjure you to give up these two men to them,
and not to put them to death; because, upon
all occasions, both of them have taken great
pains to do service to the army. If they can
prevail upon you in this, they promise you, in
return, if you think fit to be their general, and
the gods are propitious, to let you see both
how observant they are, and how incapable,
while they obey their commander, and heaven
assists them, of fearing an enemy. They also
beg of you, that, when you are with them, and
have taken upon you the command, you will
make trial of Dexippus, and of themselves and
others, and then reward each, according to his
merit.” Cleander, hearing this, said, “ By
1 Castor and Pollux, I will return you an an-
swer immediately. I not only give you up the
men, but will come to you myself; and, if the
gods are in any degree favourable, I will con-
. duct you into Greece. Your discourse is very
different from the reports I have heard of some
of you, as if you were endeavouring to ren-
der the army disaffected to the Lacedemo-
nians.”

After this those who were sent by the army,
applauded him, and returned with the two
men. Cleander offered sacrifice concerning the
journey, and conversed in a friendly manner
with Xenophon, and they two contracted an
? intercourse of hospitality; and when he saw
the obedience, and exact discipline of the army,
he was still more desirous of commanding
them: but after he had offered sacrifice for
three days, and the victims were not favourable,
he called the generals together, and said, “" The
victims will not allow me to conduct the army,
but let not that discourage you, for it looks as
if this was reserved for you. Go on, therefore ;

1 Ναὶ μὰ τὼ Σιώ, This was an oath much used by
the Lacedzmonians : by τὼ Σιὼ are meant the two bro-
ther gods, Castor and Pollux, as we find by what the
Greek scholiast observes upon the following passage of
Aristophanes, where Mercury says to Trygzeus, in the
Lacedzemonian style.

Ναὶ τὼ Σιὼ, νῦν ᾿Αττικίων δώσει δίκην.
Upon this the scholiast says οὕτω τοὺς Διοσκούρους οἱ Λα-
“εδαιμόνιοι Σοὺς ἔλεγον" ws ᾿Αϑηναῖοι Θεοὺς, Δήμητρω καὶ
Περσεφόνην.

2 Ἐένιων. See note'7, page 169, upon the first book.

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK VI.

and, when you are arrived at Byzantium, we
will receive you in the best manner we are
able.” ;
Upon this, the soldiers thought proper to
make him a present of the sheep that belonged
to the public; these he accepted, and gave
them to the army again, and then sailed away.
The soldiers having * sold the corn they had
brought with them, and the rest of the booty
they had taken, marched on through Bithynia ;
and meeting nothing in the direct road to carry
with them into the territories of their friends, -
they resolved to march back one day and a
night: and, having done so, they took great
numbers both of slaves and cattle; and after
six days’ march, arrived at *Chrysopolis, a town

3 Διωϑέμενοι τὸν σίτον. 1 have been obliged to differ
from all the translators, both Latin and French, in the
sense I have given to the word δια ϑέμενοι: the former
have rendered it “‘diviso, distributo frumento,” and
D’ Ablancourt “les soldats le partagerent,” which signi-
fication I will not say absolutely the word will not bear,
though I believe it very uncommon: but I really think
the sense will not really bear it here, for our author says
they marched back, that they might carry something
with them into the territories of their friends, which they
might have done without marching back, had they be-
fore divided among themselves the booty they had taken.
Ihave therefore said, after they had sold the corn, and
the rest of their booty, which is a very common actep-
tation of the word διατίϑεσθοαι, and the very sense in
which our author uses it in his Cyropzdia, where he
makes Cyrus tell his officers, and those of the Hyrcanians,
that they should divide the money in such a proportion
among the horse and foot, ves δὲ λαξόντες διαδίδοτε,
ἱππεῖ μὲν, τὸ διπλοῦν, πεζῷ δὲ; τὸ ἁπλοῦν, and a little after
that they should publish an order for the sutlers and
merchants to sell their commodities, and when they had
sold them to bring others, ξωλεν δὲ τοὺς κατήλους zal
ἐμπόρους Oy τι ἔχει ἕκωστος πράσιμον" καὶ ταῦτα δια ϑεμένους,
ἄλλω ἄγειν. Upon this occasion I desire the reader will
take notice, first that διωδέδοτε, not διωτήθεσθε, is the
word made use of there, by our author, for “dividite,
distribuite ;”? secondly, that he there uses dsadéueves in
the same sense I have translated it upon this occasion ; ~
in which sense also both Leunclavius and Hutchinson
have rendered the word, in translating that passage of
the Cyropzdia.

4 Eis Χρυσόπολιν. Chrysopolis was no more than a
village in Strabo’s time, that is, in the time of Augustus,
καὶ κώμη “Χρυσόπολις : it is now called Scutari, and
though separated from Constantinople by the Bosphorus
is looked upon by the Turks as one of the suburbs of
their capital. Polybius informs us that the Athenians,
being in possession of Chrysopolis, endeavoured, by the
advice of Alcibiades, to oblige those who sailed through
the Bosphorus into the Euxine sea, to pay toll, This was
many ages after put in practice with greater effect by
Mahomet the Second, by means of a castle which he
built upon a cape, on the side of Europe, where the
temple of Mereury, called by Polybius ‘Egucioy, formerly

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

of Chalcedonia, and there they staid seven days,
to sell their booty.

stood; opposite to this castle Mourat the Second had,
before, built a castle on the Asiatic side, called by the
modern Greeks Neocastron. This castle Mahomet the
Second, upon his succeeding Mourat, fortified consider-
ably. The strait between those two castles, Polybius

821

says, is the narrowest of the whole Bosphorus, it being
but about five stadia (near half an English mile} over,
The same author adds that this was the pass over which
Darius Hystaspes caused Mandrocles of Samos, as he is
called by Herodotus, an eminent architect, to lay a
bridge, over which he passed his army, consisting of

seven hundred thousand men, to make war upon the
Seythians,

A

DISSERTATION

UPON THE

ARGONAUTIC

EX PEDITION.

I swat take this opportunity to consider
what the learned and polite author of the His-
tory of Heaven has advanced upon the subject
of the Argonautic Expedition ; he contends, it
seems, that it is all a fiction; his reasons are
these : he begins by proving, from Herodotus
and Strabo, that the Colchians, who are sup-
posed to have been the possessors of the Gol-
den Fleece, were a colony of the Egyptians,
and that, like them, they were famous for
their linen manufacture, which drew the Greeks
to Colchis, in order to traffic with them: upon
this foundation that gentleman builds the fol-
lowing system; he supposes that when the
Colchians were to be summoned to leave their
fishing for gold, with fleeces, in the river Phasis,
in order to apply themselves to their linen
manufacture, they put a shuttle into the hands
of Isis, and because XIN Argonatoun sig-
nifies, in Hebrew, the manufacture of linen, he
concludes that the Greek merchants, who were
at Colchis, called this shuttle, from the re-
semblance which it has to a ship, Argonaus.
He goes on, and says that jw‘ jashon, signifies,
in Hebrew, to sleep, and mm mideh, a meas-
ure; and that, when the Colchians were sum-
moned to leave fishing for gold, with their
fleeces, and apply themselves to their linen
manufacture, they were obliged to watch great
part of the night, and, consequently, their sleep
was regulated : from whence he infers, that the
Greeks hearing the words jashon and midek
often pronounced by the Colchians, framed the
fable of the ship Argo, Jason, Medea, and the

Golden Fleece. This is the system of that
learned gentleman, which, I am apt to believe,
will hardly find so great success in the world as
all the rest of that author’s writings have de-
servedly met with. I am very willing to allow
that the Colchians were a colony of the
Egyptians, and that, according to the testi-
mony of Herodotus, they spoke the same lan-
guage, and had the same religion, the same
laws, the same customs, and the same manufac-
tures, particularly that of linen. But is an
affinity between some Hebrew words, and the
names of Argonaut, Jason, and Medea a suffi-
cient authority to overthrow an expedition sup-
ported by the concurrent testimony of all ancient
authors, both Greeks and Romans, poets and
historians? But this affinity will still have
less weight, when it is considered that the lan-
guage the Colchians spoke being, with great
reason, supposed, by this gentleman, to be the
Egyptian, an affinity between the Hebrew
words, and those names, will be no proof of
what is contended for, unless an affinity be-
tween the Egyptian and Hebrew languages
be first established: but that is a task not easy
to be performed, since the Egyptian language
is so far lost, that not one letter of it has es-
caped: there are, indeed, some few Egyptian
words to be met with in the Greek and Latin
authors, but then they are written in the cha-
racters of the language those authors write in ;
but even these few words contradict the sup-
position of that affinity between the Egyptian
and Hebrew languages ; as for example, Pliny

ile.

THE ARGONAUTIC EXPEDITION.

tells us that Obeliscus signifies, in Egyptian, a
ray of the sun, which is very probable, because
their obelisks were dedicated to the sun, where-
as, in Hebrew, jsp kran, signifies a ray of the
sun. But the author, of all others, who will
furnish us with most materials for this purpose,
is Diodorus Siculus, from whom I shall take
some passages, which will evidently show that
the supposition of an affinity between the
Egyptian and Hebrew languages, which is the
point laboured throughout by the author of the
History of Heaven, is without foundation.
Diodorus tells us that the two foremost of the
long catalogue of divinities, adored by the
Egyptians, were the sun and moon, worship-
ped by them under the well-known names of
Osiris and Isis, and that the first is an Egyp-
tian word, which being translated into the
Greek language, signifies πολυόφϑαλροος, many-
eyed: this word is not, I believe, to be met
with in the sacred writings, but a5 rab, in He-
brew signifies many, and }»y ngin an eye, neither
of which has the least affinity to the Egyptian
word Osiris: the same author tells us that
Isis is an Egyptian word also, which, being
translated into Greek, signifies σαλαιὰ old, this,
in Hebrew, is jpt zeken: here again there is
not the least shadow of an affinity. The same
author says that Athena, the Egyptian Pailas,
is also an Egyptian word, signifying in Greek,
ane the air, the sky, or visible heaven, so that
le very justly gathers that the epithet γλαυκῶ-
is blue-eyed, was much more applicable to
Pallas from that sense of the word, than be-
cause she was supposed by the Greeks to have
blue eyes. In Hebrew, the sky is ον sha-
maim. Here again there is no pretence to any
affinity between the two languages. ‘Towards
the end of the first book, the same author ob-
serves that Charon, in Egyptian, signifies rgw-
ρεὺς in Greek, a pilot, from whence he says the
Greeks took the name of their imaginary ferry-
man, as they took the fable of his carrying
over the souls of the departed, and of their
trials before the three infernal judges, from the
real trial which all the deceased, among the
Egyptians, underwent, before they were suf-
fered to be honoured with funeral rites. Upon
this occasion, Diodorus Siculus, with great
reason, complains that the Greeks, by turning
this practice of the Egyptians into a fable,
have defeated the end of its institution; for,
he says, the fictions propagated by their poets,
of the rewards of the virtuous, and of the pun.

323

ishments of the wicked, instead of promoting
a reformation of manners, are laughed at by ill
men, and received with general contempt ;
whereas, among the Egyptians, the punish-
ments of the wicked, and the rewards of the
virtuous, being not fictitious, but visible to all.
the world, and the daily subject of honour or
infamy to the families of both, are, of all others,
the greatest incitement to virtue. Now the
Hebrew word fora pilot is bam Hhoble, which
is far enough from Charon. The last Egyp-
tian word I shall make use of, shall be from
Herodotus, who says that, in the Egyptian
language, crocodiles are called champse, xaAé-
ovras δὲ, οὐ κροκόδειλοι" ἀλλὰ χαμνψαί. 1 am
sensible there is some diversity of opinions
concerning the sea monster, called in the book
of Job, γιοῦ Leviathan ; however, there is lit-
tle room to doubt of its being a crocodile, which
opinion is supported by Bochart, who proves
it by a passage of the Thalmud, where it is
said that the nsad> Calbith, or the Ichneumon,
as he calls it, is the terror of the Leviathan,
But the description of it, in the book of Job,
will, I believe, be found to be applicable to no
other animal. <‘ Canst thou fill his skin with
barbed irons? or his head with fish-spears ?
Behold the hope of catching him is yain:
Shall not a man be cast down even at the sight
of him? None is so fierce that dare stir him
up.— Who can open the doors of his face?
His teeth are terrible round about. His scales
are his pride, shut up together as with a close
seal; one so near to another that no air can
come between them: they are joined one to
another, they stick together, that they cannot
be sundered. When he sneezes, the light
flashes, and his eyes are like the eye-lids of the
morning.— When he raiseth up himself, the
mighty are afraid.—The sword of him that
layeth at him cannot hold ; the spear, the dart,
or the breast-plate. He esteemeth iron as
straw, and brass as rotten wood.” After this
description of the fierceness of the Leviathan,
and of his offensive and defensive weapons, I
am surprised that it should ever have been
taken for the whale, whichis a creature terri-
ble in nothing but his bulk, and of a sluggish,
rather than a fierce disposition. Now, it is
certain that no two words can be, in all re-
spects, more distant from one another, than
Leviathan and Chamsze: and, indeed, how
should the Egyptian language haye any resem-
blance to any other, when, if the account given

324

by Herodotus is to be depended on, the Ioni-
ans and Carians, who assisted Psammitichus
in destroying his brother kings, being eleven | he slew ; and the harp of the Argonaut Orphe-
in number, were the first persons, speaking a/us. But, it may be said that the Argonautic
different language, who ever settled in Egypt, | Expedition is as fictitious as the asterisms by
Towra γὰρ οὗτοι (“Iwvis rs καὶ of Κᾶρες) ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ | which it is delineated. However, the position
ἀλλόγλωσσοι κατοικίσϑησαν. From this settle- | of the equinoxes, and solstices, in relation to
ment of the Ionians and Carians in Egypt, | those asterisms, at the time of that expedition,
Herodotus dates the beginning of the inter- | is not fictitious ; and we know that those four
course between the Egyptians and the Greeks, ᾿ cardinal points then answered in the middle,
and, very probably, their intercourse with the that is the fifteenth degrees, of Aries, Cancer,
Pheenicians began soon after, from whom pos- | Chelz, and Capricorn ; this position, I say, is
sibly they may have taken some terms relating ποῦ fictitious, any more than the retrogradation

DISSERTATION.
Hercules with his dart and the vulture falling

to commerce, and to some other things they lof the equinoxes and solstices, not after the ᾿

might have learned from them, which, from rate of one hundred years to a degree, as Hip-
the affinity between the Phenician and He- | parchus and the Greek astronomers thought,
brew languages, may have some distant resem- but after the rate of seventy-two only, as the
-blance to a few terms of the latter. There; modern philosophers have discovered; the
are a few more Egyptian words to be met with | cause of which retrogradation, or; to speak in
in Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, which the language of the astronomers, of which pre-
have no more affinity with the Hebrew, than | cession of the equinoxes, was unknown to
those I have mentioned; it is possible the all of them, till Sir Isaac Newton, by that

down; and the dragon, crab, and lion, which

Chinese language may, for some reasons that
do not belong to this subject, be found to have _
more affinity with that of the Egyptians. But,
if the concurrent testimony of so many authors"
is not thought sufficient to establish the reality
of the Argonautic Expedition, we must call in|
the assistance of the stars to support it; half
the sphere is peopled with Argonauts, or fur-_
nished with something relating to them: no
wonder when either Chiron, the master of
Jason, or Museus, one of the Argonauts, was
the first inventor of it, and adorned it with as-
terisms. There is the golden ram, the ensign
of the vessei in which Phryxus fled to Col-
chis ; the bull with brazen hoofs tamed by Ja-
son; and the twins, Castor and Pollux, two of
the Argonauts, with the swan of Leda, their
mother. There is the ship Argo, and Hydrus
the watchful dragon, with Medea’s cup, anda
rayen upon its carcase, the symbol of death. |
There is Chiron the master of Jason with his |
altar and sacrifice. There is the Argonaut |

amazing sagacity, which was peculiar to him,
and which gave him so visible a superiority
over all other philosophers of all nations

and all ages, not only discovered, but clearly

demonstrated, that it is owing to the broad
spheroidical figure of the earth, and that this
figure arises from the rotation of the earth
round its axis. It will, I believe, be thought
strange that such a cloud of authorities should
be dispelled by the single breath of one man,
supported by no other arguments than a
strained analogy between three or four Hebrew
words, and the names of Argonaut, Jason, and
Medea. I shall end this long, and I fear, tedi-
ous note with declaring, that, though I have the
misfortune of differing in opinion with the au-
thor of the History of Heaven upon this occa-
sion, yet I have all the deference in the world
both for his learning and his polite manner of
communicating it to the public ; and all possi-
ble gratitude for the pleasure and instruction I
have had in reading his works.

Se —<— =

XENOPHON

ON THE ἔ

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

BOOK VII.

CONTENTS or BOOK VII.

I. Anaxibius, admiral of the Spartan fleet, prevails on the Greeks, to cross over to Byzantinm—Deceiving them

by a false hope, he draws them forth from the city—The gates being closed, and none of his promises per-

formed, the soldiers break in again by main force—They evacuate Byzantium a second time, and listen to the

proposals of Cyratades, who offers to be their leader—Unable to satisfy the demands of the army, he renounces
his pretensions, and abdicates the command.—II. The generals disagree about their route, and many of the sol-
diers leave the army—Three hundred sold as slaves by the governor of Byzantium—He lays a plot to seize
Xenophon, who avoids it, and with a few chosen officers repairs to Seuthes.—IIL With the exception of Neon
and his men, the Greeks approve of the terms of Seuthes, and repair to his standard—a banquet in the Thracian
style is attended by the generals—Seuthes holds council with the Greeks on the plan of the expedition—They set
out on their march against the enemy, and taking them by surprise, make a great prey of slaves and cattle,—
IV. The villages of the enemy burned—The Greeks, distressed by the cold in the open field, retire to winter
quarters in the farm-houses—On the plea of negotiating terms of submission, the Barbarians present themselyes
to a conference ; but in the night-time they suddenly attack the Greeks, by whom being repulsed, they surren-
der to the dominion of Seuthes.—V. The Greeks receive a part only of their pay, and, though dissatisfied, are
prevailed on by Seuthes to assist him in reducing other Barbarians to his authority—The remainder of their pay
is still withheld, and on that account are enraged against Xenophon.—VI. The Greeks are invited by the Lace-
dzmonians to serve against Tissaphernes, and an Areadian takes occasion to accuse Xenophon, for which he
votes him guilty of the severest punishment—Xenophon defends himself in an able speech, and is defended also
by the Spartan deputies, and by Polycrates an Athenian—He is asked by Seuthes to remain with him, retaining
# thousand men under his command—But Xenophon having consulted the victims, determines to depart with the
army.—VII. The soldiers on their departure furnish themselves with necessaries from the Thracian villages, and
offend the avarice of Medosades—He uses endeavours to drive them thence, and prevails on Xenophon te have
fresh recourse to Seuthes for the pay—Xenophon admonishes Seuthes that it is both honourable and useful to
pay the Greeks what is cue to them—Having received .fects for that purpose, he delivers them to the Spar-
tans for distribution among the soldiers.—VIII. They cross the sea to Lampsacus—Xenophon is persuaded by
Euclides the soothsayer, to offer sacrifices to Jupiter Meilichius—He does so on the following day, and passes
through various places with the army to Pergamus—Hellas advises Xenophon to attack Asidates—Xenophon
obeys, and at first retreats from an unsuccessful assault; but on the next day he executes the enterprise with
full success—Returning to Pergamus, he receives a large share of the booty, and delivers the army of Thimbron
-—A summary of the route and of the distance marched in the Expedition and Retreat.

en δίδω, ME me

I I ene

THE

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

BOOK VII.

I. Tue preceding discourse contains a relation

of the actions the Greeks performed, during

their Expedition with Cyrus to the battle, of
those they achieved after his death, during
their retreat, till they came to the Euxine sea,
and of those they performed, after their de-
parture thence, both by sea and land, till they
arrived at Chrysopolis, a city of Asia, situated
without the mouth of that sea.

After this, Pharnabazus, fearing lest the
Greeks should make an irruption into the
country under his command, sent to Anaxi-
bius, the admiral, (who happened to be then at
Byzantium,) to desire he would transport the
army out of Asia, with assurance, that in re-
turn, he would do every thing that could
reasonably be expected. Hereupon, Anaxibius
sent for the generals and captains to Byzan-
tium; and promised, if the army came over,
they should have pay. The rest of the officers
told him they would consider of it, and let him
know their resolution ; but Xenophon said he
proposed to leave the army, and wanted to sail
away. However, Anaxibius desired he would
come over with the army, before he left it,
which the other consented to.

In the meantime, Seuthes the Thracian,
sent Medosades to Xenophon, to desire he
would let him have his assistance in prevailing
upon the army to pass into Europe, assuring
him he should have no reason to repent it.
Xenophon said, “ The army will certainly pass
over: let him not, therefore, give any thing
either to me, or to any other person, upon that
account. As soon.as it is transported, I shall
depart ; let him, therefore, apply to those who
stay, and may be of service to him, in such a
manner as he thinks fit.”

After this, the whole army passed over to

Byzantium ; but Anaxibius gave them no pay ;
however, he published an order, that the sol-
diers should go out of the town, with their
arms and baggage, as if he designed to dismiss
them, and to take an account of their numbers
at the same time. The soldiers were uneasy
at this, because they had no money to furnish
themselves with provisions for their march,
and packed up their baggage with reluctance.

Xenophon, having before contracted an in-
tercourse of hospitality with Cleander, the La-
cedemonian governor, went to take his leave
of him, designing to set sail immediately. But,
he said to him, “1 desire you will not do it;
if you do, you will be blamed; for you are
already accused. by some people as the cause of
the army’s creeping so slowly out of the town.” ἡ
Xenophon answered, “Iam not the cause of
this; but the soldiers, being in want of money
to buy provisions, are for that reason, of them-
selves, unwilling to leave the town.” ‘ How-
ever,” says Cleander, “ I advise you to go out
with them, as if designing to proceed; and,
when the army is out of the town, to depart.”
ἐς Let us go then,” says Xenophon, “to Anaxi-
bius, and settle it in this manner :” and coming
to him, they informed him of what they had
determined. He advised them to pursue it,
and that the army should immediately go out
with their baggage: at the same time he de-
sired they would also give notice, that whoever
absented himself from the review and muster,
should incur their censure. Upon this the
generals first, and after them, the rest of the
army went out of the town. They were now
all out, except a few, and Eteonicus stood
already at the gates to shut and bolt them, as
soon as they were all gone.

Anaxibius, therefore, calling together the

328

generals and captains, said, “‘ You may supply
yourselves with provisions out of the Thracian
villages, where there is great plenty of barley
and wheat, and of all things necessary: as
svon as you have furnished yourselves, go on to
the ' Chersonesus, where Cyniscus will give you
pay.” Some of the soldiers overheard this, or,
possibly, one of the captains informed the army
of it. In the meantime, the generals inquir-
ed concerning Seuthes, whether he were a
friend, or an enemy; and whether they were
to march over the holy mountain, or round
through the middle of Thrace.

While they were engaged in this discourse,
the soldiers snatched up their arms, and ran
hastily to the gates, with a design to force their
way back into the town. But Eteonicus, with
those about him, when they saw the heavy-
armed men running to the gates, immediately
shut and boltedthem. Upon this, the soldiers ”
knocked at the gates, and complained they
were treated with great injustice, in being shut
out of town, as a prey to the enemy ; threaten-
ing to cut the gates asunder, if they would not
open them. Some ran to the sea, and got over
the? mole into the town ; and others, who hap-
pened to be within, observing what was doing
at the gates, cleft the bars with hatchets, and
set them open: upon this they all rushed in. -

Xenophon, seeing what passed, and being
afraid the army should fall to plundering, and,
by that means, an irreparable mischief should
be done, not only to the town, but to himself,
and the soldiers, ran in all haste, and got with-
in the gates, together with the crowd. As soon

1 Εἰς τὴν Χεῤῥόνησον. The Thracian Chersonesus was
separated from the rest of Thrace by a wall, reaching
from the Propontis, to the bay called Sinus Melas, in the
fégean Sea. This wall was built by Dercyllidas, the
Lacedemonian general, the second year of the ninety-
fifth Olympiad, that is the year after Xenophon brought
back the remains of the soldiers, who had served under
Cyrus. This wall was begun in the spring, and ended
before the autumn of the sanie year; it reached from
sea to sea, quite across the Isthmus, and was in length
thirty-seven stadia, that is, about three English miles
and three quarters: this Chersonesus contained in it
eleven towns, many sea-ports, and a large extent of
arable land, weods, and rich pastures. It afterwards
belonged to Agrippa, son-in-law to Augustus, and one
of the greatest men of that or of any other age. At his
deathit came to Augustus. It isa great pity that part
of the seventh book of Strabo is lost, where he treats of
this Chersonesus.

_2”"Exorroy τὰς πύλας Lucian for ever uses this word
in the sense I have given it here.

3 Παρὰ τὴν χηλήν. Χηλαΐ" οἱ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ πρὸς Sa-
λασσωαν τείχους προβεβλημένοι λίθοι, διὰ τὴν τῶν κυμάτων

. ve ᾿ ΄ er ~ aay
βίαν, μὴ τὸ τεῖχος βλέάπτοιτο" παφὰ τὸ ἐοιπέναι χηλῇ βοός.

Suidas.

XENOPHON

ON THE

as the inhabitants saw the army break in, they
fled out of the market, some hurrying to the -
ships, others to their houses, and those, who
were within doors, ran out: some hauled down
the galleys into the sea, in hopes of saving them-
selves in them: and all thought themselves un-
done, the town being taken. Upon this, Eteo-
nicus fled to the citadel; and Anaxibius run-
ning down to the sea, sailed round to the same
place, in a fisher-boat, and immediately sent
for the garrison from Chalcedon ; for he did
not think that in the citadel sufficient for its
defence.

As soon as the soldiers saw Xenophon, they
crowded about him, and said, * You haye now
an opportunity, O Xenophon! of making your-
selfa man. You are master of a town, of gal-
leys, of money, and of so many people: you
have now the power, if you think fit, of mak-
ing us rich, and we that of making you con-
siderable.” ‘ You say well,” says Xenophon;
“ΔΩ͂ I will follow your advice ; if, therefore,
this is your desire, place yourselves in your
ranks immediately, and handle your arms.” He
gave these orders with a design to quiet them,
and, for the same reason, directed the rest of
the officers to give orders that their men also
should stand to theirarms. The soldiers drew
up of their own accord, the heavy-armed men
presently forming themselves into a body of
fifty deep, and the targeteers repairing to each
of the wings. The place where they stood was
called the Thracian square, and being free from
houses, and even, was very proper for a parade.
When they all stood armed in their ranks, and
their minds were appeased, Xenophon address.-
ed himself to the assembly, in the following
manner.

« Gentlemen! I am not at all surprised at
your resentment, and that you look upon your-
selves as very ill used, by being imposed on.
But, if we indulge our anger, and not only take
revenge of the Lacedemonians, who are pre-
sent, for this imposition, but plunder the city,
that is in no degree guilty, consider what will
be the consequence: we shall, from that mo-
ment, be the declared enemies both of the La-
cedemonians, and of their allies; and of what
nature this war will be, may be easily guessed,.
by those who have seen, and call to mind what
has happened of late years. For, when * we
Athenians entered upon the war with the La-
cedemonians, and their allies, we had a fleet of

[ΒΟΟΚ VII.

4 ‘Hyusis yg of ᾿Αθηναῖοι. See the Introduction.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 329

no less than four hundred galleys, some of which
were at sea, and others in 5 the docks: we had
a great sum of money in the treasury, and an
annual revenue payable both by the citizens,
and foreigners, of no less than ® one thousand
talents: we had the command of all the islands;
we were possessed of many cities bothin Asia
and Europe, and even of Byzantium, where
we now are: yet, with all these advantages,
we were overcome by them, as you all know.
What then have we now to expect, when the
Lacedemonians and the Achzans are united,
and the Athenians, with those who were then
in alliance with them, are all become an acces-
sion to their power? When” Tissaphernes,
and.all the rest of the Barbarians, who inhabit
the sea-coast, are our enemies, and the king of
Persia himself the most inveterate of all, against
whom we have made war with a design to de-
prive him of his kingdom, and, if possible, of
his life too? When all these join their forces
is there any one so void of sense, as to flatter
himself that we shall prove superior to them?
For heaven’s sake, gentlemen! let us not go
mad, and perish with dishonour, by becoming
the proclaimed enemies to our fathers, our
friends, and our relations? For these all live
in the cities that will make war upon us: and
not without reason ; if, having declined to pos-
sess ourselves of any town belonging to the
Barbarians, whom we vanquished, we should
plunder the first Greek city we arrive at. For
my part, I wish, before I see you guilty of
such things, I may be buried ten thousand
fathom deep: and would advise you, as you are
Greeks, to endeavour, by your obedience to the
masters of Greece, to obtain justice. But, if
your endeavours should prove ineffectual, we
ought not, however, though wronged, to deprive
ourselves of all possibility of returning home.
My opinion therefore now is, that we should
send some persons to Anaxibius, to acquaint
him, that we did not come into the town with
a design to commit violence, but if possible, to
obtain favour ; and, if we fail in this, to let

5 »- 4
5 “Ey τοῖς νεωρίοις: Νεώριω λέγεται ὁ τόπος ἅπας; εἰς ὃν
4 2 ~ ΄
ἀνέλκονται αἱ πριήρειςγ καὶ πάλιν ἐξ αὐτοῦ καθέλπκονται.

Harpocration, For which he cites Lycurgus and An-
docides.

6 Χιλίων ταλάντων, See note 6, page 169, upon the
first book.

7 Τισσαφέρνους. See note 1, page 168, upon the first
book. |

him see that we are ready to leave it again, not
because we are imposed upon, but because we
are willing to obey.”

This was resolved upon: so they sent Hic-
ronymus of Elis, Hurylochus of Arcadia, and
Philesius of Achaia to him with these instrue-
tions. While the soldiers were yet assembled,
Cyratades, a Theban, came to them. This
man was not banished from Greece, but wan-
dered about, from an ambition to command
armies, offering himself to any city or nation
that had occasion for a general. He told them
he was ready to conduct them to that part of
Thrace, called the * Delta, where they should
make their fortunes, and that till they arrived
there, he would supply them with meat and
drink in plenty. While he was saying this,
the soldiers received an answer from Anaxibius,
who assured them they should have no cause
to repent of obeying him; that he would give
an account of this to the magistrates of Sparta,
and would, himself, consider in what he could
be of most service to them. Upon this, they
accepted Cyratades for their general, and went
out of the town. And Cyratades appointed to
come the next day to the army, with victims,
and a priest, and also meat and drink for the
men. As soon as they were out of the town,
Anaxibius caused the gates to be shut, and
public notice to be given, that if any of the
soldiers were found within the walls, they
should be sold for slaves. The next day, Cy-
ratades came to the army with the victims, and
the priest: he was followed by twenty men,
loaded with barley-meal, and as many with
wine ; three more brought as many olives, an-
other, as much garlic, and a third, as many
onions as he could carry; and having ordered
these things to be set down, as if he intended
to ὃ divide them among the troops, he offered
sacrifice.

Here Xenophon sent for Cleander, and de-
sired him to procure liberty for him to go into
the town, and embark at Byzantium. When
Cleander came, he said, “ It is with great diffi-
culty that I have prevailed ; for Anaxibius says

8 To Δέλτα “αλούμενον τῆς Θράκης. Besides the
Egyptian Delta, other places were, from their triangular
figure, called by that name by the ancients; for Strabo
mentions an island, called Pattalene, lying at the mouth
of the Indus, which he says, Onesicritus, calls by the
name of Delta.

9 Ὡς ἐπὶ δάσμευσιν. Δάσμευσις" διαίρεσις. Hesychius.

ΡΜ

.

330

it is not proper that the soldiers should be near
the town, and Xenophon within; the inhabi-
tants being engaged in factions and animosities :
however, he says, you may come in if you pro-
pose to sail with him.” Upon which, Xeno-
phon took leave of the soldiers, and went into
the town with Cleander.

The victims not being favourable to Cyra~
tades, the first day he distributed nothing to
the soldiers. The next, both the victims and
Cyratades, with a garland upon his head, pre-
paring to offer sacrifice, stood before the altar,
when Timasion the Dardanian, Neon the Asi-
nian, and Cleanor the Orchomenian, came to
Gyratades, and forbade him to offer sacrifice,
adding, that unless he gave provisions to the
army, he should not command it. Upon this,
he ordered them to be distributed; but the
provisions falling short of one day’s subsistence
for every man, he renounced the generalship,
and, taking the victims, departed.

IJ. Hereupon Neon the Asinian, Phrynis-
eus of Achaia, and Timasion of Dardanus, who

staid with the army, led them into some vil- |

lages of the Thracians, that lay near Byzanti-
um, where they encamped. Here the generals

XENOPHON ON THE.

|
|

[BooK Vil.

Byzantium, Aristarchus met -him at Cyzicus.
He was sent to succeed Cleander, as governor _
of Byzantium. He informed Anaxibius, that
Polus was upon the point of coming into the
Hellespont, to succeed him in the command of
the fleet; and Anaxibius ordered Aristarchus
to sell all the soldiers of Cyrus, whom he found
in Byzantium. As for Cleander, he had sold
none of them, but, out of compassion, took
care of those who were sick, and obliged the
inhabitants to receive them into their houses ;
but Aristarchus, as soon as he arrived, sold no.
less than four hundred of them. When Ana-
xibius came to ? Parium, he sent to Pharnaba-
zus in pursuance of their agreement; Lut he
finding that Aristarchus was going to Byzan-
tium, in quality of governor, and that Anaxi-
bius was no longer admiral, neglected him, and
made the same terms with Aristarchus, con-
cerning the army of Cyrus, that he had before
made with Anaxibius. ‘
Upon this, Anaxibius, calling Xenophon to
him, desired, by all means, that he would set
sail for the army immediately, and both keep
them in a body, and draw together as many as

he could of those who were dispersed, then

disagreed, Cleanor and Phryniscus being desi- |

rous to carry the army to Seuthes (for he gain-
ed them by making a present of a horse to one,

forthwith into Asia.

and of a woman to the other), and Neon, to_
‘him, to let the Perinthians know that they

the Chersonesus, upon this presumption, that,
if they came into the dominions of the Lace-
dzmonians, he should have the sole command.

j
|

|

leading them to * Perinthus, transport them
He ordered at the same
time, a thirty-oar galley to attend him, and not
only gave him a letter, but sent an express with

were immediately to furnish Xenophon with
horses to carry him to the army. Xenophon

Timasion wanted to go back into Asia, ex- crossed the Propontis, and arrived at the army.

pecting, by this means, to return home. The
soldiers were for this: but, much time being

}

|

He was received by the soldiers with great
joy, who followed him cheerfully, in hopes of

spent in this contest, many of the soldiers sold passing over from Thrace into Asia.

their arms in the country, and sailed away as
they could ; others gave them to the country-
people, and settled in the cities, mingling with
the inhabitants. Anaxibius was pleased to
hear the army was disbanding, for he concluded
this would be most acceptable to Pharnabazus.

While ' Anaxibius was upon his voyage from

1 ᾿Αποπλέοντ, δὲ ᾿Αναξιβίῳ ἐκ Βυξαντίου συνωντέ ᾽Αρ,-
σταρχὸς ἐν Κυζίκῳ. Iwas surprised to find Hutchinson
translate this passage, ‘* At Anaxibio, e Byzantio sol-
venti obviam venit apud Cyzicum Aristarchus;” and
‘Leunclavius, “ Quum autem Byzantio solveret, obviam
ei venit apud Cyzicum Aristarchus.” How could Ari-
starchus meet Anaxibius at Cyzicus, as the latter was
weighing anchor from Byzantium? They have trans-
lated it as if our author had said, ἀναγομένῳ δὲ ᾿Αναξιξίῳ,
It is very plain the sense is, that Aristarchus, who was

4 Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon was re-
turned, sent Medesades to him by sea, to

—

sent to succeed Cleander, met Anaxibitis at Cyzicus,
which every body knows is a city upon the Propontis,
not far from the Hellespont, through which Anaxibius
was to sail on his return home. It is with pleasure I do
justice to D’ Ablancourt, upon this oceasion : he has said
very properly, ““ Comme il fut parti de Byzance, et ar-
rive a Cyzique, il rencontra Aristarque.

2 Πιαραπλεύσας εἰς Πάριον. Parium was a town upon
the Propontis situated between Cyzicus and the Heiles-
pont: it was built, according to Strabo, by the inhabi-
tants of the island of Paros ; the same author adds, that
in Parium there was an altar, the sides of which were
six hundred feet in length.

3 Εἰς Πέρινϑον. Perinthus waa a city of Thrace, in
the neighbourhood of Byzantium: it was otherwise
called Heraclea, Harduin says it is now. called Pantiro,

4 Σεύϑης. See note 2, page 305, upon the sixth book.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS,

desire he would bring the army to him, promis-
ing whatever he thought most effectual to per-
suade him. Xenophon answered, “ that it was
not possible for any thing of this kind to be
done :” whereupon the other went away. When
the Greeks came to Perinthus, Neon drew off
his forces, and encamped apart with about eight
hundred men; the rest remained together un-
der the walls of the town.

After this, Xenophon was employed in get-
ting ships to transport the troops into Asia;
when Aristarchus the governor, arriving from
Byzantium with two galleys, at the desire of
Pharnabazus, forbade the masters of the ships
to transport them; and, going to the army,
commanded the soldiers not to go over into
Asia. Xenophon told them that “ Anaxibius
had ordered it, and,” says he, “ he sent me hi-
ther for that purpose.” Upon which Aristar-
chus replied, “5 Anaxibius is not admiral, and I
am governor here ; and if I take any of you at-
tempting to go over, I will throw them into
the sea.” Having said this, he went into the
town. The next day he sent for the generals
and captains; and when they came near the
walls, Xenophon had notice given him, that if
he went into the town, he should be appre-
hended, and either suffer some punishment
there, or be delivered over to Pharnabazus.
-When he heard this, he sent them on before
him, saying, “ he had a mind to offer sacrifice ;”
and returning, he sacrificed, in order to know
whether the gods would allow him to endea-
vour to carry the army to Seuthes: for he saw
that it was neither safe to pass over into Asia,
since the person who would oppose it had gal-
leys at his command ; neither was he willing to
shut himself up in the Chersonesus, and ex-
pose the army to a general scarcity, where, be-
sides the want of provisions, they would be un-
der a necessity of obeying the governor of the
place.

While Xenophon was thus employed, the
generals and captains came from Aristarchus,
and brought word that he had sent them away,
for the present, but had ordered them to come
back to him in the evening. This made the
treachery still more manifest : Xenophon there-
fore, finding the sacrifice promised security
both to himself and the army, in going to
Seuthes, took with him Polycrates the Athe-
nian, one of the captains, and from each of the
generals, except Neon, a person in whom they

33 1

confided ; and went that night to the army οἱ
Seuthes, which lay at the distance of sixty sta
dia. When they drew near to it, he found se-
veral fires, but nobody near them, which made
him at first conclude that Seuthes had decamp-
ed; but hearing a noise, and the men calling
out to one another, he understood that Seuthes
had, for this reason, ordered fires to be made
before his night-guards, that they, being in the
dark, might not be seen, neither might it be
known where they were; while those who ap-
proached the camp could not be concealed, but
were discovered by the light. Observing this,
he sent the interpreter, whom he happened to
have with him, and ordered him to acquaint
Seuthes that Xenophon was there, and desired
a conference with him. They asked whether
it was Xenophon the Athenian, one of the ar-
my; and upon his saying it was he, they
returned with great alacrity, and presently af-
ter, about two hundred targeteers appeared,
who conducted Xenophon and his company to
Seuthes. They found him in a ° castle very
much upon his guard, and round the castle
stood horses ready bridled: for, living in conti-
nual fear, he fed his horses in the day-time, and
stood upon his guard all night. It was reported
that formerly, ° Teres, the ancestor of this
man, having entered this country with a con-
siderable army, lost great numbers of his men,
and was stripped of his baggage by the inhabi-
tants: they are called Thynians, and, of all
people, are said to be the most dangerous ene-
mies in the night.

When they were near the castle, Seuthes
ordered Xenophon to come in with any two of
his company: as soon as they were entered,
they first saluted each other, and, according to
the Thracian custom, drank to one another in
horns full of wine, (Medosades being present,
who was the ambassador of Seuthes upon all
occasions,) then Xenophon began to speak:
« You sent Medosades to me, O Seuthes! first
to Chalcedon, to desire I would co-operate
with you in getting the army transported out
of Asia; and promised, if I effected it, to re-
turn the obligation, as Medosades informed
me.” Having said this, he asked Medosades
if it was true, who owned it. Then Xenophon

Ἔν τύρσις. ἸΤύοσιε" πύργος. Hesychius.

6 Τήρης ὁ τούτου πρόγονος, This Teres was the father
of Sitalces, who was uncle to Seuthes; see note 2, paze
305, upon the sixth book.

532

went on, “ after I arrived at the army from
Parium, Medosades came to me again, and
assured me, if I brought the army to you, that
you would not only treat me as a friend, and a
brother, in other respects, but that you would
deliver up to me those maritime towns, of
which you are in possession.” After this, he
again asked Medosades if he said so, who
owned that also. “ Then,” said Xenophon,
“ let Seuthes know the answer I made to you
at Chalcedon.” ‘ You answered first that the
army had resolved to go over to Byzantium,
and, therefore, there was no reason to give any
thing, either to you, or to any other person,
upon that account: you added that, as soon
as you had crossed the sea, you designed to
leave the army, which happened accordingly.”
« What,” says Xenophon, “ did I say when
you came to ' Selymbria?” ‘ You said that
what I proposed was impracticable, because
the army had determined to go to Perinthus,
in order to pass over to Asia.” “ Here Iam
then,” said Xenophon, “ with Phryniscus, one
of the generals, and Polycrates, one of the
captains; and, without, are those who are most
confided in by each of the generals, except
Neon, the Lacedemonian: and, if you desire
that our stipulation should receive a greater
sanction, let them also be called in. Do you,
therefore, Polycrates! go to them, and tell
them, from me, that I desire they would leave
their arms without, and do you leave your
sword there also, and come in.”

Seuthes, hearing this, said, he should dis-
trust no Athenian; for he knew them to be
ἢ related to him, and looked upon them as his

1 Ey Σηλυμβρίᾳ. Selymbria was a town of Thrace
upon the Propontis, near Perinthus. Strabo says that
fei in the Thracian language, signifies a town. Leun-
elavius says it is now called both by the Turks and
Greeks, Silyurian.

2 Καὶ γὰρ ὅτι συγγενεῖς εἶεν εἰδέναι. Hutchinson, upon
this occasion, quotes a passage out of the second book of
Thueydides, where that author says that Perdiccas gave
his sister Stratonice in marriage to Seuthes. I own Ido
not understand how Seuthes could be said to be related
to the Athenians by marrying a daughter of a king of
Macedon. We find in another part of the second book
of Thucydides, that the Athenians entered into an alli-
ance with Sitalees, and made his son Sadocus a eitizen of
Athens ; but this, I own, does not seem to support what
Seuthes says of their relation: it is certain that Teres,
the father to Sitalees, was not the person who married
Procne, the daughter of Pandion, the son of Erectheus,

᾿ king of Athens, since Thucydides expressly tells us that
the name of the latter was Tereus, and that they were
uot of the same part of Thrace; so that Seuthes could

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book VII.

affectionate friends. When all proper persons

were come in, first Xenophon asked Seuthes -

what use he ‘proposed to make of the army?
To this he answered: “ Mzsades was my fa-
ther, under whose government were the Ma-
landeptans, the Thynians, and the Thranipsans.
My father, being driven out of this country,
when the affairs of the Odrysians declined,
died of sickness, and 1, being then an orphan,
was brought up at the court of Medocus, the
present king. When 1 grew up, I could not

bear to subsist upon another man’s liberality.

As I was sitting therefore, by him, I begged of
him to give me as many troops as he could
spare, that, if possible, I might take revenge
on those who had expelled our family, and be
no longer, like a dog, supported at his table.
Upon this, he gave me those forces, both of
horse, and of foot, which you shall see, as soon
as it is day; and I now subsist by plundering
my paternal country with these troops: to
which if you join your forces, I have reason to
believe, that, with the assistance of the gods, I
shall easily recover my kingdom. ‘This is
what I desire at your hands.”

“ Let us know then,” says Xenophon,
“ὁ what you have in your power to give to the
army, the captains, and the generals, if we
come; to the end that these may make their
report.” He promised to every common sol-
dier a cyzicene, two to the captains, and four
to the generals ; with as much land as they de-
sired, besides yokes of oxen, and a walled town
near the sea. “ If,” says Xenophon, “ I en-
deavour to effect what you desire, but am pre-
vented by the fear that may be entertained of
the Lacedemonians, will you receive into your
country any who shall be desirous to come to
you?” He answered, “ Not only that, but I

will treat them like brothers, give them a place ~

at my table, and make them partakers of every
thing we shall conquer: to you, Xenophon! I
will give my daughter, and if you have one, I
will buy her, according to the Thracian cus-
tom, and give you Bisanthe for your habitation,
which is the handsomest town belonging to me
near the sea.” ‘

III. After they heard this, they exchanged
hands, and went away; and arriving at the
camp before day, each of them made his report
to those who sent them. -As soon as it was

not ground his relation to the Athenians upon the mar-
riage of Tereus with Precne.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

light, Aristarchus sent again for the generals
and captains to come to him, but they declined
it, and determined, instead of going to Aristar-
chus, to call the army together; and all the
soldiers assembled, besides those belonging to
Neon; who encamped at the distance of about
ten stadia from the rest. When they were
assembled, Xenophon rose up, and spoke as
follows :

* Gentlemen! Aristarchus, with his galleys,
hinders us from sailing to the place we pro-
posed; so that it is not safe for us to embark.
He would have us force our way, over the holy
mountain, into the Chersonesus. If we gain
that pass, and arrive there, he says he will nei-
ther sell any more of you, as he did in Byzan-
tium, nor deceive you any longer ; but that you
will then be the better entitled to receive pay.
He promises also that he will no longer suffer
us, as he does now, to want previsions. Thus
Aristarchus says.

your account in it. Consider, therefore, whe-

ther you will deliberate upon this matter, while |

you stay here, or after you are returned to the
place, where you may supply yourselves with
provisions. My opinion is, since we have nei-
ther money to purchase what we want, nor are
suffered to supply ourselves without it, that we
return to the villages, where the inhabitants,
being weaker than we are, do not oppose it;
and where, atter we are supplied with what is
necessary, and have heard in what service each
of them propose to employ us, we may choose

_ that measure which shall appear most to our

advantage. Whoever, therefore, is of this
opinion, let him hold up his hand.” And they
2ll held up their hands. ‘* Go then,” continued
he, ‘‘ and get your baggage ready, and, when
the order is given, follow your leader.”

After this, Xenophon put himself at their
head, and they followed him. But Neon, to-
gether with some other persons sent by Aris-
tarchus, would have persuaded them to turn
back : however, they regarded them not. When
they had marched about thirty stadia, Seuthes
‘met them. As soon as Xenophon saw him,
he desired he would draw near, that as many of
‘the army as possible might hear what he had
to propose for their advantage. When he came
up, Xenophon said, ““ We are marching to
some place, where the army may find provi-

On the other side, Seuthes |
engages that, if you go to him, you shall find |

333

and the Lacedzemonians have to propose to us,
we shall be determined by that which appears
most to our advantage. If, therefore, you will
conduct us to some place, where there is great
abundance, we shall look upon ourselves under
the same obligation to you as if you entertained
us yourself.” Seuthes answered, “41 know

where there are many villages that lie together,

and are well supplied with all sorts of provisions ;
they are so near that you may march thither,
with ease, before dinner.” ‘ Lead the way,
therefore,” said Xenophon. The army being
arrived in the villages in the * afternoon, the
soldiers assembled, and Seuthes spoke to them
in the following manner: “ Gentlemen! I de-
sire you will assist me with your arms: and I
promise to each of you a ‘ cizycene for your
monthly pay, and to the captains and generals,
what is customary. Besides this, I will do
honour to every man, who shall deserve it. As
to meat and drink, you shall supply yourselves
with both, as you do now, out of the country.
But, I must insist upon retaining the booty,
that by selling it, I may provide for your pay.
We ourselves shall be sufficient to pursue and
discover those of the enemy who fly, and seek
to conceal themselves, and, with your assist-
ance, we will endeavour to overcome those who
resist.” Xenophon then asked him, “ how far
from the sea he proposed the army should fol-
low him?” He answered, ‘ never more than
seven days’ march, and often less.”

After that, every man who desired to offer
any thing, had liberty to speak, and several of
them agreed that the proposals of Seuthes were
very advantageous : for, it being now winter,
it was neither possible for those who desired
it, to sail home, nor for the army to subsist in
the territories of their friends, if they were to
pay for every thing they had. They consider-
ed also that it would be safer for them to re-
main, and find subsistence in an enemy’s coun-
try, jointly. with Senthes, than by themselves ;
and that, if, while they were in possession of
so many advantages, they also received pay, it
would be a piece of good fortune they had no
reason to expect. Then Xenophon said, “If
auy one has any thing to say against this, let
him speak, if not, * let him give his vote for

3 ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἀφίκοντο εἰς αὐτὼς τῆς δείλης. See note 1,

page 188, upon the first book.
4 Κυφιτηνόν. See note 1, page 296, upon the fifth book.

sions, and where, after we have heard what you] 5 ᾿Εσ,ψυφιζέσϑω ταῦτα. I have followed the manu-

334

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK VII.

it ;” and, there being no opposition, they gave | parts, as cthers of your countrymen are: it is

their votes for it, and it was resolved accord-
ingly; and Xenophon immediately told Seu-
thes, “ they would enter into his service.”
After that, the soldiers encamped in their
ranks ; while the generals and captains were
invited by Seuthes to sup with him at his
quarters in a neighbouring village. When they
came to the door, one Heraclides of Maronea
addressed himself to those he thought in a ca-
pacity of making presents to Seuthes, and first
to some Parian deputies, who were there, being
sent to establish a friendship with Medocus,
king of the Odrysians, and had brought presents
both for him and his queen: to these he said,
“‘ that Medocus lived up in the country, twelve
days’ journey from the sea; and that Seuthes,
now he had taken this army into his service,
would be master of the sea-coast : being there-
fore your neighbour,” says he, ‘‘ it will be very
much in his power to do you both good and
harm: so that, if you are wise, you will make
a present to him of what you have brought,
which will be laid out much more to your
advantage, than if you give it to Medocus, who
lives at so great a distance from you:” by this
means, he prevailed upon them. Afterwards
he came to Timasion of Dardanus, hearing he
had cups, and ! Persian carpets, and told him
it was the custom of those who were invited to
supper by Seuthes, to make him presents ;
adding, that,

“if he becomes considerable in |

this country, he will be able both to restore |

you to yours, and to enrich you when you are
there.” In this manner, he * procured for
Seuthes, addressing himself to each of them.
When he came to Xenophon, he said, “ You
are not only of the most considerable city, but
are yourself in the greatest reputation with
Seuthes, and may possibly desire to be master
of some place of strength with lands, in these

script quoted by Hutchinson, rather than his conjecture,
though I think ἐπιαψηφίζεσϑ εν, in him, is much better than
éxnlzoigere in Leunclavius; but ér)xgiteoSw seems to
me to answer better to λεγέτω, that immediately pre-
cedes it.

1 Τάπιδας Bagbegxeés. Persian carpets have always
been famous for their beauty, for which reason, and be-
cause these carpets were part of the spoils taken by the
Greeks from the Persians, I have ventured to call them
Persian carpets, rather than Barbaric after Milton :

Where the gorgeous East, with richest hand,
Showers on her king barbaric pearl and gold.

2 Τοιαῦτα προυμινῶτο.

Hesychius.

“Προμενώμενοι, reopevnrrtvoesyore
D’ Ablancourt has left it out.

therefore worth your while to honour Seuthes.
in the most magnificent manner. I give you
this advice, because I wish you well; for Iam
satisfied the more your presents exceed those
of your companions, the more the advantages
you will receive from Seuthes will exceed
theirs.” When Xenophon heard this, he was
in great perplexity; for he had brought with
him, from Parium, only one servant, ἯΙ just
money enough for his journey.

Then the most considerable of the Thraci-
ans, who were present, together with the Greek
generals and captains, and all the deputies of
towns who were there, went in to supper; at
which they placed themselves in a ring. After
that, every one of the guests had a tripod
brought him: these were about twenty in
number, full of meat cut in pieces, and large
leavened loaves were skewered to the meat.
The *dishes were always placed before the
strangers preferably to the rest of the company ;
for that was their custom. Seuthes then set
the example of what follows; he took the
loaves that lay before him, and breaking them
into small pieces, threw them about to those
he thought proper; he did the same by the
meat, leaving no more for himself than what
served for a taste. The rest, before whom the
meat was served, did the same thing. There
was an Arcadian in company, whose name was
Aristus, a great eater: this man, instead of
employing his time in throwing about the vie-
tuals, took a loaf of three 4 chcenixes in his
hand, and, laying some meat upon his knees,
ate his supper. In the meantime, they carried
about horns of wine, and every body took one.
When the cup-bearer brought the horn to
Aristus, he, seeing Xenophon had done supper,
said, “ Go, give it to him, he is at leisure; I
am not so yet.” When Seuthes heard him
speak, he asked the cup-bearer what he said,

3 Μάλιστα δὲ αἱ τεάπεζαι κατὰ τοὺς ξένους ἀεὶ ἐτίθεντο.
Leunclavius aad Hutchinson have very properly, I think,
rendered τράπεζαι in this place, Fercula; to support
which, they quote a passage out of Julius Pollux, where
he says that τράπεζαι were also called the victuals that
were placed upon the tables. There is a passage in
Athenzus, by which it appears that the word Was une
derstood in that sense by every body, πάντων τραπέζας
καλούντων τὰς παραθέσεις ταύτας. From hence 1i imagine
the Latins took their ‘*secunda mensa, et alter men-
sx,’ for their second course.

᾿ 4 ΑΘ ΤΩΝ “grove See note 11, page 181, upon the first
ook

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

who told him; for he could speak Greek;
upon this, there was great laughing.

The *cup going round, a Thracian entered,
leading in a white horse, and taking a horn full
of wine, ‘ Seuthes !” says he, “ I drink to you,
and make you a present of this horse, with
which you may take any one you pursue, and,
in a retreat, you will have no reason fo fear the
enemy.” Another brought a boy, which he, in
the same manner, presented drinking to him:
and another, clothes, for his wife. Timasion,
drinking to him, made him a present of a silver
cup, and a carpet worth ten °mines. ‘Then
one Gnesippus, an Athenian, rose up, and
said, ‘* There was a very good old custom,
which ordains that those who have any thing,

-shall make presents to the king, to show their

respect; but the king shall make presents to
those who have nothing. Let this custom be
observed,” says he, “ that I also may have
something to present you with, and show my
respect.” Xenophon was at a loss what to do,
for he had the honour done him to be placed

. next to Seuthes; and Heraclides had ordered

the cup-bearer to give him the horn. How-
ever he stood up boldly, (for by this time he
had drank’ more than usual) and taking the
horn, said, ““ O Seuthes! I present you both
with myself, and with these my companions, as
your faithful friends: I am confident none of
them will refuse the condition, but all contend
with me in their zeal for your service. Here
they now are, with a view of asking no other
favour ® of you, but to undertake labours and
dangers for your sake. By whose assistance,
if the gods are favourable, you may become
master of a large tract of country, by recover-
ing that part of it which belonged to your
paternal kingdom, and conquering the rest: by
their assistance, also, you will make yourself
master of many horses and of many men, and
beautiful women, whom you need not take
away by force ; on the contrary, they will come
and offer themselves to you, with presents in
their hands.” Upon this Seuthes got up, and
pledged Xenophon, pouring ° what remained

5 Ἐπεὶ δὲ προυχώρει ὁ πότος. ἸΠοτὸς μὲν τὸ πινόμενον; πόσος
δὲ τὸ συμπόσιον. Suidas.

6 ᾿Αξίων δέκα, μυνῶν. See note 6, page 169, upon the first
book.

7 Ὕποπεπωκώς. ᾿Αντὶ τοῦ μεθύσκεσθαι. Suidas.

8 ΠΙροσέμεενοι. ἸΠροσίεταιν ἀρέσξεται; προσδέχεται», ἡδέως
λαμξάνει, Hesychius,

9 Συγκατεσκέδωσο. Suidas, upon the word χωτασκε-

3385

in the horn upon the person who sat next to
him. After this, some Cerasuntezans came 1n ;
these sounded a charge with pipes, and trum-
pets made of raw hides, keeping time, as if
they played upon the magade. Upon this,
Seuthes himself got up, and shouted in a war-
like manner, then, with great agility, sprung
out of the place where he stood, imitating a
man who avoids a dart. There came in also
buffoons.

When it was about sunset, the Greeks rose
up, and said it was time to place the guards for
the night, and give the word. At the same
time, they desired Seuthes to give orders that
none of the Thracians might come into the
Greek camp in the night; “ for,” said they,
“some of that nation are our enemies, though
you are our friends. As they went out, Seu-
thes got up, showing no signs of being drunk,
and going out also, he called the generals to
him, and said, «« Gentlemen! the enemy as yet
knows nothing of our alliance; if, therefore,
we fall upon them, before they are either upon
their guard against a surprise, or prepared for
their defence, it will be the most effectual
means of gaining great booty, and taking many
prisoners.” The generals were of the same
Opinion, and desired him to lead them. Then
Seuthes said, “ Do you make yourselves ready,
and stay for me; when it is time, I will come
back to you; and taking the targeteers and
you with me, with the assistance of the gods,
I will lead you against the enemy.” Upon
this Xenophon said, “ Consider, then, since
we are to march by night, whether the Greek
custom is not preferable. In the day-time
either the heavy-armed men or the horse march
in the van, according to the nature of the
ground ; but in the night it is always the cus-
tom among the Greeks for the slowest corps
to lead the way. By this means the army is
less subject to be separated, and the men have
fewer opportunities of straggling without being
taken notice of; it often happening in the

δάζειν, says, it was a custom among Thracians, when
they had drunk as much wine as they could, to pour the
rest upon the clothes of the company, for which te
quotes Plato: this, he says, they called κατωσκεδάζειν.
It was necessary just to take notice of this ridiculous
custom, in order to explain this passage of Xenophon.

10 Οἷον μαγάδι. This musical instrument is said to
have been a kind of flute. Strabo reckons it amoug
those whose names were taken from the Barbarians. Jt
was probably an instrument of war,

336

night, that the troops, when separated, fall up-
on one another, and not being able to distin-
guish friends from enemies, both do and suffer
great damage.” Seuthes answered, “ You say
well, and I will conform to your custom; and
will take care you shall have guides, such as,
among the oldest of my people, are best ac-
quainted with the country; while I bring up
the rear with the horse ; and if there is occa-
sion, I can soon come up to the front.” ‘The
Athenians gave the word by reason of their al-
lance to Seuthes. After this, they went to
rest. :

When it was about midnight, Seuthes came
to them with the horse clad in their coats of
mail, and the targeteers with their arms. Af-
ter he had delivered the guides to them, the
heavy-armed men marched in the van, the tar-
geteers followed, and the horse brought up the
rear. As soon as it was day, Seuthes, riding
up to the front, extolled the Greek custom:
“ς For it has often happened to me,” said he,
‘*when I have been upon a march in the
night, though with a few troops, to have
my horse separated from the foot; where-
as now, at break of day, we appear, as we
ought, all together. But do you halt here,
and repose yourselves, and when I have ta-
ken a view of the country, I will come back
to you.” Having said this, he met with a path,
which led him to the top of a mountain, where,
coming to a great deal of snow, he examined
the road, to see whether there were any foot-
steps of men pointing either forward or back-
ward: and finding the way untrodden, he
returned presently, and said, “ Gentlemen!
our design will succeed, God willing: we shall
surprise the people: but I will lead the way
with the horse, that if we discover any one, he
may uot escape, and give notice to the enemy :
do you come after; and, if you are left behind,
follow the track of the horse. After we have
passed these mountains, we shall come to a
great many rich villages.”

When it was noon, Seuthes, having reached
the summit of the mountains, and taken a view
of the villages, rode back to the heavy-armed
men, and said, “ I now propose to send the
hoise to scour the plain, and the targeteers to
attack the villages; do you follow as fast as
you can, that, if they find any resistance, you
may support them.” When Xenophon heard
this, he alighted from his horse: upon which

XENOPHON ON

| -
soldiers.

THE

Seuthes said, “‘ Why do you alight, when ex-
pedition is required?”
“1 know that, by myself, I can be of no ser-
vice ; besides, the heavy-armed men will march
with greater speed and alacrity, if I lead them
on foot.” pes

After this Seuthes, and, with him, Tima-
sion, with about forty of the Greek horse, went
away. Then Xenophon ordered those of each
company, who were under thirty years of age,

[Book VII.

and prepared for expedition, to advance ; and,

with these, he ran forward; while Cleano1
brought up the rest of the Greeks. When
they were in the villages, Seuthes riding up to
Xenophon with about fifty horse, said, «« What.
you foretold has happened: the men are taken ;
but our horse have left me, and are gone away
without a commander, some following the pur-
suit one way, some another; and I am afraid
lest the enemy should rally, and do us some
mischief: some of us must also remain in the
villages, for they are full of men.” Xenophon
answered, “ With the troops I have, I will pos-
sess myself of the eminences. Do you order
Cleanor to extend his line in the plain, against
the villages.” After they had put these things
in execution, they got together about one thou-
sand slaves, two thousand oxen, and ten thou-
sand head of other cattle: and there they quar-
tered that night.

IV. The next day, after Seuthes had burned
all the villages, without leaving a single house,
(in order to terrify the rest by letting them see
what they were to expect, if they refused to
submit,) he returned; and sent the booty to
Perintheus to be sold by Heraclides, that he
might, by that means, raise money to pay the
In the meantime, Seuthes and the
Greeks encamped in the plain of the Thynians :

| but the inhabitants left their houses and fled to

the mountains.

Here fell a great snow, and the cold was
so severe, that the water the servants brought
in for supper, and the wine in the vessels,
were frozen, and the noses and ears of many
of the Greeks were parched with the cold.
This explained to us the reason that induces
the Thracians to wear ' foxes skins over their

1 Τὰς ἀλωπεκίδας ἐπὶ ταῖς ξεφαλαῖς φοροῦσε zai τοῖς ὠσί.
After Xerxes had passed the Hellespont with his pro-
digious army, he reviewed them in the plain of Doriscus;
among his troops were Thracians, who, according to
Herodotus, wore foxes skins upon their heads, and

The other answered, ©

=

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

heads and ears, and vests, that not only cover
their breasts, but their thighs also, with cas-
socks reaching down to their feet, when they
ride, instead of cloaks. Seuthes sent some of

_the prisoners to the mountains, to acquaint the

inhabitants that, if they did not come down,
and, returning to their habitations, submit to
him, he would burn their villages also, together
with their corn, and then they must perish
with hunger. Upon this, the women and
children, with the old men, came down, but
the younger sort encamped in the villages
under the mountain: which when Seuthes ob-
served, he desired Xenophon to take with him
the youngest of the heavy-armed men, and
follow him; and, leaving their camp in the
night, they arrived by break of day at the vil-
lages: but the greatest part of the inhabitants
guitted them: for the mountain was near.
However, Seuthes ordered all they took to be
pierced with darts.

There was present an Olynthian, his name
Episthenes, who was a lover of boys: this
man, seeing a handsome boy, just in his bloom,
with a buckler in his hand, going to be put to
death, ran to Xenophon, and begged of him to
intercede for so beautiful a youth. Upon this,
Xenophon went to Seuthes, and desired he

whose dress he describes not unlike that of the Thra-
cians, with whom Xenophon was acquainted. Whether
these Thracians wore foxes skins upon their heads to
preserve them from the cold, as our author seems to
think, or whether they wore them by way of armour,
and as a distinction in war, I shall not determine ; but
we find that many nations, inhabiting the warmest cli-
mates, wore the skins of several beasts upon their heads,
when they went to war: upon those occasions, the up-
per jaw, or forehead of the animal, was fixed to the top
of their heads, I suppose to give them a fierce look.
Herodotus tells us, that, in the same army, the Indians,
whom he calls the Asiatic Ethiopians, οἱ ἐξ τῆς ’Acing
Αἰθίοπες, wore upon their heads the skins of herses’
heads, with the mane flowing, and the ears erect. 1
cannot help mentioning, upon this occasion, a passage of
Diodorus Siculus, because it shows the origin of a very
great folly committed by a very wise people, I mean
the worship of Anubis by the Egyptians; he tells us
that Anubis and Marcedon, two sons of Osiris, attended
him in his expedition to the Indies, and that their
armour was taken from animals, that bore some resem-
blance to their fortitude, Anubis wearing the skin of a
dog, and Macedon that of a wolf; for which reason, he
says, these animals were worshipped by the Egyptians,
The Roman Signiferi, upon Trajan’s pillar, have most
of them their heads and shoulders covered with the skins
of lions, something like Aventinus in Virgil:

* Tpse pedes tegmen torquens immane leonis

Terribili impexum seta cum dentibus albis

Indus capiti Ὁ"

337

would not put the boy to death, acquainting
him at the same time, with the character of
Episthenes, and that he once raised a com-
pany, in which he considered nothing but the
beauty of his men; at the head of whom he
always behaved himself with bravery. Here-
upon, Seuthes said, “ O Episthenes! are you
willing to die for this boy?” The other,
stretching out his neck, answered, ‘ Strike, if
the boy commands, and will think himself ob-
liged to me.” Seuthes then asked the boy
whether he should strike Episthenes, instead
of him. This the boy would not suffer, but
begged he would kill neither. “Upon this,
Episthenes, embracing the boy, said, “ Now
Seuthes! you must contend with me for bim;
for I will not part with the boy.” This made
Seuthes laugh; who, leaving this subject,
thought proper they should encamp where they
were, to the end the people who had fled to
the mountains, might not be subsisted out of
these villages. So he, descending a little way
into the plain, encamped there; and Xeno-
phon, with the chosen men, quartered in the
village that lay nearest the foot of the hill, and
the rest of the Greeks, not far from him,
among those they call the mountain Thracians.

A few days after, the Thracians, coming

| down from the mountains to Seuthes, treated

concerning hostages and a peace. Hereupon,
Xenophon went to him, and let him know
that the post they were in was very disadvan-
tageous, that the enemy was not far off, and
that he had rather encamp abroad in any other
place, than in a strait, where they were in dan-~
ger of being destroyed: but Seuthes bid him
fear nothing, and showed him their hostages,
then in his custody. Some of the Thracians,
coming down from the mountain, besought
Xenophon also to assist them in obtaining a
peace. He promised his assistance, and en-
couraged them with this assurance, that, if
they submitted to Seuthes, they had nothing to
fear. But they, it seems, were spies sent to
amuse them with these proposals,

This passed in the day time: the following
night, the Thynians came down from the
mountain, and attacked them; their leaders
were the masters of every house, it being dif-
ficult for any other te find the houses in the
dark; because they were surrounded with great
palisades to secure the cattle. When they came
to the door of each habitation, some threw in

2U

338

darts, others clubs, which they carried, with a
design as they said, of breaking off the points
of the pikes; and some were employed in set-
ting fire to the houses: these called out to
Xenophon by name, to come out, and meet
his fate, threatening, if he refused, to burn him
in the house.

By this time the fire came through the roof,
and Xenophon and his men were within, with
their corslets on, their shields and swords in
their hands, and their helmets upon their
heads; when Silanus Macestius, a youth of
eighteen years of age, gave the signal by sound-
ing a trumpet; upon which, the rest also, at
once, rushed out of the other houses with
their swords drawn. Whereupon the Thra-
cians fled, covering their backs with their
bucklers, according to their custom: and some
of them, endeavouring to leap over the pali-
sades, were taken hanging on them, their buck-
lers being set fast; others, missing the way
out, were killed, and the Greeks pursued them
out of the village. However, a party of the
Thynians, coming back in the dark, threw darts
at some of the Greeks, as they ran by a house
that was on fire, taking their aim from an
obscure place at those who were in the light,
and wounded Hieronymus, Enodius, - and
Theagenes, a Locrian, all captains; but no-
body was killed, though some had their
clothes and baggage burned. Seuthes came
to their relief with seven horse, the first
he met, bringing with him a Thracian trum-
peter, who, from the time the other found they
were attacked, and set out to relieve them,
continued sounding till the action was over;
which did not a little contribute to terrify the
enemy: when he came, he embraced the
Greeks, saying he expected to find a great
number of them slain.

After this, Xenophon desired Seuthes to
deliver to him the hostages, and march up to
the mountain with him, if he thought proper:
if not, that he would leave it to his conduct.
The next day, therefore, Seuthes delivered to
him the hostages, who were elderly men,
the most considerable, as they said, of the
mountain Thracians, and he himself set out
with his own forces. By this time, the army
of Seuthes was increased to three times the
number it before consisted of ; for many of the
Odrysians, being informed of what Seuthes
was doing, came down to his assistance. When

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book VII.

the Thynians saw, from the mountain, great
numbers of heavy-armed men, of targeteers, _
and of horse, they came down and sued for
peace, promising to do every thing that was
required of them, and desired Seuthes would
take pledges for their-fidelity. He, calling
Xenophon to him, informed him of what they
said, letting him know at the same time, that
he would not make peace, if he desired to take
revenge of them for attacking him. Xenophon
answered, that he was sufficiently revenged, if
these people were, instead of free men, to ~
become slaves: but withal, advised him, for
the future, to take for hostages those who had
most power to do him harm, and to let the
old men stay at home. All the Thracians,
therefore, in this part of the country submitted
to Seuthes.

Y. They next marched into the country
called the Delta, belonging to the Thracians,
which lies above Byzantium. This country
did not belong to the kingdom of Mesides,
but to that of Teres the Odrysian, one of
their ancient kings ; here they found Heraeli-
des, with the money he had raised by the sale
of the booty. And here Seuthes, having
ordered three yokes of mules (for there were
no more) and several of oxen to be brought
out, sent for Xenophon, and desired he would
accept the first, and distribute the rest among
the generals and captains ; but Xenophon said,
“1 shall be satisfied, if I, receiving your
favours another time, give these to the generals
and the captains, who, with me, have attended
you in this expedition.” Upon which, Tima-
sion the Dardanian, received one yoke of
mules, Cleanor the Orchomenian, another,
and Phryniscus the Achaian, the third. The
yokes of oxen he distributed among the cap-
tains; but gave the army no more than twenty ©
days’ pay, though the month was expired; for
Heraclides said he could not sell the booty for
more. Xenophon was concerned at this, and
said, “« O Heraclides ! you do not seem to have
so great a regard for Seuthes, as you ought to
have: if you had, you would have brought the
army their full pay: though you had taken up
at interest, and even sold your own clothes to
raise as much as would have completed it, if
you could not get the money by any other
means.”

This reproach gave Heraclides great uncasi-
ness, and made him apprehend he should lose

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

the favour of Seuthes; and from that day, he
laboured all he could, to give Seuthes ill
impressions of Xenophon ; on whom not only
the soldiers laid the blame of their not receiv-
ing their pay, but Seuthes also resented his
earnestness in demanding it. And whereas,
before, he was for ever telling him that, when
he arrived at the sea, he would put him in
possession of ' Bisanthe, Ganus, and Neon
Teichus: from this time he never mentioned
any thing of that kind ; for Heraclides, upon
this occasion, had also recourse to calumny,
suggesting that it was not safe to intrust
places of strength with a person who was at
the head of an army.

Upon this, Xenophon considered with him-
self what was to be done? about pursuing their
expedition against the upper Thracians ; when
Heraclides, carrying the rest of the generals to
Seuthes, desired them to assure him that they
could lead the army as well as Xenophon, and
promised that, in a few days, he would give
them their pay complete for two months, ad-
vising them at the same time to continue in
the service of Seuthes. Upon which Tima-
sion said, “ If you would give me five months’
pay, I would not serve without Xenophon ;”
and Phryniscus and Cleanor said the same
thing.

This made Seuthes chide Heraclides for not
calling in Xenophon; so they sent for him
alone ; but he, being sensible this was an arti-
fice in Heraclides, contrived to create a jea-
lousy in the rest of the generals, took not
only all the generals, but likewise all the cap-
tains along with him: and, all of them approv-
ing of what Seuthes proposed, they pursued
their expedition, and marching through the
country of the Thracians, called the Melino-
phagi, with the Euxine sea on their right hand,
they arrived at * Salmydessus. Here many
ships upon their arrival in the Euxine sea

1 Βισάνϑην, καὶ Τάνον καὶ Nedy Tesyos- Towns of
Thrace near the sea: if the reader pleases to turn to the
first note upon this book, he will find that the last has
nothmg to do with the wall built by Dercyllidas, for
that was not built till the year after Xenophon engaged
the Greeks in the service of Seuthes.

2 Tees τοῦ ἔτι ἄνω στραωτεύεσθα!:. D*Ablancourt under-
stands this concerning his going over into Asia, but I have
chosen rather to make it relate to the expedition of Seu-
thes, and the Greeks against those Thracians who inha-
bited above Byzantium, in which I am supported by
Leunclavius and Hutchinson,

3 Σαλμυδησσόν. Salmydessus was a sea-port lying
upon the Euxine sea; it is mentioned by Arrian in his

339
strike, and are driven ashore, the coast being
full of shoals, that run a considerable way in-
to the sea. The Thracians, who inhabit this
coast, raise pillars, in the nature of bound-
stones ; and every man plunders the wreck that
is cast upon his own coast.. It is said, that
before they erected these pillars, many of them
lost their lives by quarrelling with one another
about the plunder. In this place are found
many beds, boxes, books, and several other
things which sailors usually carry in their
chests. The army, after they had subdued
this people, marched back: that of Seuthes
was now grown superior in number to the
Greeks ; for many more of the Odrysiaus were
come down to him, and the Thracians, as fast
as they submitted, joined the army. They now
lay encamped in a plain about Selymbria, about
fifty stadia from the sea: as yet no pay ap-
peared, and not only the soldiers were displeas-
ed at Xenophon, but Seuthes himself was no
longer disposed in his favour: and whenever
he desired to be admitted to him, business of
many kinds was pretended.

VI. Two months were very near elapsed,
when Charminus the Lacedemonian, and
Polynicus, arrived from Thimbron. They
gave an account that the Lacedemonians had
resolved to make war upon Tissaphernes, and
that Thimbron had sailed from Greece with
that design. They added that he had occasion
for this army, and that every common soldier
should have a * darick a month, the captains
two, and the generals four. Upon arrival of
the Lacedemonians, Heraclides, hearing they
were come for the army, immediately told Seu-
thes it wasa happy incident ; “ For,” says he,
‘the Lacedemonians are in want of the army,
and you are not so. In resigning it, you will
confer an obligation on them, and the soldiers
will no longer ask you for their pay ; but will
leave the country.”

Seuthes, hearing this, ordered the Lacede-
monians to be brought in: and upon their say-
ing they came for the army, he told them he
was willing to resign it, and desired they would
account him their friend and ally: he also in-
vited them to his table pursuant to the laws of
hospitality, and gave them a magnificent enter-
tainment. But he did not invite Xenophon,

Periplus : the river, the town, and the bay had all the
same name.

4 Aagtizés. See note 6. neve 169

340

.or any one of the other generals. The Lace-
demonians inquiring what kind of man Xeno-
phon was, he answered that he was in other res-
pects, no ill man, but a friend to the soldiers ;
which burts him. “ But,” said they, “is he a po-
pular man with them?” “ Altogether so,” says
Heraclides. ‘“ Then,” answered the Lacede-
monians, “ will not he oppose our carrying away
the army ?” “ If you call the soldiers together,”
says Heraclides, “and promise them pay, they
will have no regard for him, but will quickly fol-
low you.” “ How,” replied they, ‘‘ shall they be
assembled for that purpose?” ‘Early to-morrow
morning,” says Heraclides, “‘ we will bring you

to them and I am confident, added he, that as
soon as they see you, they will cheerfully assem-
ble.” This was the result of that day’s business.

The next, Seuthes, and Heraclides brought
the Lacedemonians to the army, which assem-
bled for that purpose. These informed them,
that the Lacedemonians had resolved to make
war upon Tissaphernes, “who,” said they,

‘has injured you. If, therefore, you engage
with us, you will both revenge yourselves of
an enemy, and receive each of you a darick a
month, the captains two, and the generals four.”
This was well received by the soldiers: and
presently one of the Arcadians rose up to ac-
cuse Xenophon. Seuthes was also present,
being desirous to know the result, and, for that
purpose, had placed himself within hearing
with his interpreter ; though he himself under-
stood most things that were spoken in Greek.
The Arcadian said: “Know then, O Lace-
dzmonians, that we should long since have en-
gaged ourselves in your service, if Xenophon
had not prevailed upon us to come hither ;
where, though we have been upon duty both
night and day, during this severe winter, we
have! acquired nothing, while he enjoys the
reward of our labour, and Seuthes enriches him
personally, and deprives us of our pay: so

1 Οὐδὲν τεπάμεθα. Πεπᾶσθαι: κεκτῆσθαι. Hesychius.
Both which, in my opinion, signify much oftener to ac-
quire than to possess. I look upon the word to have the
same sense also in that very moral and sensible epigram
of Solon, the Athenian legislator, as quoted by Plutarch,
in his life of him,
Χρήματα δ᾽ ἱμείρω μὲν ἔχειν, ἀδίκως δὲ πεπᾶσθαι
Οὐκ ἐθέλω, πάντως ὕστερον ἦλθε dina.

But as πεπᾶσθαι signifies also to possess, I will not blame
Huatchinson for translating it upon this occasion nzhi/
possidemus, though I have translated it otherwise my- |
self ; a little farther in signifies, beyond all doubt, to | ONC:

possess,

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book vii.

that,” continued he, “if I could see this man
stoned to death, and punished for leading us ©
about, I should think I had received my pay,
and no longer regret my labour.” After him,
another got up, and then another: upon which
Xenophon spoke as follows:
᾿ς There is nothing a man ought not to ex-
pect, since I find myself accused by you for
that, in which my conscience tells me I have
had all the zeal in the world for your service.
I was already set out in order to go home, when
I turned back, be assured, not because I heard |
you were in prosperity, but rather because I
was informed you were in difficulties, with this
intent, that I might serve you, if it was in my
power. When I came to the army, though
Seuthes sent several messengers to me with
many promises, in case I prevailed upon you
to go to him, yet I never endeavoured it, as
you yourselves know; but led you to that
place, from whence I thought you would have
the quickest passage into Asia. This I look-
ed upon as a measure the most agreeable both
to your interest and inclination. But when
Aristarchus arrived with the galleys, and pre-
vented your passage, I then (as it became me)
called you together, that we might consider
what was to be done. Upon that occasion you
heard, on one side, Aristarchus ordering you
to go to the Chersonesus, and, on the other,
Seuthes proposing terms to engage you in his
service, when all of you declared you would go
with Seuthes, and all gave your votes for it.
Say, then, if I committed any crime in carry-
ing you whither you all resolved to go. If,
when Seuthes began to break his promise con-
cerning your pay, I then commended him, you
would have reason both to accuse and hate me ;
but if I, who was before his greatest friend,
am now his greatest enemy, how can you any
longer with justice blame me, who have given
you the preference to Seuthes, for those very
things about which I quarrel with him? Pos-
sibly, you may say that I have received your.
pay of Seuthes, and that all 1 say is artifice;
| but, is it not plain, that if Seuthes paid me any
thing, it was not with a view of being deprived
of that part of your pay which he gave me, and
of paying you the rest? On the eontrary, if
he had given me any thing, I dare say, his de-
sign would have been to excuse himself from
| paying you a large sum, by giving me a small
If, therefore, you are of opinion, that
Ὁ this is the case, it is in your power preseutly-.

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

to render this ® collusion useless to both of us,
by * insisting upon your pay: for it is evident
that Seuthes, if I have received a bribe from
him, will, with justice, redemand it, when
I fail in performing the contract, in consi-
deration of which I was bribed. But my
conscience tells me that I am far from hav-
ing received any thing that belongs to you:
for I swear by all the gods and goddesses,
that I have not even received from Seuthes
what he promised me in particular. He is
present himself, and, as he hears me, he knows
whether I am guilty of perjury or not ; and that
you may still have more reason to wonder, I
also swear, that I have not only received less
than the rest of the generals, but even than
some of the captains. For what reason then
did I do this? I flattered myself, gentlemen,
that the greater share I had of this man’s po-
verty, the greater I should have of his friend-
ship, when it was in his power to show it; but
I see him now in prosperity, and, at the same
time, discover his temper. Possibly, some may
sy, are you not then ashamed to be thus stupid-
ly ‘deceived? I should, indeed, be ashamed
to be thus deceived by an enemy; but, in my
opinion, there is a greater shame in deceiving
a friend, than in being deceived by him. If it
is allowed to be upon one’s guard against a
friend, I know you have all been very careful
not to give this man a just pretence to refuse
the payment of what he promised ? for we have
neither done him any injury, neither have we
hurt his affairs through negligence, or through
fear declined any enterprise he proposed to us.
But, you will say, we ought then to have taken
some assurance, that although he had been de-
sirous to deceive us, he might not even have
had it in his power. Hear then what I should
never have mentioned before him, unless you
had shown yourselves either entirely inconsi-
derate, or very ungrateful tome. You remem-
ber under what difficulties you laboured, from
which I extricated you by carrying you to
Seuthes. When you offered to go into Perin-
thus, did not Aristarchus the Lacedemonian,
shut the gates against you? Did not you,
upon that, encamp in the open field? Was not
this in the middle of winter? Was there not a
scarcity of provisions in the market, and a

2 πρᾶξις. Προδοσίω. Suidas.
3 ΠΠράττητε αὐτὸν τὸν χορήμοτω.

8 Πράττεσθαι" ἀπαι-
veiolas Phavorinus,

341

scarcity of the means to purchase them? In the
meantime, you were under a necessity of stay-
ing in Thrace, (for the galleys lay at anchor 9
to observe your motions, and hinder your pas-
sage,) and while you staid, you staid in an
enemy’s country, where great numbers both of
horse and targeteers were ready to oppose you.
It is true, we had heavy-armed men, who, by
going into the village in a body, might possibly
provide themselves with a small quantity of
corn; but we were not prepared to pursue the
enemy, or supply ourselves with slaves and cat-
tle; for, at my return, I found neither the
horse nor targeteers any longer in a body.
While, therefore, you were in so great necessity,
if, without even insisting upon any pay, 1 had
procured Seuthes to become yourally, who had
both horse and targeteers, which you were in-
want of, do you think I should have made ill
terms for you? It was owing to their assist-
ance, that you not only found greater quantities
of corn in the villages, the Thracians being
thereby obliged to precipitate their flight, but
had also your share both of cattle and slaves.
From the time also we had the assistance of
these horse we saw no enemy, though before
they boldly harassed us both with their horse,
and targeteers, and by hindering us from going
in small parties, prevented our supplying our-
selves with provisions in any quantity. But if
the person whose assistance procured you this
security, has not also paid you very considera-
bly for being secure, can you look upon this as
a moving calamity ? And, for this, do you think
yourselves obliged, by no means, to suffer me
to live? But in what circumstances are you,
now you are leaving this country? After you
have passed the winter in plenty, have you not
as an océasion to this advantage, the money
you have received from Seuthes? For you
have lived at the expense of the enemy; and
while you have been thus employed, none of
you have either been killed or taken prisoners.
If you have gained some reputation against
the Barbarians in Asia, is not that entire,
and have you not added a new glory to it by
the conquest of the European Thracians ὃ
I own 1 think you ought to return thanks to
the gods for those very things, as for so
many blessings, for which you are displeased
with me. This is the situation of your af-

4 Ὑριήρεις ἐφορμοῦσαι. ᾿Ἐφοςμοεῖν" ᾿Ενεδοεύειν ἐν πλοίοις.
Suidas.

342

fairs: consider now, I beg of you, that of
mine. When 1 first set sail in order to return
home, I went away attended with great praise
from you, and, through you, with reputation
from the rest of Greece: I had also the con-
fidence of the Lacedemonians : (otherwise they
would not have sent me back to you;) now,
I go away suspected by the Lacedemonians,
through your means, and hated by Seuthes,
upon your account, whom I proposed, by
uniting my services to yours, to have made an
honourable refuge both to myself and my chil-
dren, if I should have any: while you, for
whose sake chiefly I have made myself odious,
and that to persons far more powerful than my-
self; while you, I say, for whom I cease not,
even now, to procure all the advantages I am
able, entertain such thoughts of me. You
have me in your power, I neither fled from you,
nor endeavoured it; and if you do what you
say, know that you will put to death a man
who has often watched for your safety; who
has undergone many labours and dangers with
you, while he not only did his own duty, but
that of others ; who, by the favour of the gods,
has with you raised many trophies of the Bar-
barians’ defeats, and who laboured to the ut-
most of his power to engage you to make none
of the Greeks your enemies. For you are now
at liberty to go whithersoever you please, either
by sea or land, without control. ‘This then is
the season, when there is so great an appearance
of prosperity ; now you are going to sail for a
country, where you have long since desired to
be ; when those, who are most powerful, want
your assistance ; when pay is offered, and the
Lacedzemonians, who are allowed to be the best
generals, are come to command you; this, I
say, you think the proper season to ‘put me to
death. You did not think fit to do it when we
were in difficulties; O men of admirable me-
mories! then you called me father, and pro-
mised ever to remember me as your benefactor.
However, those who are now come to command
you are not void of sense; so that I believe
your behaviour to me will not recommend you
to them.” Xenophon said no more.

Then Charminus the Lacedemonian rose
up and spoke in the following manner: Gen-
tlemen! you seem to have no just cause of dis-
pleasure against this man; since I myself can
give testimony in his favour : for Seuthes, when
Polynicus and I inquired what kind of man
Xenophon was, had nothing else to lay to his

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BooK VII.

charge, but that he was a great friend to the
soldiers, which, says he, hurts him both with
regard to the Lacedemonians and to myself.”
After him Eurylochus of Lusi, an Arcadian,
got up, and said: ““ My opinion is, O Lacede-
monians, that the first act of generalship you
exercise, should be to obtain our pay of Seu-
thes, either with or without his consent ; and
that till then you ought not to carry us away.”
Polycrates the Athenian next rose up, and
spoke in favour of Xenophon. “ Gentlemen !”
says he, “ I see Heraclides also present in the :
assembly, who, having received the booty we
acquired by our labour, and sold it, has neither
paid the’ money to Seuthes, nor to us; but,
having robbed both, still keeps possession of
it. If, therefore, we are wise, let us apprehend
him ; for this man is no Thracian, but, being
himself a Greek, does an injury to Greeks.”
Heraclides, hearing this, was thunder-struck,
and coming to Seuthes, said, “ If we are wise,
we shall withdraw ourselves out of the power
of these people.” So they mounted on horse-
back, and rode off to their own camp; from
whence Seuthes sent Ebozelmius his interpre-
ter to Xenophon, to desire him to remain in
his service, with a thousand of the heavy-arm-
ed men, assuring him, at the same time, that
he would give him the places of strength near
the sea, and every thing else he had promised
him. To this he added, as a secret, that he
was informed by Polynicus, that if he put him-
self in the power of the Lacedemonians, he
would certainly be put to death by Thimbron.
Many other persons, also, between whom and
Xenophon there was an intercourse of hospi-
tality, gave him notice, that he lay under a sus-
picion, and ought to be upon his guard. Xe-
nophon, hearing this, offered two victims to

1 Τὰ γινόμενα. I cannot agree with Hutchinson that
this word is taken by Thucydides, in the passage quoted
by him, nearly in the same sense our author takes it here.
In the passage quoted by him out of Thucydides, that
author says the Athenian tyrants, Hippias and Hippar-
chus, adorned the city, carried on the wars, and perform.
ed the sacrifices by exacting ouly the twentieth part of
the product of the country from the Athenians, ᾿Αθηναΐς-
ous εἰκόστην μόνον πρασσόμενοι τῶν γιγνομένων» which signi-
fication of the word is put out of all dispute by what
Meursius says of the tax cf the tenth part of the pro-
duct of the country imposed upon the Athenians by Pi-
sistratus, which he calls {zara τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ γινομένω».
In the passage, therefore, of Thucydides, τὰ γιγνόμενα:
signifies the product of the country; but here it signi-
fies, as Hutchinson himself, and all the other translaters
have rendered it, the money raised by the sale of the
booty. 4

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

Jupiter the king, and consulted him whether
it were better and more advantageous for him
to stay with Seuthes upon the terms he pro-
posed, or to depart with the army ; and Jupiter
signified to him that he ought to depart.

VII. After that, Seuthes encamped at a
greater distance, and the Greeks quartered in
the villages, from whence they might get most
provisions, before they returned to the sea.
These villages Seuthes had given to Medo-
sades, who, seeing every thing in them con-
sumed by the Greeks, resented it ; and taking
with him an Odrysian, a man of the greatest
power of all those who had come from the
Upper Thracia, to join Seuthes, and about

fifty horse, came to the Greek army, and call€d_

Xenophon to come to him, who, taking some
of the captains and other proper persons, went
to him. Then Medosades said: “ You do us
an injury, O Xenophon, in laying waste our
villages. Wherefore we give you notice, I in
the name of Seuthes, and this man from Me-
docus, king of the Upper Thrace, to leave the
country; otherwise we shall not allow you to
remain here; and if you continue to infest our
territories, we shall treat you as enemies.”
When Xenophon heard this, he said: “ What
you say is of such a nature, that it is even a
pain to me to give an answer to it: however, I
shall return one for the information of this
youth, that he may be acquainted both with
your behaviour, and with ours. Before we en-
tered into an alliance with you, we marched
through this country at our pleasure, and laid
waste and burned any part of it we thought pro-
per; and you yourself, when you came to us in
the quality of an ambassador, staid with us,
without the apprehension of an enemy. Where-
as you, who are subjects of Seuthes, either
never came into this country at all, or, if you
came hither, you kept your horses ready bridled
while you staid, as in a country belonging to
those who were more powerful than yourselves.
But now, since, by becoming our allies, you
have got possession of it, you would drive us
out of this country, though you received it from
us as a conquest we were willing to resign, for
you yourself are sensible the enemy was not
strong enough to dispossess us; and not only
want to send us away * without any acknow-

a ...ὄ ἐὐπιιον.-:.......ὕ.»ὕ οὐ π΄ -- --ς-- τ -“ “ β ΓΓΞῸ

5 Τῷ Ail τῷ Βασιλεῖ. See note 1, page 308, upon the
sixth book.

3 Οὐχ wus δῶρω δούς. Οὐχ ὅπως signifies here ποῦ!

948

ledgment for the benefits you have received,
but also to hinder us, as far as you are able,
from encamping in the country, as we pass
through it; and this you urge, without rever-
ence either to the gods, or to this man, who
sees you now abounding in riches; you, who
before you entered into an alliance with us, liy-
ed by plunder, as you yourself have owned.
But why do you say this to me?” continues he,
‘for I have no longer the command ; but the
Lacedemonians, to whom you resigned the
army, that they might carry it away, which you
did without consulting me, most admirable
men ! and without giving me an opportunity of
obliging them by delivering the army to them,
as I had disobliged them by carrying it to
you.” :

As soon as the Odrysian heard what Xeno-
phon said ; “Ὁ Medosades !” says he, “" 1 am
ready to sink into the earth with shame, when
Thear this. Had I known it before, I should
not have accompanied you, and shall now
depart ; for Medocus, my sovereign, will not
approve of my conduct, if I should drive our
benefactors out of the country.” Having said
this, he mounted on horseback, and rode away
with all the rest of the horse, except four
or five. Upon which, Medosades (for he was
uneasy to see the country laid waste) desired
Xenophon to call the two Lacedxmonians.
He, taking some proper persons along with
him, went to Charminus and Polynicus, and
told them Medosades desired they would come
to him, designing to order them, as he had him,
to leave the country. “ It is my opinion, there-
fore,” says he, “ that you will receive the pay
due to the army, if you let him know that the
soldiers have desired you to assist them in ob-
taining it, either with or without the consent
of Seuthes; and that they engage to follow
you with cheerfulness if they succeed in their
demands. Tell him, at the same time, that
you find their claim is founded in justice, and
that you have promised them not to depart
till they succeed in it.” The Lacedemoni-

only not in the same manner as Dion Cassius uses it,
where he says that Gabinius, being asked by Clodius
what he thought of the law he had brought in against
Cicero, not only did not commend Tully, but accused
the Roman knights to the senate. Οὐχ ὅπως ἐκεῖνον ἔπήνε-
σεν; ἀλλὰ τῶν ἱππέων τῆς Θουλῆς προσκατηψόρησεν. I make
no doubt but this Grecism induced the Latins to give the
same force to “ non modo;”’ the following passage of Tully
is a remarkable instance of it: “Regnum non modo
Romano homini, sed ne Perse quidem cuiquatm tolera-
bile.”

344

ans, hearing this, said they would acquaint him
with it, and with whatever else would prove
most effectual: and immediately set out with
proper persons to attend them. When they
arrived, Charminus said, “ Ὁ Medosades! if
you have any thing to say to us, speak ; if not,
we have something to say to you.” Medosa-
des, with great submission, answered, “ Seu-
thes and I have this to say: we desire that
those who are become our friends, may suffer
no ill treatment from you ; for whatever injury
you do to them, you will now do to us, since
they are our subjects.” The Lacedemonians
replied, ‘* We are ready to depart, as soon as
those who have forced them to submit to you
have received their pay: otherwise, we are
come to assist them, and take revenge of those
men, who, in violation of their oaths, have
wronged them. If you are of that number,
we shall begin by doing them justice against
you.”

Then Xenophon said: “ Are you willing,
O Medosades! to leave it to the people, in
whose country we are, (since you say they are
your friends) to determine whether you or we
shall leave it ?” This he refused, but desired,
by all means, the two Lacedemonians would
go to Seuthes about the pay, and said it was
his opinion Seuthes would hearken to them:
but if they did not approve of that, he desired
they would send Xenophon with him, assuring
them of his assistance in obtaining it. In the
meantime, he begged they would not burn the
villages. Upon this, they sent Xenophon
with such persons as were thought most pro-
per to attend him. When he came to Seuthes,
he said, “ Iam not come, O Seuthes! to ask
any thing of you, but to demonstrate to you as
well as I am able, that you had no just cause
to be displeased with me for demanding of
you, on the behalf of the soldiers, the pay
which you cheerfully promised them ; since I
was convinced that it was not less your interest
to give it, than theirs to receive it: for I know,
in the first place, that next to the gods, they
have rendered you conspicuous, by making you
king oyer a large extent of country, and great
numbers of people: so that your actions,
whether commendable or infamous, cannot
possibly be concealed from public notice. In
this situation, I look upon it as a matter of
great moment to you not to have it thought
that you send away your benefactors without
rewarding their services; and not less so, to

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VII.

have your praise celebrated by six thousand
men. But, above all, that it concerns you, in
no degree, to derogate from the credit of what
you say; for I observe the discourse of men
without credit to be vain and ineffectual, and
to wander disregarded ; while that of persons
who are known to practise truth, is not less
effectual to obtain what they desire than the
power of others; I know, also, that if they
propose to reform any one, their threats are
not less powerful to that end, than the imme-
diate punishment inflicted by others; and if
such men promise any thing, they succeed no

less by promising than others by giving pre- .

sently. Recollect with yourself what you paid
us, before you received our assistance. I know
you paid us nothing. But the confidence you
created in us of your performance of what you
promised, induced such numbers of men to join
their arms to yours, and conquer a kingdom for
you, not only worth fifty talents, (the sum
these men now look upon to be due to them,)
but many times that sum. In the first place,
therefore, for this sum you sell your credit, to
which you owe your kingdom. After that,
call to mind of what consequence you thought
it to you to obtain what you now have con-
quered and possess. I know you wished to
obtain it rather than to gain many times that
sum. Now I look upon it to be a greater in-
jury, as well as disgrace, to lose the possession
of this conquest, than never to have gained it ;
as it is more grievous to a rich man to become
poor than never to have been rich, and more
afflicting to a king. to become a private man
than never to have been a king. You are
sensible that these people, who are now be-
come your subjects, were not prevailed upon to
submit to you by their affection for you, but
by necessity: and that they would endeavour
to recover their liberty, if they were not re-
strained by fear. Whether, therefore, do you
think they will be more afraid and more de-
voted to your interest, if they see not only
these soldiers disposed to stay, if you desire
it, and presently to return, if necessary, but
others, from the advantageous character these
give of you, ready to come to your assistance
in any thing you require of them ; or, if they
are possessed with an opinion that hereafter
none will ever engage in your service from
a aistrust created by your present behaviour;
and that these have a greater affection for
them than for you? Besides, these peovle

τω ieee

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.
| due to a friend, to the end that both you may

did not submit to you because they were infe-
rior to us in numbers ; but because they wanted
leaders. This danger, therefore, you are also
exposed to: they may choose for their leaders
some of our men, who think themselves wrong-
ed by you, or those who have still more power,
the Lacedemonians: especially, on one side
the soldiers show greater alacrity to engage in
their service, upon condition that they force
you to give them their pay; and, on the other,
the Lacedmonians, from the want. they have
of the army, consent to the condition. It is
also no secret that the Thracians, who are now
become your subjects, had rather march against
you than with you: for, if you conquer, they
are slaves; and, if you are conquered, free.
But if you think it incumbent on you to have
any regard to the country, now it is your own,
whether do you think it will receive less dam-
age if these soldiers, haying received what they
insist upon, leave it in peace, or if they stay in
it, as in an enemy’s country ; while you endea-
vour to raise more numerous forces, which
must also be supplied with provisions, and
with these make head against them? And
whether do you think the expense will be
greater, if the money due to these is paid, or
if this is still suffered to remain due, and it be-
comes necessary for you to take other forces
into your pay ' powerful enough to subdue the
former? But Heraclides, I find, by what he
declared to me, thinks this sum very consider-
able. It is certainly much less considerable to
you now both to raise and pay than the tenth
part of it was before we came to you: for the
quantity of money is not the measure of the
greatness or smallness of the sum, but the
ability of the person who is either to pay or to
receive it: and your annual. income now ex-
ceeds the whole of what before you were
worth. In what I have said, O Seuthes! I
have had all the consideration for you that is

1” AAdous τε zecirrovees τούτων μεισ ϑ οῦσϑια:. Hutchinson
has great reason to find fault with Leunclavius and
Amaseus for translating xgc/rroves here, majores copia,
major exercitus. It most certainly signifies, as he has
rendered it, armis potentiores. DD’ Ablancourt’s transla-
tion is still more loose than that of the two first, he has
said faire de nouvelles levees pour nous faire tete. 1
shall add to what Hutchinson has said a passage in Thu-
cydides, where he not only uses xee/rroves in the same
sense, but explains it himself by δυνατώτεροι ; he is giv-
ing an account of the state of Greece before the Trojan
war, and says, ἐφιέμενοι γὰρ τῶν κερδῶν, οἵτε ἥσσους ὑπέμενον
τὴν τῶν πρεισσόνων δουλείαν, cite δυνατώτεροι, περιουσίας
ἔχοντες, προσεποιοῦντο ὑπηκόους τὰς ἐλάσσους πόλεις.

945

appear worthy of the favours the gods have be-
stowed on you, and I not lose my credit with the
army. For be assured that if I desired to pun-
ish an enemy, it is not in my power to effect it
with this army, or toassist you, if I were again
inclined to attempt it: such is their disposition
with regard tome. And now I call both upon
you, and the gods, wha know the truth of what
I say, to witness that I never had any thing
from you in return for the services you have
received from the army, or ever demanded of
you, for my own use, any thing that was due to
them, or claimed what you promised me. I
also swear that though you had been willing to
perform your promise to me, yet I would not
have accepted any thing, unless the soldiers, at
the same time, had received what was due to
them: for it would have been a shame for me
to succeed in my own pretensions, and to suf-
fer theirs to remain without effect; particn-
larly, since they had done me the honour to
choose me for one of their generals. Hera-
clides, I know, looks upon all things as trifles
when compared to possession of riches, by
what means soever acquired: but- I, O Seu-
thes! am of opinion, that no possession does
more become and adorn a man, particularly a
prince, than that of virtue, justice, and genero-
sity ; for whoever enjoys these, is not only rich
in the numerous friends he has, but in those
who desire to become so: if he is in prosperity,
he has many ready to rejoice with him ; and, if
in adversity, to relieve him. But if neither
my actions nor my words are able to convince
you that I am your sincere fiiend, consider
what the soldiers said; for you were present
and heard the speeches of those who were de-
sirous to asperse me. They accused me to the
Lacedemonians, that I was more devoted to
your interest than to that of the latter; and,
at the same time, objected to me that 1 studied
your advantage more than theirs: they also
said that I had received presents * from you.

2 "Egucay δέ we καὶ δῶρω ἔχειν rage cov. I have ren-
dered δῶρω here presents, not bribes, which would have
been inconsistent with what he says afterwards, though
I doubt not but every English reader will have the same
satisfaction L have in observing that neither δῶρον in
Greek, donum in Latin, or un present in French, have
the force of our word bribe. A foreigner, who does not
know us, may say that our manners have coined the
word, but we, who know ourselves, know how much
we are above such an imputation,

2X

346

Now, do you think they accused me of receiving
these presents, because they discovered in me
any indisposition to your service, or because they
observed in me the greatest zeal to promote it ?
I am indeed of opinion that all men ought to
show an affection to those from whom they
have received presents. Before I did you any
service, you gave me a fayourable reception by
your looks, your words, and your hospitality,
and never could satisfy yourself with making
promises. Now, you have accomplished what
you desired, and are become as considerable as
I could make you, finding me thus fallen into
disgrace with the soldiers, you dare neglect me.
But I am confident, time will inform you that
you ought to pay them what you promised, and
also that you yourself will not suffer those who
have been your benefactors to load you with
reproaches. I have, therefore, only this fa-
vour to ask of you, that when you pay it, you
will study to leave me in the same credit with
the army in which you found me.”

When Seuthes heard this, he eursed the man
who had been the cause of their not having
been paid long since (every one concluding
he meant Heraclides). ‘For my part,” says
he, ‘* I never designed to deprive them of it,
and will pay them what is due.” Then Xeno-
phon said again, “ Since you are resolved to
pay the money, I desire it may pass through
my hands, and that you will not suffer me to
be in a different situation with the army now,
from what I was in when we came to you.”
Seuthes answered, “ You shall not suffer in the
opinion of the soldiers by my means; and if
you will stay with only one thousand heavy-
armed men, I will give you not only the places
of strength, but every thing else I promised.”
The other made answer, “ That is not possible,
so dismiss us.” ‘I know,” replies Seuthes,
“you will find it safer for you to stay with
me, than to depart.” Xenophon answered,
ἐς 1 commend your care of me: however I can-
not possibly stay, but wheresoever I am in
credit, be assured that you shall also find your
advantage in it.” Upon this Seuthes said, “I
have very little money ; no more than one * ta-
lent, which I give you; but I have six hundred
oxen, four thousand sheep, and one hundred
and twenty slaves; take these with you, toge-
ther with the hostages of those who wronged
you.” Xenophon replied smiling, “ But if

1 Τάλαντον. See note 1, page 168, upon the first book.

XENOPHON ON THE

[ Book Vit.

these are not sufficient to raise the money that
is due, whose talent shall I say I have? Is it
not more advisable for me, since my return is
attended with danger, to take care I am not
stoned? You heard their threats.” The re-
mainder of the day they staid there.

The next he delivered to them what he had
promised ; and sent persons with them to
drive the cattle. In the meantime, the soldiers
said that Xenophon was gone to Seuthes with
a design to live with him, and to receive what
the other had promised him: but, when they
saw him returned, they were rejoiced, and ran
to him. As soon as Xenophon saw Char-
minus and Polynicus, he said, “ The army is
obliged to you for these things. I deliver them
to you; do * you sell them, and distribute the
money among the soldiers.” They, having
received the things, and appointed persons to
dispose of them, sold them accordingly, and
incurred great censure. Xenophon had no
share in the management, but openly prepared
to return home ; for he was * not yet banished
from Athens. But his *friends in the army
came to him, and begged he would not leave
them until he had carried away the army, and
delivered it to Thimbron. ni

VIII. After this they crossed the sea to
5 Lampsacus, where Euclides the Phliasian
priest, the son of ὅ Cleagoras, who painted

2 Διατιθέμενοι. Διάδοτε.
the sixth book.

8 Οὐ γάρπω “ψῆφος αὐτῷ txizro ᾿Αθήνησι περὶ τῆς φυγῆς.
See the author’s life at the beginning of this translation.

4 ᾿Ἐπιτήδειοι. ᾿Επιτήδειος" φίλος" εὔνους" ὡεμόδιος. Sui-
das. I have chosen the first of these with D’ Ablanconrt.
The two Latin translators have preferred the last.

5 Eis Λάμυψακον. Lampsacus was a sea-port town
in Asia upon the Hellespont, over against Egos Pota-
mos; that strait is there about fifteen stadia over, that
is, about an English mile and a half. Lysander, the
Lacedzmonian general, took Lampsacus just before he
defeated the Athenians at the last mentioned place. See
the Introduction.

6 Κλεαγόρου υἱὸς τοῦ τὰ ἐνύπνια ἐν Λυχείω γεγεαφότος.
Dr Potter, the late worthy primate of England, in
his Archzeulogia Greca, that treasure of Greek learning,
says Lyceum was situated upon the banks of the
llissus, and received its name from Apollo Avzozzeve: or
Adzios, to whom it was dedicated. The Greek scholiast
upon Aristophanes and Suidas says it was a place de-
signed for military exercises. I aim sorry I cannot get
any light concerning the painter and picture mentioned ~
by Xenophon, but nothing is to be found in Pliny or
Pausanius concerning either, though several consider-
able painters, who flourished before this time, are
mentioned by the former, as Polygnotus and Micon,
who painted a portico at Athens called the Pecile;
and partieularly Panznus, brother to Phidias the famous

See note 3, page 320, upon

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

the dreams in the Lyceum, met Xenophon,
and after congratulating him upon his safe
return, asked him how much gold he had.
The other swore to him that he had not
money enough to carry him home, unless he
sold his horse and his equipage. However
Euclides gave no credit to him; but after the
inhabitants of Lampsacus had sent him pre-
sents in token of their hospitality, and Xeno-
phon was offering sacrifice to Apollo in his
presence, Euclides, upon viewing the entrails
of the victims, said, he was now convinced he
had no money: “ But,” added he, “I find if
there should ever be a prospect of any, that
there will be some obstacle, and, if no other,
that you will be an obstacle to yourself.” Xe-
nophon owned this ; upon which Euclides said,
“ The’ Meilichian Jupiter is an obstacle to

statuary, who painted the battle of Marathon, where the
generals, both Greeks and Persians, were represented as
big as the life, which I take to be the signification of
iconici duces, the words made use of by Pliny upon that
occasion, since Athenzeus calls statues as big as the life
εἰκονικὸ ἀγάλματα, and Plato says εἰζόνο icouérenroy
in the same sense.

7 Ὃ Ζεὺς ὁ Μειλίχιος. There is a passage in Thucy-
dides, where, speaking of Cylon’s seizing the citadel of
Athens, he mentions the Athenian festival celebrated
without the walls of the city in honour of the Meilich-
ian Jupiter, which he calls Aséore, Diasia, at which, he
says, all the people attended, and sacrificed not victims,
but cakes made in the shape of animals, ss according to
the custom of the country,” οὐχ ἱερεῖα; ἀλλ᾽ ϑύματα éai-
χώριω ; for so the Greek scholiast explains the word
ϑύμωτω. The reason of my being so particular is, that
Xenophon says he offered sacrifice to the same Jupiter,
and burned hogs whole to him, according to the custom
of his country, Ξενοφῶν ἐθύετο, καὶ ὡλοκαύτει χοίρους τῷ
πατρίῳ νόμῳ. Are we then to imagine, that either
Thucydides or Xenophon were uninformed of the cus-
tom of their country upon so great a solemnity? I
should almost be tempted to think the hogs, Xenophon
says he burned whole, were also cakes made inthe shape
of hogs. There is a passage in Herodotus, that in some
degree favours this vonjecture ; he says, the Egyptians,
notwithstanding their known aversion to hogs, sacrificed
them one day in the year to the Moon and Bacchus,
when they eat their flesh, which they tasted upon no
other day, and that the poorer sort made cakes resem.
bling hogs, and, roasting them, offered them in sacrifice :
οἱ δὲ πένητες αὐτῶν ὑπ’ ἀσθενείης βίου, στοιτίνως πλάσαντες
ὃς, καὶ ὁπτήσαντες,), ταύτας Svover.—But what affinity is
there between the religious customs of the Egyptians
and the Athenians ? So great an affinity that we find in
Diodorus Siculus, the Egyptians pretended that the
Athenians were one of their colonies, and had received
the Eleusinian mysteries from them, which they said
Erichtheus, an Egyptian, and afterwards king of Athens,
carried from Egypt, and instituted among the Athenians
in honour of Ceres.’ I cannot say that I ever met with
an account, in any Greek author, of cakes offered by the
Greeks in the resemblance of hogs ; but, besides the au-
thority of the Greek scholiast upon the passage already
mentioned in Thucydides, where he explains ϑύματο,

347

you ;” and asked him whether he had, at any
time, offered sacrifice in the same manner, “as .
I,” says he, “used to sacrifice for you at Athens,
and offer a holocaust.” Xenophon answered
that since he had been from home, he had not ;
sacrificed te that god; the other advised him
to offer sacrifice to that divinity, assuring him
that it would be for his advantage. The next
day, Xenophon going to 5 Ophrynion offered
sacrifice, and burned hogs whole, according to
the custom of his country; and the entrails
were favourable. ‘The same day, Biton and
Euclides arrived with money for the army.
These contracted an intercourse of hospitality
with Xenophon, and hearing he had sold his
horse at Lampsacus for fifty daricks, and sus-
pecting he had sold him through want, because
they were informed he was fond of him, they
redeemed the horse, and restored him to Xeno-
phon, refusing to accept the price they had
paid for him.

From thence they marched through Troas,
and passing over Mount Ida, came first to
9. Antandrus: then continued their march along

τινὰ πέμματω εἰς ζώων μορφὰς τετυπωμένα, cakes made in
the shape of animals generally; I say, besides that pas-
sage, we find in Julius Pollux that the Greeks offered
cakes to all the gods, which cakes had their names from
their different shapes, as an ox, which was a cake with
horns, and was offered to Apollo, and Diana, and He-
cate, and the Moon, πέλανοι δὲ κοινοὶ πᾶσι ϑεοῖς, κέ-
χληντοαῖι δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ σχήματος, ὥσπερ ὁ βοῦς" πέμμα γάρ

2 ΄ » 7 ΄ 3 ΄ ‘
“ἔστι, HECHTH EYOY TEM YLiVH προσφερόμενον AqmoAAwvl, ποὲ

᾿Αρτέμιδι, καὶ “Exern, xa) Σελήνη. shall conclude this
note with observing that Apolio, when taken for the
sun, was the same, among the Egyptians, and, after-
wards, among the Greeks, with Dionysius, or Bacchus,
as Diodorus Siculus proves from this verse of Eumolpus,

~ I >
"Acreopay Διόνυσον ty ἀπκτίνεσσι rugaroy,

And from anotherin Orpheus. Now, every body knows
that these were the same with Osiris, as Diana, Hecate,
and the Moon were the same divinity with Isis ; so that
the custom mentioned by Julius Pollux, of offering cakes
in the shape of animals, to have been in practice among
the Greeks, seems to be derived from that mentioned by
Herodotus to have been in use among the Egyptians ;
especially, since we find they were offered to the same
divinities. D’Ablancourt seems to have forgot that Ju-
piter was worshipped at Athens under the title of Mei-
lichius ; for he takes the name to be allegorical to the
mildness of Xenophon’s character, who did not make his
fortune “ pour avoir trop de pudeur,” as he says, be-
cause he was too bashful.

8 ᾿Οφρύνιον. A town of Dardania, near which stood
the grove of Hector upon a conspicuous place.

9 Διὼ τῆς Τροίας» καὶ ὑπερβάντες τὴν "Ἴδην, εἰς ᾿Αντάν-
deov ἀφικνοῦνται. The misfortunes of Troy, or rather
the fine relations of them, have rendered all these parts
famous, so that there is no necessity of saying any thing
either of Troas or mount Ida: Antandrus was the sea-
port where A‘neas built his fleet to preserve the remains

348

the coast of the Lydian sea, to the plain of
Thebes. From thence through ! Atramyt-
tium, and Certonicum, by Aterne to the plain
of Caicus, and reached Pergamus, a city of
Mysia. Here Xenophon was entertained by
Hellas, the wife of Gongylus the Eretrian,
and the mother of Gorgion and Gongylus.
She informed him that. Asidates, a Persian,
lay encamped in the plain, adding, that with
three hundred men, he might surprise him in
the night, and take him with his wife and
children and all his riches, which were very
considerable. At the same time, she sent a
person who was her cousin-german, together
with Daphnagoras, for whom she had a parti-
cular value, to conduct them in the enterprise.
Xenophon, therefore, while these were with
him, offered sacrifice: and Agasias the Helean
priest, being present, said the victims were very
favourable, and that the Persian might be
taken prisoner. Accordingly, after supper, he
set out, taking with him those captains who
were most his friends, and had ever been faith-
ful to him, that he might procure them some
advantage. Others, to the number of six hun-
dred, accompanied him whether he would or
no; but the captains rode on before them, lest
they should be obliged to give them a share of
the booty, which they looked upon as their
own.

They arrived about midnight, when they
suffered the slaves that lay round the castle,
together with a considerable quantity of effects,
to escape, to the end they might take Asidates
himself with his riches; but not being able to
take the place by assault, (for it was both high
and large, well fortified with battlements, and
defended by a good number of brave men,)

of his country: but one thing must not be forgot;
above Antandrus was a mountain, called Alexandria,
from Paris, where they say he passed judgment upen
the three contending goddesses. The town that gave
pame to the plain of Thebe, was called by the same
name, and belonged to Eetion, the father to Andromache,
"Oyoued” ἐς Θήβην ἱερὲν πόλιν ᾿Ηετέωνος.
In the taking of this town Chryseis was taken prisoner,
and given to Agamemnon; the restoring of whom,
with the difficulties that attended it, and the conse-
quences that flowed from it, are the subject of the Iliad.
1 Al ᾿Ατραμυττίου καὶ ἹΚερτονίου rae’ ᾿Αταρνέα εἰς Kai-
κου πεδίον ἐλθόντες», Πέργαμον καταλαμβάνουσι τἧς Μυσίας.
The first of these is a sea-port that gives its name to the
bay, the other two are towns in, or near the road from
the first to the plain that is watered by the river Caicus.
Pergamus was the residence of the Attalic kings, the
last of whom left it with his kingdom by will to the
Roman people.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VI.

they endeavoured to make a breach in the wall,

which was eight bricks thick. However, by

break of day the breach was made; which was
no sooner effected, than one of those who were
within, ran the foremost man through the thigh
with a? large spit. After that, they sent such
a shower of arrows, that it was no longer safe
to approach the wall. In the meantime, their
cries, and the signals they made by lighting
fires, drew Itabelius, with his forces, to their
assistance,
the garrison, consisting of heavy-armed men,
together with some Hyrcanian horse, who were
in the king’s pay, being about eighty in num-
ber, and eight hundred targeteers; besides
others from Parthenium, Apollonia, and the
neighbouring places, and also horse.

It was now time for the Greeks to consider
how to make their retreat. To effect this,
they took all the oxen and sheep that were
there, and then forming themselves into a hol-
low square, and placing them with the slaves
in the middle, they marched away. They were
now no longer solicitous for their booty, but
only lest, by leaving it behind, their retreat
might seem a flight, which would have in-
creased both the confidence of the enemy, and
the dejection of their own men. Whereas,
while they made their retreat in this disposition,
they seemed resolved to defend their booty.
In the meantime Gongylus, seeing the number
of the Greeks was small, and that of the enemy,
who hung upon their rear, very considerable,
came out himself against his mother’s will, at
the head of his own forces, being desirous to
have a share in the action.
who was descended from Damaratus, came to
their assistance from Elisarne, ‘and Teuth-
rania. Now as Xenophon’s men suffered very
much from the enemy’s arrows and slings, while
they marched in a ring, in order to cover them-
selves from the arrows with their shields, it
was with great difficulty they passed the river
Caicus, near half their number being wounded.
Here Agasias of Stymphalus, one of the cap-
tains, was wounded, haying the whole timie

2 Βουπόρῳ ὀβελίσκω. Bovxcgous ὀβελοὺς, μεγάλους ἐβε-
λίσκους. Phavorinus. In this sense Euripides takes it
in his Cyclops, where Ulysses tells him,

Οὐκ ἀμφὶ βουπόροισι πεχϑέντας μέλη
᾽Οβελάσι, νηδὺν καὶ γνάϑον πλῆσαι σέϑεν.

3 Προκλῆς See note |;
page 199, upon the second book.

4 Παεθένιον----᾿ Arcrrdvia— Erodes e—Tevigaviz. These
four towns are also placed by Pliny in Mysia,

ὁ ἀπὸ Δαμαράτευ. -

There came also from Comania,

3 Procles, also, |

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.

fought with great bravery. At last they ar-
rived safe with abeut two hundred slaves, and
cattle enough for sacrifice.

The next day Xenophon offered sacrifice,
and in the night led out the whole army with a
design to march as far as possible into Lydia,
to the intent that the Persian seeing him no
longer in his neighbourhood, might be free
from fear and unguarded. But Asidates hear-
ing that Xenophon had again offered’ sacrifice
concerning a second expedition against him,
and that he would return with the whole army,
quitted the castle, and encamped in some villa-
ges reaching to the walls of Parthenium. Here
Xenophon’s men met with him, and took him
with his wife and children, his horses, and all
his riches ; and this was the success promised
in the former ‘sacrifice. After that they re-
turned to Pergamus.. Here Xenophon had no
reason to complain of Jupiter Meilichius ;: for
the Lacedemonians, the captains, the rest of
the generals, and the soldiers, all conspired to
ὁ select for him not only horses, but yokes of

5 Τὰ πρότερον ἱερά. imagine with Hutchinson, that
Xenophon means the sacrifice he says he offered in the
presence of Agasias of Elis, to distinguish it from that
which he offered the day after their unsuccessful expe-
dition.

6 “Ὥστε ἐξαίρετα λαμβάνειν. It was an early custom
among the ancients to select the most valuable part of
the booty for their generals, which makes the following
reproach from Thersites to Agamemnon very imperti-
nent, and consequently very agreeable to the character
of the man who makes it :

᾿Ατρείδη, τέο δ᾽ αὖτ᾽ ἐπιμοέμεφεωι, ἠδὲ yorices ;
Tchad τοι χαλκοῦ “λισίαι, πολλωὶ δὲ yuvocizes
Εἰσὶν ἐνὶ “λισίῃς ἐξαίρετοι, ὅς ros "Αχαιοὶ
ΤΙρωτίστῳ δίδομεν, εὖτ᾽ ἂν πτολίεϑιοον ἕλωμεν.
Where ἐξωΐρετοι is thus very properly explained by the
Greek scholiast, αἱ κατὰ τιμοὴν διδόμεενωι ἀπὸ τῶν αἰχμα-
λωτῶν. Virgil has preserved this custom, and translated
ἐξαιρεῖν in the ninth book, where he makes Ascanius
promise Nisus the war-horse, the shield, and helmet of
Turnus, at his return from the enterprise he and Eury-»
alus had undertaken,
© Vidisti quo Turnus equo, quibus ibat in armis
Aureus ? ipsum illum, clypeum cristasque rubentes
Excipiam sorti, jam nunc tua preemia Nise.”
In the eighth book, Virgil calls the horse, which was re-
served for Aineas’s own riling, when he went to the

349

oxer, and other things: so that he had it now
in his own power even to oblige a friend.

After this, Thimbron arrived, and taking
the command of the army, joined it to the rest
of the Greek forces, and made war upon Tis-
saphernes and Pharnabazus.

The following persons were the king’s gov-
ernors of the countries, through which we
marched ; of Lydia, Artimas ; of Phrygia, Ar-
tacamas’; of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Mith-
ridates ; of Cilicia, Syennesis; of Pheenicia
and Arabia, Dernis; of Syria and Assyria,
Belesis ; of Babylon, Roparas ; of Media, Ar-
bacas ; of the Phasians and Hesperitans, Teri-
bazus ; (the Carduchians, the Chalybians, the
Chaldzans, the Macrons, the Colchians, the
Mosyneecians, the Coetans, and Tibarenians
being free nations) of Paphlagonia, Corylas ;
of ‘the Bithynians, Pharnabazus; and of the
European Thracians, Seuthes.

The whole of the way, both of the Expedi-
tion and Retreat, consisted of two hundred and
fifteen days’ march, of 7eleven hundred fifty-
five parasangs, and of thirty-four thousand six
hundred and fifty stadia ; and the time employ-.
ed, in both, of a year and three months.

Tuscans to implore their assistance, exsortem, which is
a literal translation of ἐξαίρετος.

ἢ Παρασάγγαι χίλιοι ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, στάδια ποισμύ--
Cle τετρακισχίλιοι, διαπκόσιου πεντήκοντο, πέντε. 1 have
followed Hutchinson’s correction, who, very properly,
I think, instead of διακόσια, reads ἑξαπόσιω, and takes
away the word πέντε. Concerning these measures of
length, see note 7, page 170, upon the first book. To
which I shall only add, that these parasangs or stadia
being reduced to English miles, amount to no more than
3305 miles and a half, and not to 4331, as Hutchinson has
computed it, who, I find, reckons eight stadia toan Eng-
lish mile ; eight stadia, indeed, make a μίέλιον or Greek
mile, but do not, by agreat deal, amount to an English mile;
since an English mile, according to Arbuthnot, contains
1056 geometrical paces, and a Greek mile only 806: so
thatan English mile is toa Greek mile as 1056 to 806. 4331
Greek miles being, therefore, contained in 34,650 stadia,
if we say 1056: 806; : 4331: the proportional nnmber
will be 3305, with a fraction of 668, so that 3305, and one
half will be, to a trifle, the number of English miles con-
tained in the 34,650 stadia mentioned by Xenophon to
have been the amount both of the expedition and re.

treat.

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XENOPHON’S HISTORY

Or

THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

TRANSLATED BY

WILLIAM SMITH, A. M.

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PREFACE.

Tue Translator of this valuable piece of Xenophon looks upon himself as now discharg-
ing a debt to the public. The favourable reception of his translation of Thucydides was
urged, and, with gratitude be it spoken, was urged by the late Earl Granville, as an obligation
upon him to copy in the English language what Xenophon had written orginally in
Greek in regard to the Peloponnesian war; namely, the continuation of it till the naval
power of the Athenians was demolished, and the city of Athens surrendered to her foes.
This is properly the end of the Peloponnesian war. But, as the state of Lacedzmon,
elated with the consequential enlargement of her power, exerted it in too haughty and
imperious a manner, the resentment of other states was raised, and a war ensued, in which
Sparta was well nigh ruined, and the sovereignty of Greece transferred to Thebes. The
battle of Mantinea, in which the Thebans by losing Epaminondas lost their all, closed this
eager struggle for supremacy in Greece, and left its several states a commodious prey to
Philip of Macedon, who soon after began to act. In this piece of Xenophon, the history
of Greece is continued from the time Thucydides breaks off, down to that famous battle,
including the space of near fifty years.

Never had historian who left his work imperfect so illustrious a continuator as Thucy-
dides found in Xenophon. They were both of them men of excellent sense. They both
lived in the times, and had competent knowledge of the facts, they describe. They were
both Athenians, had been generals, and were both in exile when they wrote their histo-
ries. But aman more accomplished in all respects than Xenophon will not easily be
found. He was the greatest hero, and at the same time the genteelest writer of his age.
Instructed and formed by Socrates, he exemplified his useful philosophy in the whole
conduct of his life. And it will be hard to decide, which are most excellent in their
kind, his historical or his philosophical writings. The style of both hath that sweetness,
that ease, that perspicuity, and that simplicity, which remain envied and unequalled, and
must give all his translators no small anxiety about their own success. He especi-
ally has abundant reason to be alarmed, who after being so long employed in copying a
different style in Thucydides, has attempted the manner of Xenophon. He is sensible of
the daringness of such an attempt, has no small terrors about its success, and puts his
whole confidence in the judgment of the late Earl Granville, who had perused some parts
of it in manuscript, and honoured the Translator with his commands to complete and
publish the work. ;

As the Greek text is sometimes faulty, the translator hath made no scruple to adopt
the marginal reading of the best editions, if it fixed or cleared the sense to an English
reader. He hath also ventured to translate some passages according to the conjectural
put sagacious emendations of the late Rev. Dr Taylor, residentiary of St Paul’s,

2¥Y

354 PREFACE.

The translator, in the life of Thucydides, hath said, “ There is-a chasm between the
time the history of Thucydides breaketh off, and the Grecian history of Xenophon begin-
neth.”—He said it upon the authority of Archbishop Usher, but hath seen abundant
reason since to be diffident of the fact. The Annales Xenophontei of the learned
Dodwell seem to prove from variety of arguments a close connexion between them.

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK I.

CONTENTS or BOOK I.

The war carried on vigorously at sea between the Athenians and the Lacedemonians—The battle of Cyzicus, in
which the latter are defeated, and Miadarus their Admiral is slain—Hermocrates turned out of his command
‘by the Syracusans, and banished—Alcibiades recalled by the Athenians, but soon after disgraced again and
ruined.—Lysander sent by the Lacedzemonians to command at sea; and next year succeeded by Calicratidas.—
The sea-fight of Arginuse ; andthe prosecution at Athens against their victorious commanders,

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK I.

1. Nor many days after this, Thymochares ar-
rived from Athens with a few ships; and im-
mediately the Lacedemonians and Athenians
had another engagement at sea; but the La-
cedemonians, commanded by Hegesandridas,
got the victory.

Soon after, in the beginning of winter, Dorie-
us the son of Diagoras stands into the Helles-
pont, at daylight, with fourteen ships from
Rhodes. The sentinel of the Athenians, having
a sight of him, made proper signals to the com-
manders. They put out against him with
twenty ships ; and Dorieus, flying before them,
ran his ships on shore, as he was clearing it,
on the cape of Rheteum. But, the enemy
coming up close to them, they defended them-
selves both from their ships and the shore, till
at length the Athenians stood away to their
naval station at Madytus, after a fruitless at-
tack. Mindarus, who saw this attack, as he
was then at Ilium sacrificing to Minerva, has-
tened down to the sea to help his friends ; and,
after laying his vessels afloat, he sailed up! to
fetch off the ships under Dorieus. Upon this
the Athenians, putting out again, engaged him
on the coast near Abydus, and fought from
morning till night. One while they had the
better of it, another while they had the worse,
till Alcibiades joins them with eighteen sail.
Then began the flight of the Peloponnesians
to Abydus. But Pharnabazus marched down
to their relief; and, advancing on horseback
into the sea as far as possibly he could, he
exerted himself in their defence, and encour-

—— --.-.-.-..ἘἘ.Ἐ-..Ἐ.ἘἘ

1 The Greek text is ἀπεσλει, but the word required by
the sense is ἐπέπλει: Dr Taylor,

aged his troops both horse and foot to do their
best. The Peloponnesians, closing their ships
firm together with their heads towards the
enemy, continued the fight on the very beach.
At length the Athenians, carrying off with
them thirty empty ships of the enemy and all
their own that were disabled, sailed away to
Sestus. From thence, all their ships except-
ing forty, went out of the Hellespont on dif-
ferent cruises to fetch in contributions. And
Tkrasylus, one of the commanders, set sail
for Athens, to notify the late success, and to
beg a reinforcement of men and ships.

After these transactions, Tissaphernes came
to the Hellespont, where he arrested Alcibia-
des, who came in a single ship to visit him,
and to offer him the presents of hospitality and
friendship. He then sent him prisoner to Sar-
dis ; alleging express orders from the king to
make war upon the Athenians. Yet, thirty
days after, Alcibiades, and Mantitheus too,
who had been taken prisoners in Caria, having
provided themselves with horses, escaped by
night from Sardis to Clazomene. In the
meantime, the Athenians at Sestus, having re-
ceived intelligence that Mindarus was coming
against them with sixty ships, fled away by
night to Cardia. And here Alcibiades joined
them with five ships and a row-boat from
Clazomenz. But receiving advice that the
fleet of the Peloponnesians was sailed from
Abydus to Cyzicus, he went himself to Sestus
by land, and ordered the ships round to the
same place. When the ships were arrived at
Sestus, and he was fully bent on going out to
sea and engaging, Theramenes joins him with
twenty ships from Macedonia, and Thrasybu.
lus at the same time with twenty more from

XENOPHON

Thasus, having both of them collected contri-
butions. Alcibiades, leaving orders with them
to follow, after they had taken out the great
masts of their vessels, sailed himself to Pa-
rium. And when the whole fleet was assem-
bled at Parium, to the number of eighty-six
ships, the night following they went to sea, and
next day about the hour of repast they reach
Proconnesus. Hear they were informed that
«« Mindarus is at Cyzicus, and Pharnabazus too
with the land force.” This day therefore they
continued at Proconnesus. But the day follow-
ing Alcibiades called an assembly, and expa-
tiated on the necessity they were under of en-
gaging the enemy at sea, and engaging them
too at land, and also of attacking their towns:
«“ For we,” says he, “are in want of money,
whilst our enemies are plentifully supplied by
the king.” But the day before, when they
came to this station, he had drawn round
about his own vessel the whole force, both
the great and the smaller ships, that no
one might be able to inform the enemy
exactly of their number; and made public pro-
clamation, that ‘‘ whoever should be caught at-
tempting to cross over the sea should be pun-
ished with death.” «And now, after holding
the assembly, and making all needful pre.
parations for an engagement, he set sail for
Cyzicus in a heavy rain. And when he was
near it, the weather clearing up and the sun
breaking out, he had a view of the ships of
Mindarus, to the amount of sixty, exercising
themselves at a distance from the harbour, and
fairly intercepted by him. On the other hand,
the Peloponnesians, seeing the ships of Alci-
biades to be much more numerous than usual,
and close in with the harbour, fled away to the
shore; and there, having ranged into regular
order, they received the enemy’s attack. But
Alcibiades, after stretching to a distance with
twenty of the ships, landed with his men.
Mindarus seeing this, landed also, and engag-
ing was killed on shore; but all his men were
at once in flight. The Athenians returned to
Proconnesus, carrying away with them all the
ships of the enemy excepting three of the Sy-
_ racusans, for these were burnt by the Syracusans
themselves. Next day the Athenians returned
from thence to Cyzicus. And the inhabitants
of Cyzicus, as the Peloponnesians and Pharna-
bazus had abandoned the place, received the
Athenians. But Alcibiades, after continuing
with them twenty days, and exacting a large

358

ON THE

sum of money from the Cyzicenes, though do-
ing no other harm in any shape to the city, sail-
ed back to Proconnesus. From thence he
sailed to Perinthus and Selymbria; and the
Perinthians received his forces into their city ;
whereas the Selymbrians received them not,
but gave him a sum of money. Going from
thence to Chrysopolis of Chalcedonia, they
fortified the place, and appointed it to be the
station for collecting tenths: and here a tenth
was levied on all vessels from Pontus. Leavy-
ing therefore thirty ships for the guard of Chry-
sopolis, and two of the commanders, Thera-
menes and Eubulus, to take care of its preserva-
tion, to oblige the ships to pay the duty, and
to lay hold of every opportunity to annoy the
enemy, the rest of the commanders departed to
the Hellespont.

[Book 1.

The letter sent to Lacedenion from Hippo- :

crates, lieutenant to Mindarus, was intercepted
and carried to Athens. The contents were
these—‘“ Success is at an end, Mindarus is
killed. The men are starving. We know not
what to do.” ;

But Pharnabazus was animating all the Pelo-
ponnesians and Syracusans; exhorting them,
‘not to despond, so long as themselves were
safe, for the loss of a parcel of timber, since
enough might again be had in the dominions of
his master ;” and then he gave to every man a
suit of apparel and two months’ pay. ¥ He also
distributed proper arms to the mariners, and
stationed them as guards of his own maritime
provinces. He then summoned the generals of
the different states and the captains of ships to
assemble, whom he ordered to rebuild at An-
tandros as many vessels as they had severally
lost, furnishing them with money, and directing
them to fetch the necessary timber from Mount
Ida.
fleet, the Syracusans assisted the Antandrians
in finishing a part of their walls, and of all the
people now within that garrison, were the most
obliging to them. Upon this account the
Syracusans are honoured with the solemn ac-
knowledgment of being benefactors to Antan-
dros, and with the freedom of the city. But
Pharnabazus, after putting affairs in this new
train, departed in all haste to the relief of
Chalcedon.

Just at this time it was notified to the gen-
erals of the Syracusans, that “ they are sentenc-
ed to exile by the people of Syracuse.” Call-
ing therefore all their men together, Hermo-

Yet, amidst the hurry of rebuilding the .

pw:

AFFAIRS

crates speaking in the name of the rest, they de-
plored their “wretched fortune in being thus
iniquitously doomed to exile in their absence, !
quite contrary to the laws.” They advised
the men “to adhere to the same spirited be-
haviour they had hitherto shown, and with fidel-
ity and bravery to execute all the orders of their
country.” And then they ordered them ‘to
go and elect a set of generals, till the persons
appointed to take the command should arrive
from Syracuse.” The whole assembly called
aloud upon them to continue in the command ;
and the captains of ships, the land-soldiers, and
the pilots, were loudest in their shouts. They
replied, that “generals ought not to mutiny
against the orders of their country. But, in
-case any criminal accusations were laid to their

charge, it was but justice to expect a true ac--

count from them, who would be still keeping
in remembrance—how many victories at sea
you have gained under our direction without the
concurrence of others; how many ships you
have taken ; and how often with the rest of the
confederates you have been saved from defeats ;
distinguished above all by having the post of
honour both at land and sea, whilst we prudent-
ly issue and you gallantly executed our orders.”
Not one amongst them having any thing to ob-
ject, and all persisting in the former demand,
they continued with them till their successors

arrived from Syracuse, Demarchus the son of

Pidocus, and Myscon the son of Menecrates,
and Potamis the son of Gnosias. Most of the
captains of ships promised them with an oath,
that on their return to Syracuse they would
endeavour their restoration ; and then dismiss-
ed them to go where themselves thought pro-
per; loading them all with abundant commen-
dations ; but such as were intimately acquainted
with Hermocrates most highly regretted the
loss of so vigilant, so humane, and so affable a
commander: for it had been his daily custom
to invite, both morning and evening, to his own
tent, such of the captains of ships and pilots
and land-soldiers as he knew to be men of
merit, and to communicate to them whatever
he intended either to say or to do, begging

them to favour him with their sentiments of’

things, sometimes without premeditation, and
sometimes with a more deliberate answer. By
this means Hermocrates was heard with the

1 For ἅπαντες in the original I read &7ovzes, by the ad.
vice of Dr. Taylor.

OF GREECE. 359

highest deference in all councils of war: his
expression and his matter were ever judged
the best. But having afterwards preferred at
Lacedemon an accusation against 'Tissapher-
nes, which was supported by the evidence of
Astyochus, and had a great air of truth, he
went to Pharnabazus, and before he could ask
it received a subsidy from him, which enabled
him to provide himself both with men and ships
for his return to Syracuse. But now the sue-
cessors of the Syracusan commanders were ar-
rived at Miletus, and received the ships and
troops.

About the same time a sedition broke out
in Thassus, which ended in the ejection of the
party attached to the Lacedemonians, and of
Eteonicus the Lacedemonian commandant.
Pasippidas the Lacedzmonian, who was accus-
ed, in concert with Tissaphernes, of being the
author of such miscarriages, was declared an
exile from Sparta; and Cratesippidas was des-
patched to take the command of the fleet, which
the other had assembled from the confederates ;
and he received it at Chios.

About this time also, while Thrasylus was
at Athens, Agis, making a grand forage from
Decelea, marched up to the very walls of
Athens. But Thrasylus, putting himself at
the head of the Athenians and of all persons
then residing in the city, drew up in order of
battle near the Lyceum, determined to fight in
case the enemy approached. Agis perceiving
this, immediately retired, with the loss of a few
men in the extremity of his rear, who were kill-
ed by the light-armed Athenians. For this piece
of conduct the Athenians became more and
more disposed to grant to Thrasylus the rein-
forcements he came for; and decreed him in
form a thousand heavy-armed from the public
roll, a hundred horsemen, and fifty ships. But
Agis, seeing from Decelea that numerous
vessels laden with corn were running into the
Pireus, declared it “‘ to be of no avail for his
army to block up the Athenians so long by
land, unless some stop could be put to the im-
portation of corn by sea; and that it was most
advisable to send Clearchus the son of Ramphias,
who was public host of the Byzantines, to
Chalcedon and Byzantium.” This being ap-
proved, and fifteen ships, though transports
rather than ships of war, being manned out by
the Megareans and the rest of the confederates,
Clearchus departed. Three indeed of these his

Ἰ ships are destroyed in the Hellespont by nine

360

ships of the Athenians, stationed there to awe
the enemy’s navigation: the rest of them fled
to Sestus: and from thence got safe to By-
zantium.

And now the year ended, in which the
Carthaginians commanded by Hannibal, having
invaded Sicily with an army of a hundred thou-
sand men, take in three months’ time two
Grecian cities, Selinus and Himera.

11. The year after (when the ninety-third
Olympiad was solemnized, in which Evagoras
the Elean conquered in the chariot-race, and
Eubotas the Cyrenian in the foot-race, Huarchip-
pides presidingin the college of Ephori at Sparta,
and Euctemon being Archon at Athens) the
Athenians fortified Thoricus. Now Thrasylus
taking the command of the ships decreed: him,
and having provided five thousand seamen with
proper arms to act as targeteers, in the begin-
ing of summer sailed out to Samos. Having
staid there three days, he stood over to Pygela,
where he laid the adjacent country waste, and
made an assault on the city. But a body cf
troops, marching out of Miletus to aid the
Pygeleans, put to flight the light-armed Athe-
nians who were dispersed about the country.
Yet the targeteers and two companies of
heavy-armed, coming up to the relief of the
light-armed, put almost the whole body from
Miletus to the sword. They also took about
two hundred shields, and erected a trophy.
Next day they sailed to Notiam; and, after
making all needful preparations, marched from
thence to Colophon. The Colophonians readi-
ly came over tothem. The night after they
made an incursion into Lydia as the harvest
was ripe, where they burnt many villages, and
took a vast booty in money and slaves and
other articles. But Stages the Persian, who
was now in this province, when the Athenians
were straggled from their camp to pick up pri-
vate plunder, fell in amongst them with a party
of horse. Hetook but one Athenian prisoner,
though he killed seven. After this, Thrasylus
led off his army to the sea-coast, as resolved to
sail to Ephesus. But Tissaphernes, perceiv-
ing his intent, collected together a numerous
army, and sent his horsemen round the country
to summon every body into Ephesus to the aid
of Diana. It was the seventeenth day after his
incursion into Lydia that Thrasylus arrived be-
fore Ephesus. He disembarked his heavy-
armed at Coressus; but his horse and targe-
teers and land-soldiers, and all the rest of his

XENOPHON ON THE

[ΒΟΟΚ 1:

force, at the marsh on the other side of the

city ; and thus at break of day he approached -

with two different bodies, The whole force of
Ephesus marched out in its defence ; the con-
federates too, whom Tissaphernes had brought
up; the Syracusans also, as well from the
former ships as from the five others, which
happened to be just arrived, under the command
of Eucles the son of Hippo, and Heraclides the
son of Aristogenes, and were accompanied by
two ships from Selinus. All these advanced

first against the heavy-armed from Coressus ; —

and, after giving them an utter defeat, taking
about a hundred of them prisoners, and pursu-
ing them down to the sea, they turned to meet
the body from the marsh. Here also the
Athenians were put to flight, and about three
hundred of them were slain. ‘The Ephesians
erected a trophy on the marsh, and another at
Coressus. But on many of the Syracusans
and Selinuntians, who had distinguished their
bravery on the late occasions, they conferred
the highest marks both of public and private
gratitude ; a liberty of residing amongst them
at pleasure, with exemption from taxes, was
granted to them all in general; and to the
Selinuntians in particular, since their own city
was destroyed, a complete naturalization. The
Athenians, after fetching off their dead under
truce, sailed away to Notium ; and from thence,
after interring their dead, they sailed for Lesbos
and the Hellespont. But, as they were lying
at anchor at Methymne of Lesbos, they had a
view of five-and-twenty sail of Syracusans on
their course from Ephesus. They immediate-
ly gave chase, and took four of them with all
their crews, and pursued the rest into Ephesus.
All the prisoners taken on this occasion
Thrasylus sent away to Athens, except Alci-
biades an Athenian, a cousin of and involyed
in the same sentence of exile with Alcibiades,
whom he stoned to death. From thence he
made the best of his way to Sestus to join the
rest of the fleet.

From Sestus the whole united force crossed
over to Lampsacus. And the winter now
came on, in which the Syracusan prisoners con-
fined in the quarries of the Pirzus, having dug
themselves a passage through the rock, made
their escape by night to Decelea, and some
of them to Megara. But at Lampsacus, where
Alcibiades was bringing the whole force into
regular order, the former soldiers refused to
rank with those who came with Thrasylus, be-

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

cause themselves had continued hitherto with-
out a defeat, whereas the latter came to them
defeated. Here however they all of them win-
tered, and fortified Lampsacus. ‘They also
made an expedition against Abydus ; and Phar-
nabazus came to its aid with a numerous body
of horse : but, being defeated in battle, he fled.
Alcibiades, accompanied with some horse and
a hundred and twenty heavy-armed belonging to
Menander, went in pursuit of him till the dark-
ness of the night insured his safety. But this
action reconciled the whole soldiery to one an-
other, and those that came with Thrasylus
were heartily caressed. In the progress of the
winter they made some other incursions on the
continent of Asia, and laid waste the dominions
of the king.

About the same time, the Lacedzmonians,
by granting a truce, fetched off such of their
Helots as had deserted from Malea to Cory-
phasium. ;

About the same time also, when 8}} parties
were drawn upin order of battle against their ene.
mies the Oeteans, the Achzans betrayed all those
who belonged to the new colony of Heraclea in
Trachinia, so that seven hundred of them, with
Labotas the Lacedemonian commandant, were
put to the sword.

And thus the year ended, in which the
Medes, who had revolted from Darius king of
Persia, returned to their obedience.

III. In the succeeding summer the temple
of Minerva in Phocea was set on fire by light-
ning, and entirely consumed.

But when the winter was over (Pantacles
presiding amongst the Ephori, and Antigenes
being Archon,} five and twenty years of the war
being now completed) the Athenians with their
collected force sailed in the beginning of spring
to Proconnesus: and, proceeding from thence
against Chalcedon and Byzantium, they en-
camped themselves near to Chalcedon. But the
Chalcedonians, who had notice of the approach
of the Athenians, had deposited all their effects
with their near neighbours the Bithynian- Thra-
cians. Alcibiades, taking with him a few
of the heavy-armed and the horse, and having or-
dered the ships to coast it, marched up to the
Bithynians, and demanded the effects belonging
to the Chalcedonians ; in case of a refusal, he
declared, he would make war upon them ; upon
which they delivered them up.. And now

1 Marginal reading, Paris Ed, 1625. Leunclay.

361

\ returning to the camp, possessed of his booty
and secure of no future disturbance from the
Bithynians, he employed the whole of his

| troops in throwing up a work of circumvallation
round Chalcedon from sea to sea, and secured
as much of the river as he possibly could by a
wooden rampart. Upon this, Hippocrates the

| Lacedemonian commandant led his troops out
of the city, as determined to engage. ‘The
Athenians formed immediately for battle.
And Pharnabazus with his army and a numer-
ous cavalry came up to the outside of the works
of circumvallation, to be ready with his aid.
Hippocrates therefore and Thrasylus, each with
| their heavy-armed, had a long engagement, till
Alcibiades marched in with some more heavy-
larmed and the horse. Now Hippocrates was
slain, and his troops fled back into the city.
And at the same time Pharnabazus, who was
prevented from joining Hippocrates by the
narrowness of the passage between the river
and the wall of circumyallation, retreated to his
camp at the temple of Hercules in the district of
Chalcedon. After this, Alcibiades went off to
Hellespont and the Chersonesus to fetch in con-
tributions ; but the rest of the generals made an
agreement with Pharnabazus in relation to Chal-
cedon,—that ““ Pharnabazus should pay down
twenty talents, to the Athenians? and should
conveyan Athenian embassy to the king.” They
swore to Pharnabazus and took an oath from him,
that “the Chalcedonians should punctually pay
their former tribute to the Athenians with the
full arrears, and the Athenians should suspend
all hostilities against the Chalcedonians, till
their ambassadors were again returned from the
king.” Alcibiades was not present when these
conditions were sworn, for he was then before
Selymbria. But taking that place, he went
afterwards against Byzantium, having under
him the whole military force of the Chersonesus,
and the soldiers from Thrace, and more than
three hundred horse. Pharnabazus, insisting
that Alcibiades also should swear to the arti-
cles, waited at Chalcedon till he returned from
Byzantium. But, when returned, he would
not swear, unless Pharnabazus would swear
again tohim. In consequence of this, he gave
his oath at Chrysopolis to Metrobates and
Arnapes, whom Pharnabazus sent thither te
receive it; and Pharnabazus swore again at
Chalcedon to Euryptolemus and Diotimus

2 38751.
22

362

and beside the public oath, they mutually ex-
changed the solemn pledges of private regard
and friendship. Pharnabazus therefore imme-
diately departed, and ordered that the ambas-
sadors who were to go to the king should meet
him at Cyzicus. Those sent by the Athe-
nians were Dorotheus, Philodices, Theogenes,
Euryptolemus, Mantitheus ; they were accom-
panied by Cleostratus and Pyrrholochus from
Argos. An embassy also went from Lacede-
mon, Pasippidas and his colleagues, and were
accompanied by Hermocrates, nowan exile from
Syracuse, and his brother Proxenus. And
Pharnabazus began conducting them to the
king.

The Athenians were busy in the siege of
Byzantium. They had raised a circumyalla-
tion round it, and carried their skirmishes and
attacks quite up to the wall. Clearchus was
the Lacedemonian commandant in Byzantium.
He had with him some persons of the neigh-
bourhood of Sparta, a few of the Spartans
newly enfranchised, some Megareans com-
manded by Helixus, general from Megara, and
Beeotians commanded by their general Cera-
tadas. But the Athenians, when they were
not able to prevail by force, persuaded some of
the Byzantines to betray the city. Clearchus
the commandant, never suspecting that any of
them could be guilty of such treachery, had
made the best dispositions that occurred to his
own judgment: and, leaving the care of the
place to Ceratadas and Helixus, crossed over
the sea to Pharnabazus. He went to receive
from him the pay for his troops; and he de-
signed to collect together all the ships, both
such as were left in the Hellespont for guard-
ships by Pasippidas, and such as were stationed
at Antandrus, and those under the command
of Hegesandridas, who' had been posted by
Mindarus on the coast of Thrace ; to procure
farther the building of more: and to draw them
all into one grand fleet, in order to annoy the
confederates of the Athenians, and oblige them
to quit the siege of Byzantium. So soon as
Clearchus was sailed, the Byzantines joined in
the plot to betray the city—'These were Cydon,
and Aristo, and Anaxicrates, and Lycurgus,
and Anaxilaus ; the latter of whom, when tried
- for his life at Lacedzemon for betraying this
place, pleaded successfully in his own defence,
that “so far from betraying, he had only pre-

1 ᾿Ἐπιστάτης, the marginal reading, Ed. Par. 1625.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK I.

servedit. He whowasa Byzantine and not a La-
cedemonian, saw their children and their wives
perishing with famine” (for Clearchus had distri -
buted all the provisions in the town to the
soldiers of the Lacedemonians). ‘‘ For this
reason therefore, he declared, he had given

admission to the enemy, and not for the sake

of money, or to gratify any rancour against the
Lacedemonians.”—-The Byzantines therefore
in the plot, when they had made all necessary

preparations, opened in the night the Thracian.
gates, as they are called, and let in the troops

and Alcibiades. Helixus and Ceratadas, who

were quite ignorant of the plot, hastened with

all their men to the market-place to make head

against them. But, as the enemy were masters

of the avenues, and resistance was unavailing,

they surrendered themselves, and were sent
prisoners to Athens. Yet, as they were land-

ing in the Pireus, Ceratadas slipped into the

crowd of people there ; and lurking for a time,

at length escaped safe to Decelea.

IV. The account of what had been lately
done at Byzantium reached Pharnabazus and
the ambassadors at Gordium in Phrygia, where
they spent the winter. But as they were con-
tinuing their journey to the king early in the
spring, they were met by the Lacedemonian
ambassadors, Boeotius and his colleagues, and
by other envoys who were on their return. By
these they were assured, that the Lacedzmo-
nian had been gratified by the king in all their
demands, and that Cyrus was appointed gover-
nor of all the maritime provinces, and was to
co-operate with the Lacedemonians in the
war ; he also carried with him a letter to all
the people of those provinces, sealed with the
royal signet, and in these words—“ I send down
Cyrus to be Caranus of all the troops assembled
at Castolus.” ‘The word Caranus signifies
commander-in-chief. When the Athenian
ambassadors heard all this, and afterwards saw
Cyrus himself, they were desirous more than
ever to go up to the king; if that was denied
them, to have a safe-conduct back. But Cyrus,
who would fain have the people of Athens
kept in ignorance of what had been done, ad-
vised Pharnabazus, either to deliver up these
ambassadors to him, or by no means to give
them their dismission. Pharnabazus therefore
for the present detained the ambassadors ; one
while pretending, that he would conduct them
forwards to the king; another while that he
would convey them back : managing so well

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

that no one could blame him. But when three
"years were thus elapsed, he begged leave from
Cyrus to dismiss them: alleging the oath he
had sworn, to re-conduct them to the sea, since
he could not carry them to the king. Upon
this they are sent to Ariobarzanes with an or-
der to him to carry them back. He conducted
them to Chium in Mysia, and from thence
they went by sea to the other station of the
Athenians.

Alcibiades, who now had a great desire with
a military force to return to Athens, set sail
immediately for Samos. Taking twenty ships
from that station, he stood over into the Cera-
mic bay of Caria; and, after collecting there
a hundred talents,? he returned to Samos.
Thrasybulus with thirty ships was gone to
Thrace, where he reduced the other cities that
had revolted to the Lacedemonians and Tha-
sus too, miserably distressed by war, by sedi-
tions, and by famine: and Thrasylus with an-
other part of the fleet was sailed for Athens.
Yet before his arrival the Athenians had chosen
for generals, Alcibiades though yet in exile,
and ‘Thrasybulus who was absent, and, thirdly,
Conon who was now at Athens. But Alci-
biades, taking the money from Samos, sailed
with twenty ships to Paros. From thence he
stood over to Gytheum, to discover in what
progress the thirty vessels were that he heard
the Lacedzmonians were fitting out there, and
what was the disposition of the Athenians in
regard to his returning home. And so soon as
he perceived they were in the right disposition,
nay, had even chosen him general, and his
friends privately invited him to make his ap-
pearance, he sailed into the Pireus the very
day that the city was celebrating the Plynteria,
when the image of Minerva’s temple was coy-
ered with a veil ; which some interpreted to be
a very bad omen both to himself and the state,
because on this day no Athenian whatever dares
to intermeddle in any serious affair. But on
his entering the harbour the whole people, both
from the Pireus and the city, came flocking
down to his ships, all full of wonder, and full
of desire too to see Alcibiades. Some of them
were maintaining, ‘‘ he was the most excellent
citizen that Athens ever bred: the only one
who beyond all dispute had been banished un-

1 The learned Usher in his Annals doubts, and with
reason, whether it should not be months.
2 19,3752.

363

justly ; since he had been merely circumvented
by the cabals of men of much less weight than
himself, of snarling malicious baranguers, who
had no other principle than that of plundering
the state. He, on the contrary, had always
been promoting the public welfare, so far as
his own and the efforts of true patriots could
promote it. And when the accusation was
preferred against him for irreligious behaviour
in regard to the mysteries, he had declared
his readiness to submit to an immediate trial ;
whereas his enemies, who had overruled so
equitable a demand, had during his absence 46.
prived him of his country. In the meantime,
his very necessities had reduced him to a state
of servility ; he had been forced to caress even
the bitterest of foes, and not a day past but his
life was in danger. He could henceforth. per-
form no services to such of his fellow-citizens
as were most endeared to him, none to his re-
lations, none even to the state, though he saw
how sadly it was conducted, since he was
cramped by the restrictions of his exile. Such.
a man, they affirmed, could not be suspected of
designing innovations in the state or a revoln-
tion of government. He could ever have ob-
tained, from the favour of the people, preceden-.
cy over those of his own age, and equality with
his seniors. Nay, his very enemies knew him,
even when they banished him, to be the same
true patriot he had always been: and yet they,
by forcing themselves into power, had destroyed
the best citizens of Athens; and then, being
left alone in the administration of affairs, had
been countenanced by their fellow-citizens for
no otber reason than because they had no bet-
ter men to countenance.” In the meantime
others were averring, that “he was the sole
author of all the miseries they had lately ex-
perienced ; and was still the man, that would
precipitate his country into all the distresses
by which at present it was threatened.”
Alcibiades was now at the shore. He did
not however quit his ship, since he was afraid
of his enemies ; but standing upon the deck, he
cast his view around to see whether his friends
were at hand; and spying at length his cousin
Euryptolemus the son of Peisinax and his
other relations accompanied by their friends, he
then stepped ashore, and marcheth along with
them up into the city, having parties placed
near him ready to guard him against any vio-
lence. He then spoke in his own justification
both in the senate and the assembly of the peo-

364

ple, maintaining he had never been guilty of
impiety, but had himself been sadly injured.”
Much was said to this purpose, and nobody
presumed to say a word against him, because
the people would never have suffered it. Be-
ing afterwards declared a general-plenipoten-
tiary, as if he was able to raise the state to its
tormer power, he first of all placed himself at
the head of the whole military strength of
Athens, to guard by land the procession of the
mysteries, which during the war had gone by
sea. After this, he picked out alevy from the
public roll, fifteen hundred heavy-armed, a hun-
dred and fifty horsemen, and a hundred ships.
And in the third month after his return to
Athens, he set sail on an expedition against
Andros, which had revolted from the Atheni-
ans. Aristocrates and Adimantus the son of
Leucorophidas, who were chosen to command
the land-forces, were sent along with him.

Alcibiades landed his troops at Gaurium on
the coast of Andros, who repulsed the Andri-
ans that sallied out to stop them, and shut
them up within the city. Some few of them,
though not many, and what Lacedemonians
were with them, they killed in the engagement.
Alcibiades upon this erected atrophy; and,
after continuing there a few days, sailed away
to Samos ; and haying fixed his station there,
carried on the war against the enemy.

V. It was no long time before these last
transactions, that the Lacedzmonians, as the
time of the command of Cratesippidas was
elapsed, had sent away Lysander to command
the fleet. Lysander, after arriving at Rhodes,
and taking upon him the command, stood away
to Cos and Miletus. He proceeded from
thence to Ephesus at the head of seventy sail,
where he continued till he was sure that Cyrus
was atrived at Sardis. But so soon as Cyrus
was there, he went up to him along with the
embassy from Lacedemon. Here they made
remonstrances against the past behaviour of
Tissaphernes, and begged of Cyrus that with
his utmost alacrity he would attend to the war.
Cyrus answered “his father had expressly en-
joined him to do so; and for his own part, it
was a point he had entirely at heart: he had
brought down with him five hundred talents!
in specie ; and, if that was insufficient, he would
spend his own private money, which his father
bad given him ; and, if that should fail, he would

1 26,8750.

XENOPHON ON THE

[ΒΟΟΚ I.

turn into coin the very throne on which he was
sitting,” which was all silver and gold. This —
they received with high applause; but begged

him “to raise the pay of their seamen to an

Attic drachma ;”* insisting upon it, that * if

the pay was thus advanced, the seamen of the

Athenians would desert their ships, and him-

self on the whole would be a considerable

saver.” He replied, that “ they talked in a ra-

tional manner; but, for his own part, it was

not in his power to act otherwise than his.
father had enjoined him: besides it was ex-

pressly stipulated by treaty, that he was to pay

only thirteen mine * a month to each ship, the

number employed to be wholly at the option of
the Lacedemonians.” Lysander said no more

at present: but after supper, when Cyrus

drank to him, and desired to know “in what

instance he could oblige him most?” he re-

plied, “if you give each seaman an obole a-day
over and above their present pay.” From this

time their pay was advanced from three to

four oboles a-day.* Cyrus also paid off the

arrears, and advanced a month’s pay before
hand, which gave fresh alacrity and spirit to all
the men. But the Athenians, when they had

news of this, were sadly dejected ; however,
they despatched ambassadors to Cyrus under
the safe conduct of Tissaphernes. He indeed

refused to grant them audience, though Tissa-
phernes earnestly entreated for them, repre-
senting that “all he had hitherto done was in

pure compliance with the advice of Alcibiades,

studying only that no party of the Grecians

should grow too strong, but that all might be

kept in weakness through their own embroil-

ments.” .

So soon as all the naval points were settled,
Lysander laid all the ships to the number of
ninety on the ground at Ephesus, and minded
no other business than cleaning and refitting
them for service. But Alcibiades had receiy-
ed intelligence, that Thrasybulus was come from
the Hellespont to fortify Phocea, He there-
fore crossed over to him, leaving Antiochus
his own pilot in the command of the fleet, with
an order not to put to sea against the ships of
Lysander. And yet Antiochus with his own
ship and one more from Notium ventured even

‘to enter the harbour of Ephesus, and to sail

under the very heads of the ships of Lysander.
Lysander got a few of his vessels immediately

2 72d. 3 96/. 175. 6d.
4 See Smith’s Thucydides, book V.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 365

un float, and gave him chase. But as the When Conon was arrived at Samos, and had
Athenians came out with a greater number of , received the command of the fleet which was
ships to the aid of Antiochus, he then collected | sadly dispirited, instead of the former number
all his own, and bore down upon the enemy. of ships which amounted to a hundred, he
And then the Athenians, getting into the water | completely manned out seventy ; and with these
all their ships at Notium, went out to meet him, | putting out to sea, accompanied by the other
each ship as fast as she could clear. An engage- | commanders, he landed at many different places '
ment immediately ensued ; the enemy fought in , on the enemy’s coast, and plundered the coun-
the regular line ; the Athenians with their ships | try. And the year ended, in which the Car- ἡ
irregularly dispersed, till at length they fled | thaginians, having invaded Sicily with a hun-
with the loss of fifteen ships. The greatest dred and twenty ships and a land-force of a
part of the men escaped, but some of them | | hundred and twenty thousand men, reduced
were taken prisoners. Lysander, after carry- | | Agrigentum by famine, after being defeated
ing off the ships in tow, and erecting a trophy in battle, and bestowing seven months on the
at Notium, sailed back to Ephesus; and the | siege.
Athenians to Samos. VI. But in the following year, in which the
But after this Alcibiades, being returned to moon was eclipsed in the evening, and the old
Samos, stood over with the whole fleet to the | temple of Minerva was burnt down at Athens
harbour of Ephesus, and formed into line of | (Pitys presiding among the Ephori, and Cal-
battle before the mouth of the harbour, to defy lias being Archon at Athens), when the time
the enemy. Yet, when Lysander would not ' of Lysander’s command and six* and twenty
come out against him, because inferior in num- | years of the war were elapsed, the Lacedemo-
_ber by many ships, he stood back to Samos. | nians sent Callicratidas to command the fleet.

And a little while after the Lacedemonians
take Delphinium and Eion.
When the news of the late engagement at

When Lysander delivered him the ships, he
told Callicratidas, that “‘ master of the sea and
; conqueror of a naval engagement, he resigned

sea was brought to Athens, the Athenians them to him.” Upon this the latter advised
conceived high indignation against Alcibiades, | him “to set sail from Ephesus, and keeping
ascribing the loss of their ships entirely to his | Samos on the left where the Athenian fleet
negligent and wild behaviour. They nominated | was lying, afterwards to deliver up the ships at
ten others to be generals, Conon, Diomedon, | Miletus, and then he would own him to be mas-
Leon, Pericles, Herasinides, Aristocrates, | ter of the sea.”” But Lysander replying that
Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasylus, Aris- | ‘he ought not to interfere in another person’s
togenes. Alcibiades therefore, whose credit | command,” Callicratidas, besides the ships he
also was low in the fleet, taking a single vessel, | | received from Lysander, manned out fifty more
sailed away to the Chersonesus, to a fortress of , from Chios and Rhodes and other places in the

his own.

And now Conon, pursuant to the decrees of |
the state, sailed away from Andros with the ,

twenty ships he had there, in order to take the
command at Samos. But to replace Conon
at Andros, they sent away Phanosthenes with
four ships from Athens. In his passage he fell
in with two ships belonging to Thurium, and
took both of them with their crews. The Athe-
nians put all these prisoners into close confine-
ment, but were moved with compassion for Do-
rieus the commander of them, who in reality was
a Rhodian, but had long since been exiled both
from Athens and Rhodes, and for fear of the

Athenians, who had sentenced both himself

and all his kindred to death, had got him-
self naturalised amongst the Thurians; they
therefore gave him his liberty without a ransom.

confederacy. And having collected them all
together to the number of a hundred and forty,
he made the needful preparations for meeting
| the enemy. But finding that all his measures
were seditiously opposed by the friends of Ly-
| sander, who not only obeyed his orders with an
open reluctance, but were clamouring also in
all the cities against the most impolitic conduct
of the Lacedzmonians, in perpetually changing
their admirals, sending out persons not quali-
fied for the office, or who had a very slender
notion of naval affairs, and knew not how to
manage the tempers of mankind; intimating
farther the great danger they run of suffering
severely for giving the command to men unex-
perienced at sea, and unknown to their friends

| 5 Marginal reading, Paris Ed, 1625. Leunelay.

366

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK I.

in these parts—for these reasons, Callicratidas, | tious and most effectual means to hurt the ene-.
having called together the Lacedemonians now my, till the persons return from Sparta whom

on board the fleet, expressed himself thus :

“1 should have been well contented to have
staid at Sparta; nor, if Lysander or any other
person hath a mind to be thought a better sea-
man than myself, have I any thing to object.
But since I am commissioned by the state to
command the fleet, Iam bound in duty to exe-
cute their orders to the utmost of my power.
You therefore I adjure, as I would always be-
have with honour, and as the state expeets us
to do our duty (and you know your duty as
well as I can tell it you), to give me your opin-
ions without any reserve, whether it be more
expedient I should continue here, or return im-
mediately to Sparta to eng there the pos-
ture of your affairs.” |

No person presumed to give his opinion
otherwise, than that “he ought to obey the
state, and execute their orders:” He there-
fore made a journey to Cyrus, and demanded
pay for the seamen. Cyrus ordered him to
wait two days.* But Callicratidas, chagrined
at this delay, and vexed at frequently attending
at his door, could not forbear deploring the la-
mentable lot of the Grecians in being obliged
to cajole Barbarians for money ; affirming, that
“1 ever he returned to Sparta, he would exert
his endeavours to bring about a reconciliation
between the Athenians and Lacedzemonians ;”
—and then he departed to Miletus. From
thence he sent away some ships to Sparta for
a supply of money ; and, having called an as-
sembly of the Milesians, he addressed them
thus :

‘It is my indispensible duty, Milesians, to
obey the orders of my country. And you I
expect to signalize yourselves in a cheerful
prosecution of the war, as you live in the very
midst of the Barbarians, and have already suf-
fered greatly by them. It is therefore incum-
bent upon you to set an example to the rest of
the confederates, in devising the most expedi-

1” Eecovre, marg. read. Paris Edit. 1625. Leunclav.

2 The first time he went, he desired that Cyrus might
be informed that ‘‘ admiral Callicratidas was there, and
desired to speak with him.” But the person waiting at
the door answering, “ Cyrus is not at leisure at present,
for he is drinking ;’’ Callicratidas with the greatest sim-
plicity replied—** That signifies nothing at all; I can
easily stand and wait here till he has finished his
draught.” Upon which the Barbarians, who thought
him quite arustic, laughing heartily at him, he went
away. Plutarch’s Life of Lysander.

a we nS YS sie ea es nnsninanninnnminiainasiccisil wuts.
- = --

I have sent thither to fetch us money. For
Lysander, at his departure, sent back all the
money in his hands to Cyrus, as if it was a use-
less article to us: and Cyrus, when I addressed
myself to him, was for ever studying excuses
to avoid a conference ; and for my part, I could
not prevail with myself to dance attendance at
his doors. But I pledge my faith to you, that
I will make it my study to be grateful to you
for all the good services you may do us, during
this interval of our waiting for a supply from -
Sparta. And if it please the gods, we will
convince these Barbarians, that without fawn-
ing upon them, we are able to chastise our
enemies.”

When Callicratidas had ended, many per-
sons rose up, and most remarkably those who
were accused of crossing his measures. They
were frightened, and therefore told him the
means of raising a supply, and promised to con-
tribute from their own private purses. When
he had thus got money, and had also levied five
drachmas for each of his seamen at Chios, he
sailed against Methymne in Lesbos, which be-
longed to the enemy. But the Methymneans
refusing to come over, as the Athenians had a
garrison in the place, and the Atticizing party
had all the power in their hands, he assaults
and takes the city by storm. The soldiers in-
stantly made booty of all the money in the
place, but Callicratidas gathered all the slaves
together in the market-place. The confeder-
ates called upon him to put even the citizens of
Methymne up to sale: but he answered, that
“whilst he was in command, he would exert
his utmost endeavours that no Grecian what-
ever should be made a slave.” The day after
he set all the freemen and the ? Athenian gar-
rison at liberty, but the slaves were sold at
public sale. He also sent word to Conon,
that “he would stop him from whoring the
sea.”

But early one morning, perceiving Conon
out at sea, he immediately gave chase, to inter-
cept his passage to Samos, that he might not
escape thither. Conon, however, made the
best of his way with ships that went at a great
rate, because he had picked the best rowers out
of many crews to make up a few, and flies to
Mitylene of Lesbos, accompanied by two of

8 Τούς τέ, margin. reading, Ed. Par. 1625. Leunclav.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

the ten commanders, Leon and Herasinides.
Callicratidas pursuing with a hundred and
seventy ships, stood into the harbour along
with him. And Conon, now shut up by the
enemy who were got quite round him, was
obliged to engage in the harbour, and lost
thirty ships, but their crews escaped to land,
and the forty remaining ships of his fleet he
drew ashore under the walls of Mitylene. But
Callicratidas, having moored his ships in the
harbour, besieged the place. He was entirely
master of the road; and, haying sent a sum-
mons to the Methymneans to march up with
their whole military force, he also fetched over
the troops from Chios. Now too he received
the money from Cyrus.

But Conon, now that Mitylene was invested
both by land and sea, and all importation of
provisions was effectually cut off, and great
numbers of people were crowded into the city,
and the Athenians sent him no aid, because
utterly ignorant of his situation, drew two of
his best sailers into the water before it was
day, and completely manned them with the best
rowers he could pick out from the fleet. He
then made the soldiers go down below decks,
and stowed the materials of defence. During
the whole day they were at work on board:
and in the evening, so soon as it was dark, he
made them all go again on shore, that the ene-
my might gain no suspicion of his design. But
on the fifth day, having got a moderate stock
of provision on board, exactly at noon, when
the enemy who blocked him up were drowsy
with heat, and some were taking their repose,
they expeditiously stood out of the harbour.
One of the ships made the best of its way to
Hellespont, but the other stretched out to sea.
The enemy, who blocked him up, made haste
to prevent their escape, each ship as fast as
they could clear, by cutting away the cables and
anchors, alarming the crews, calling the men
on board who had been taking their repasts
on shore, and were now flocking down to the
ships in a violent hurry. At length, having
got on board their vessels, they gave chase to
the ship that stretched out to sea, and at sun-
set came up with her. And after a struggle
making themselves masters of her, they took
her in tow, and brought her back with all her
crew on board to the naval station. But the
ship, that took her course towards the Helles-
pont, completed her escape, and carried the
news of the siege to Athens.

367

Diomedon, who went to the aid of Conon
thus besieged, came to an anchor with twelve
ships in the road of Mitylene. But Callicrati-
das, having suddenly borne down upon him,
seized ten of his ships at once, whilst Diome-
don fled away with his own and with another
vessel.

The Athenians, having received advice of
all that happened, and of the siege, immediately
decreed an aid to consist of a hundred and ten
ships, compelling all of an age to bear arms to
go on board, as well slaves as freemen. And,
having manned out the hundred and ten ships
in the space of thirty days, they put to sea:
nay, even many of those persons who belonged
to the cavalry of the state went on board this
fleet. They first touched at Samos, and from
thence took ten sail of Samians. They col-
lected also above thirty ships more from the
rest of the confederates, obliging men of all
conditions to go on board. All vessels too
they met at sea were embargoed, so that they
amounted at last to more than a hundred and
fifty sail. Callicratidas, having received intel-
ligence that this aid was come to Samos, left
fifty ships under the command of Eteonicus to
continue the siege: but, putting to sea himself
with a hundred and twenty, he took his even-

ing-repast at Cape Malea in Lesbos over-

against Mitylene. This very evening the
Athenians were taking their repast at Argi-
nus, which is over-against the isle of Lesbos.
But in the night-time perceiving fires, and
some persons bringing him intelligence that
‘they are the Athenians,” he set sail at dead
of night, with a design to fall suddenly amongst
them. The great quantity of rain that fell in
the night, accompanied with thunder, prevent-
ed him from going across. But at break of
day, when the tempest was ceased, he sailed
over to Arginuse, where upon the left the
Athenians were drawn out at sea in line of bat-
tle in the following disposition :

Aristocrates with fifteen ships was posted on
the left ; next him was Diomedon with fifteen
more. Pericles was posted behind Aristo-
crates, and MHerasinides behind Diomedon.
Next to Diomedon were the Samians with ten
ships drawn up in line a-head; a Samian by
name Hippeus had the command of the Sami- -
ans. Next them were ten ships of private
captains, these also in the line a-head ; and af-
ter them, three ships of the commanders-in-
chief and the rest of the confederates. Proto-

368

machus with fifteen ships commanded the
right; next him was Thrasylus with fifteen
more. lLysias with an equal number of ships
was posted behind Protomachus ; and Aristo-
genes behind Thrasylus. They had made this
disposition to prevent the enemy from breaking
through their line ; for their ships sailed worse
than those of the enemy.

But all the ships of the Lacedzemonians were
drawn up in a single line, with a view of being
ready, as they were better sailers, to break
through and tack about again upon the enemy ;
and Callicratidas commanded in their right wing.
Yet Hermon the Megarean, who was steers-
man to Callicratidas, told him now it was most
advisable for him to sheer off in time, since
the ships of the Athenians were far superior in
number to his own.” Callicratidas made him
this reply—‘ Sparta will not be worse inhabited
when 1 am dead, but it would be infamous in
me to flee.”

And now the fleets engaged in a fight of
long continuance. At first, all the ships kept
close together, yet afterwards were separately
engaged. But so soon as Callicratidas was
tumbled into the sea by the shock of his ship
when she struck on an enemy, and was never
seen any more, and Protomachus with those
posted with him on the right had defeated the
enemy’s left; then began the flight of the Pe-
loponnesians to Chios, though most of them
fled to Phocea: and the Athenians sailed back:
again to Arginuse. Five aud twenty ships of
the Athenians were lost in this action with
their crews, some few men excepted, who
swam ashore. But on the Peloponnesian side
nine ships belonging to Lacedemon were lost,
though the whole number of them was but ten,
and upwards of sixty more belonging to the
rest of the confederates.

It was now judged.expedient by the Athe-
nian commanders to order Theramenes and
Thrasybulus, who commanded ships, and some
other officers, with seven and forty of the ships,
to sail round to the wrecks and fetch off the
men; and to proceed with the rest to Mity-
lene against the fleet commanded by Hteoni-
cus. But in these designs they were prevented
by a gale of wind which grew to be a violent
tempest. Upon which they erected a trophy,
and passed the night at Arginuse.

In the meantime, a fly-boat had carried
Eteonicus the news of the late battle at sea.
But he seut the boat out again with an order

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK 1-

there against the enemy, they stood away for
Samos.

VII. But at Athens the people turned out
all the commanders excepting Conon, to whom

to those on board, to move silently off without
saying a syllable to any person whatever, and
soon after to return again to the naval station
crowned with garlands, and shouting aloud,
that “ Callicratidas had gained a victory at sea,”
and that “the whole Athenian fleet was de-
stroyed.” They punctually observed his in-
structions. And when they returned again,
Eteonicus offered up a sacrifice for the good
tidings they brought. He then issued an order
to the soldiers to take their evening repast, and
to the sutlers quietly to carry all their effects
on board, and sail away in the ships with all
expedition to Chios, for the wind favoured the —
passage ; whilst he himself, after setting his
camp on fire, drew off the land-army to Me-
thymne. And now Conon, having got his
ships afloat, as the enemy was gone and the
wind considerably abated, went out to sea, and
met the Athenians who were under sail from
Arginuse. He told them what Hteonicus
had done, upon which the Athenians put in-
to Mitylene.- From thence they proceeded
to Chios; but being unable to do any thing
they assigned for his colleagues Adimantus and
PPhilecles. However, of those who commanded
jin the late engagement, Protomachus and Aris-
ftogenes returned not to Athens, but six of
them came home, namely Pericles and Diome-
don, and Lysias and Aristocrates, and Thrasy-
lus and Herasinides. Archedemus, who at
this time was the greatest demagogue in Athens,
and had the management of all affairs relating
to Decelea, laying a fine 'upon Herasinides,
| preferred an accusation against him in publie
court, importing, that “he had embezzled some
money from Hellespont belonging to the state,”
and charged him farther with misdemeanors
during his command. It was adjudged by the
court that ‘* Herasinides be committed to pri-
son.” After this, the commanders made their
report in full senate about the late engagement
at sea, and the violence of the storm. But
Timocrates having moved, that “the rest of
the commanders as well as Herasinides should
be imprisoned in order to be tried by the peo-
ple of Athens,” the senate ordered their com-

1 Lread ἐτιβολὴν for ἐσιθουλὴν; on the authority of Dr
Taylor.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

mitment. In the next place a general assem-
bly of the people was holden, in which several
persons preferred accusations against the com-
manders, though Theramenes distinguished him-
self most on this occasion. He affirmed “they
ought to be brought to a trial for not fetching
off the men from the wrecks.” He produced
their own letter sent by them to the senate and
people as full evidence that “no necessary
avocation had prevented their doing it, since
they alleged no other excuse but the storm.”
Each of the commanders was then permitted
to make a short apology for himself ; the course
of law did not yet allow them to make a formal
defence. ‘They made a bare recital of facts,
that “ they had steod out to sea in quest of the
enemy: had given an order to proper officers
amongst the captains of the ships, nay, to such
as had formerly commanded fleets, to Thera-
menes, and Thzasybulus, and some others of
equal rank, to fetch off the men from the
wrecks. If any therefore were accountable for
nonperformance of this point, it certainly ought
to be charged upon them alone who received
the order to perform it: and yet (they continu-
ed) the accusation preferred against ourselves
shall not make us deviate from truth, by assign-
ing any other reason for their not having done
it than the violence of the storm.”
called upon the pilots and many other persor >
who were on board the ships, to give their evi-
dence in confirmation of the truth. By suci.
pleas they mollified the people, many of whom
immediately rose up, and offered to be security
for their future appearance. It was resolved
however, “to adjourn the affair to another
assembly ;” (for it was now so late in the
evening that they could not distinguish the
majority of hands) “the senate in the mean-
time to draw up a resolution to be reported
to the people in what manner they should be
tried.”

The Apaturian festival now came on, in
which it is the custom for fathers of families
and near relations to entertain one another.
Theramenes therefore and his party employed
the festival in dressing up a number of persons
in mourning garments, having first shaven them
clean to the skin, who were to present them-
selves to the assembly of the people for the re-
lations of such as had perished on the wrecks.
They also prevailed upon Callixenus to accuse
the commanders in form before the senate,
The general assembly was afterwards holden,

They then.

869

when the senate reported their resolution by the
mouth of Callixenus, and in the very words in
which he had moved to have it drawn up :

‘* Whereas in the last assembly of the peo-
ple, not only the accusers of the commanders,
but also the commanders themselves, were
heard in their own justification: let the people
of Athens proceed to give their votes by tribes.
Let two urns be placed for every tribe. In
each tribe let the herald proclaim—‘ As many
as are of opinion that the commanders have
misbehaved in not fetching off from the wrecks
the men who had earned them a victory, let
such cast their ballots into this urn; as many
as are of the contrary opinion, into that. And
if a majority declare them guilty, let them be
sentenced to death, let them be delivered over
to the public executioners, let their estates be
confiscated, reserving a tenth part for the god-
dess.’ ”

And now a person stood forth in the assem-
bly who affirmed, that “he had swam ashore
upon a barrel of flour: that the poor wretches
who were lost had solemnly conjured him, if
he escaped with life, to tell the people of Athens,
that their commanders would not save the lives
of those very men who had fought with the
utmost bravery for their country.” A clamour
was already begun against Callixenus, for pro-

‘posing a method of procedure that was mani-
festly against due course of law.
anus the son of Peisionax, and some other lead-

Euryptole-

ing men amongst the people, declared them-
selves of this opinion. But the multitude
roared aloud, that “* Athens was undone, if the
people were restrained from proceeding at their
own discretion.” Upon this a motion was
made by Lyciscus, that whoever interrupted
the free votes of the assembly of the people,
should be involved in the same sentence that
was given against the commanders.” This
motion was approved by a loud tumultuous
shout from the multitude, and the others are
forced to withdraw their opposition ; but now
again, the presidents refusing to put a question
which was contrary to law, Callixenus stood up
again, and accused them for their refusal. The
people demanded aloud, that ** such of them as
refused should be called to account.” This
terrified the presidents, who immediately
declared they were ready to comply, all but
Socrates the son of Sophroniscus, who still in-
sisted that “ he would not do an act which was
not according to law.” But after this Euryp-
3A

s

370

tolemus rose up, and spoke thus in favour of
the commanders : ngs

“1 rise up, my fellow-citizens of Athens,
partly with a design to blame my near and dear
relation Pericles, and my friend Diomedon ; and
partly to offer some plea in their behalf; and
farther to give you such advice, as in my opinion
will best promote the welfare of the Athenian
state. I therefore blame my relation and my
friend for persuading their colleagues in the
command to insert in the letter they were de-
sirous to send to the senate and you, that they
had issued an order to Theramenes and Thrasy-
bulus to repair with forty-seven ships to the
wrecks, and fetch off the men, which order
was never put in execution. In consequence
of this, they are now involved in the guilt of a
crime which others separately incurred: and, in
requital for all their humanity, are now, by the
treachery of those very persons and a party here,
brought into imminent danger of their lives. No
danger neither, if you will but comply with my
advice, and obey the dictates of piety and jus-
tice. And by this means you will best be enabled
to discover all the truth, and preserve your-
selves from a subsequent fit of remorse, when
in process of time, convinced that you have
enormously offended both against heaven and
your ownselves. :

** Let me therefore recommend such a con-
duct to you, as will guard you from all decep-
tion either by myself or by any other person, as
will clearly discover the guilty, how far they all
and in what degree each person amongst them is
guilty, and will enable you to assign the pro-
per measure of punishment to each. Indulge
them therefore with only one day, if more time
must not be granted, to make their defence ;
and pay a higher deference to your own than to
the judgment of other men. And all of you
know, my fellow-citizens of Athens, that the
law of Canonus is still in force, which enacts,
that “‘if any person hath aggrieved the people
of Athens, he shall be imprisoned and brought
to a trial before the people: and, in case he be
convicted, shall be put to death and thrown
into the pit, his goods and chattels to be for-
feited to the state, reserving the tenth part for
the goddess.” By this law I exhort you to try
the commanders ; and by heaven to begin, if
you think proper, with Pericles my own rela-
tion. It would be baseness indeed in myself
to place a higher yalue upon him than upon my
country.

XENOPHON ON THE

[ΒΟΟΚ 1.

“ But if you rather choose it, try them by the -
other law against persons accused of sacrilege
and treason, which enacts that—“if any man
betrays the city or robs the temples, he shall
be tried in the courts of judicature; and, if
adjudged to die, shall not be buried in Attica,
his goods and chattels to be forfeited to the
state.”

‘* Make use of either of these laws, my fel-
low-citizens. Let a separate day be assigned
for the trial of each: that day to be divided
into’ three parts; in the first of which you
ought to assemble and give your ballots whether
or no they ought to be put upon their trial ; in
the second, the accusation should be opened
against them; in the third, they should be
heard in their own defence. And if this me-
thod be observed, the guilty will receive the
severest punishment, and the innocent be saved
by you, Athenians, and not be put to death by
an iniquitous condemnation. You then, with-
out offending heaven, without violating your
oaths, will judge them according to Jaw, and
will not make war in combination with the
Lacedemonians by putting to death without a
trial, in express violation of the laws, the very
men who have taken seventy of their ships, and
gained a notable victory over them.

“‘ But of what are you afraid, that you are in

such vehement haste to pass a sentence? Are

you afraid of losing your right to put to death
or to save whom you please, in case you try
men in a regular conformity with and not in
open violation of the law? Yes; such was
the motive of Callixenus, when he persuaded
the senate to subject them all to one summary
vote from the people. Yet this way perhaps
you may put an innocent man to death; and
then, in a subsequent fit of remorse, you may
bitterly reflect what a dreadful and unjustifiable
act you have committed; and more bitterly
still, if you iniquitously put to death a number
of them. Horrible indeed would the proce-
dure be, if you, the very persons that indulged
Aristarchus, who formerly overturned the po-
pular government, and afterwards betrayed
Oenoe to our enemies the Thebans, with a day
of his own appointment to make his defence,
and observed every form of law in regard to
him, should deny every indulgence and every
right to commanders who in all respects have

1 Διηρημένων τῆς ἡμέρας τριῶν μέξων, Leunclavius, Paris
Ed, marg. reading, p. 450, and the Appendix.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

answered your expectations, and have gained a
victory over your enemies! Forbid it heaven,
that Athenians should behave in such a man-
ner. Keep your attention fixed on the laws,
on laws which are entirely your own, on laws
by whose immediate influence you have been
so highly exalted; and, let it never enter your
hearts to deviate from them. Bring back your
thoughts to the sole consideration of the mat-
ters of fact, in which your commanders seem
to have incurred your displeasure.

*‘ For, after they had obtained the victory at
sea and were returned to their station, it was
Diomedon’s advice, that the whole fleet should
proceed in regular line to fetch off the disabled
ships and the crews on board them. Herasin-
ides was for repairing immediately with the
whole fleet against the enemy at Mitylene.
Thrasylus declared for the execution of both
these points, by leaving part of the fleet be-
hind, and going with the rest against the ene-
my. His advice received the general approba-
tion. Each commander was to leave three
ships of his own division; the number of the
commanders was eight; besides the ten ships
belonging to private captains, and the ten be-
longing to the Samians, and the three ships be-
longing to the commander-in-chief. All these
together are forty-seven, four for the care of
every disabled vessel, which were twelve in
all. The officers left behind to command
them were Thrasybulus and Theramenes, that
very Theramenes, who in the last assembly
accused these commanders; and then, with
the rest of the fleet, they went out to sea
against the enemy.

“In what article therefore hath their con-
duct been defective or inglorious? If the be-
haviour hath been faulty in regard to the ene-
my, those who went out against the enemy
ought by all the rules of justice to be account-
able for it. But such only as were assigned
to fetch off the men, and yet did not execute
the order of their superiors, should be put on
their trial for not fetching them off. Thus
much indeed I can safely allege in vindication
of Thrasybulus and Theramenes too, that the
storm prevented them from executing that or-

der. The persons who by good fortune were

preserved, are evidence that this is true; in

371

which number is one of your own command-
ers, who escaped with life from one of the
wrecks ; and whom, though then he stood in
need of all their assistance, they now will have
involved in the same sentence with those who
were to bring it, and yet brought it not.
“Take care, therefore, my fellow-citizens
of Athens, that successful as you are, you act
not the part of men who are on the brink of
despair and ruin; that, instead of submission ~
to the gods in points that are subject to their
will alone, you condemn not men for treachery
when they were incapable of acting at all, since
the violence of the storm entirely prevented
the execution of orders. You would behave
much more agreeably to justice if you honour-
ed your victorious commanders with crowns,
rather than, in compliance with the instigations
of wicked men, to punish them with death.”
Euryptolemus, after this address, proceeded
to move, that “ the accused should be separate-
ly put on their trials according to the law of
Canonus.” The proposal of the senate was,
that ‘‘ one summary vote should be passed up-
on them all.” Upon holding up of hands, a
majority appeared for the motion of Eurypto-
lemus. But as Menecles entered a protest
against the regularity of it, and of course the
question was put again, it was carried for the
proposal of the senate. And after this they
condemned to death the eight commanders in
the sea-fight of Arginuse. Six of them, who
were now at Athens, were actually put to
death. Yet no long time after the Athe-
nians repented of what they had done, and
passed a decree, that ‘‘ the persons who had
beguiled the people in this matter should be
impeached for the crime, and procure bail till

‘they should be brought to a trial, Callixenus

in particular to be one of the number.” Four
other persons were also impeached, and were
kept in safe custody by their own bail. But
the sedition breaking out afterwards in the
city, in which Cleophon was killed, they all
made their escape before they could be brought
to a trial. Callixenus, however, who after-
wards returned to Athens with those who
came up from the Pirzus into the city, was
so universally detested, that he starved himself
to death.

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THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK II.

CONTENTS or BOOK II.

Lysander sent out a second time to command. He gaias a decisive victory against the Athemans at Agos-po-
tamos : and in consequence of it besieges aud takes the city of Athens. The end of the Pelopennesian War.
History of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, and their overthrow by Thrasybulus.

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK II.

I. Tue soldiers that were at Chios with Ete-
onicus subsisted during summer on the fruits
of the season, and the money they earned by
working in the fields. But when winter came
on, and they had no subsistence, and were both
naked and barefoot, they ran into cabals, and
formed a conspiracy to make seizure of Chios.
It was agreed amongst them, that all such as
approved of the scheme should carry a reed in
their hands, in ‘order to discover to each other a
just account of their numbers. Eteonicus,
who had gained intelligence of the plot, was
highly perplexed in what manner to disconcert
it, because of the great number of those who
carried reeds. He judged it too hazardous to
attack them openly, lest they should run to
arms; and then, seizing the city and turning
enemies, might ruin all affairs at Chios in case
they prevailed. On the other side he thought
it would be dreadful to destroy so many persons
who were old confederates, which might open
the mouths of the rest of Greece against them,
and give the soldiery an aversion to the service.
Taking therefore along with him fifteen persons
armed with daggers, he walked about the city;
and lighting on ἃ fellow who had a disorder in
his eyes, and was just come from the surgeon’s,
with a reed in his hand, he killed him on the
spot. Hereupon a tumult beginning to rise,
and some demanding “ for what reason that man
was killed?” Eteonicus orders them to be
answered aloud, “ because he carried a reed.”
This answer was no sooner given, than all such
as carried reeds threw them instantly away ;
every one within hearing was afraid lest he
should have been seen with one of them in his
hand. Eteonicus, after this, haying assembled

the Chians, issued out an order to them to ad-
vance a proper sum of money, that the seamen
might receive their pay, and all kinds of mutiny
be prevented. The Chians advanced the money,
and then Eteonicus ordered all the men on
board. Repairing afterwards on board every
vessel in its turn, he encouraged and he advised
them much, as if he was entirely ignorant of the
late conspiracy, and then distributed a month’s
pay to each.

The Chians and the rest of the confederates,
assembling afterwards at Ephesus, determined
to send ambassadors to Lacedemon concerning
the present state of their affairs, who were to
make their report, and then desire, that “ Ly-
sander might be sent to command the fleet,”
who had highly recommended himself to the
alliance during his former command, and by
gaining the sea-fight at Notium. The ambas-
sadors were accordingly despatched away, and
with them some envoys for Cyrus, who were
to second them. But the Lacedemonians com-
plied only so far as to send Lysander to be the
lieutenant, for they appointed Aracus to be
admiral-in-chief: for their law doth not per-
mit the same person to be twice in the chief
command, The fleet therefore was resigned to
Lysander, when twenty-seven years of the war
were now completed.

In this year Cyrus put to death Autobzsaces
and Mitrzus, the sons of a sister of Darius and
daughter of Artaxerxes, who was father of Da-
rius, because at meeting him they had not drawn
their hands within the sleeve, a compliment
paid to the king alone. The sleeve reacheth down
below the hand, and the person who draws his
hand within it is incapable of doing any act at

~

376

all. Hieramenes and his wife represented to
Darius, that he could not in justice connive at
such outrageous behaviour. Darius therefore,
pretending himself much out of order, sends
couriers to Cyrus to summon him to court.

In the following summer (when Archytas
presided in the college of ephori, and Alexius
was archon at Athens) Lysander, now arrived
at Ephesus, sends for Eteonicus with the ships
from Chios, and collected all the rest from their
several stations into one grand fleet. He refitted
them all for service, and was building others at
Antandros. He also made Cyrus a visit, and
asked for money. Cyrus told him, that “ all his
father’s money and a great deal more besides had
already been expended,” reciting particularly,
what each admiral in chief had received : how-
ever, he gave him a supply. Lysander, thus
furnished with money, assigned proper com-
manders to the ships, and paid the seamen their
arrears. In the meantime the Athenian com-
manders were making preparations at Samos to
go out to sea with the fleet.

At this juncture Cyrus sent again for Ly-
sander, when the messenger was come to him
from his father with the news, that “he was
much out of order and wanted to see him,” be-
ing now at Thamneria in Media near the Cadu-
sians, against whom he had marched because
they had revolted. When Lysander was come,
he expressly forbade him “to engage the
Athenians at sea, unless he had by far the larger
number of ships, since both the king and himself
were masters of abundance of wealth, and the
fleet might be properly enlarged to secure the
point.” He then showed him an account of
all the tributes from the cities which were his
own appointments, and gave him what money
he could spare. And then, having put him in
mind “of the great friendship he bore to the
Lacedemonian state, and particularly to Ly-
sander,” he set out on a journey to his father.

Lysander, when Cyrus had thus intrusted
him with all his concerns, and was departed in
obedience to the summons to visit his sick fa-
ther, after distributing pay to his fleet, sailed
into the Ceramic bay of Caria; where, assaulting
a city called Cedrea, that was confederate with
the Athenians, he took it the second day by
storm, and sold the inhabitants for slaves;
these inhabitants were half-barbarians ; and
from thence he sailed away to Rhodes. The
Athenians, having stood out from Samos, were
infesting the coasts belonging to the king ; they

XENOPHON ON THE

[ΒΟΟΚ It.

even sailed up to Chios and Ephesus, and were
prepared for battle. They associated also in
the command of the fleet, Menander, Tydeus,
and Cephisodotus. liysander was now coast-
ing along Ionia, from Rhodes towards the
Hellespont, and the track of vessels out of it,
and against the cities that had revolted. The
Athenians were also at sea, being bound to
Chios ; for Asia was entirely against them.
Lysander from Abydus sailed up to Lampsa-
cus, which was confederate with the Athenians.

The Abydenians and others marched their —

troops thither by land. They were commanded
by Thorax the Lacedemonian ; and assaulting
Lampsacus they take it by storm. The soldiers
plundered this city, a rich one, and plentifully
stocked with wine and other needful stores :
but Lysander dismissed all persons that were
free without aransom. The Athenians, who
closely chased him, were now arrived at Eleus
in the Chersonese, with a hundred and eighty
ships. Here they had no sooner taken their
repast, than news is brought them of what had
been done at Jiampsacus, when immediately
they proceed to Sestos: from whence, after
victualling with the utmost despatch, they sailed
into Aigos-potamos, over-against Lampsacus.
The distance between them across the Helles-
pont is about " fifteen stadia : and here they
took their evening repast. Night came on;
but so soon as it was break of day, Lysander
made a signal for his men to eat their meal
and repair on board their ships. Having
now got things in readiness for an engage-
ment, and made all fast on board for de-
fence, he issued out orders, that no ship should
stir out of the line or go out to sea. The
Athenians, when the sun was up, appear-
| ed before the harbour in a line abreast, as ready
to engage. But when Lysander would not
come out against them, and it grew late in
the day, they sailed back again into Agos-
potamos.

Lysander now ordered the nimblest vessels
to follow the Athenians. They were to take
a view in what manner they behaved so soon as
they quitted their ships, and then to return and
bring him a report. Nor did he suffer any of
his own men to quit their vessels before these
ships returned. He did the same thing for
four days successively; and the Athenians

1 Onemile and a half.

eae ee tee

ΝΡ ΞΟ

AFFAIRS

overcame, the same number of days, against
him.

Alcibiades from his own fortress had a view
of the Athenians in their present station, on
the open beach, near no city, and obliged to go
* fifteen stadia from their ships to fetch provi-
sions from Sestos; whilst the enemy lay in a
harbour, and were supplied with every thing
from the adjacent city. He told them therefore
“‘ they had chosen an improper station ;” he ad-
vised them to remove to Sestos, to a harbour
and to a city ; “* Only station yourselves there,”
said he, ‘and you will be able to fight the enemy
at your own discretion.” But the commanders,
and especially Tydeus and Menander, ordered
him to be gone—since they, and not he, were
at present in the aan of the fleet. Ac-
cordingly he went his way.®

But Lysander, on the fifth day the Athen-
ians thus came over to offer him battle, ordered
those who followed them in their retreat, that,
“so soon as they saw them landed again, and
straggled about the Chersonese,” which they
continued to do more and more every succeed-
ing day, to buy provisions at a great distance,
heartily despising Lysander for not coming out
against them, “they should immediately re-
turn, and when they were got out half way,
should hoista shield up in the air.” They
punctually obeyed his orders ; and Lysander im-
mediately made the signal for standing out to
sea with all expedition. Thorax, also, with the
land-forces under his command, was taken on
board to go along with them. Conon no sooner
had a view of the enemy, than he made a sig-
nal to the ships to be ready for defence with all
their might. But as the seamen were dis-
persed about, some ships had but two benches
of rowers aboard, some only one, and some none
at all. Conon’s own ship, with about seven
more and the Paralus, had their crews on
board, and immediately put out to sea: but
all the rest Lysander took close to the shore.
They had indeed drawn together most of their
men on the land, but they fled away to places
uf safety. Conon flying with nine ships, as he
foun¢ ali was over with the Athenians, sailed
up to Cape Abarnis near Lampsacus, and car-
ried from thence the great masts belonging to

2 One mile and a half.*

3 This is the last time any mention is made of Alcibi-
ades, who soon after, through the instigations of Critias
and Lysander, was treacherou ly put to death by Phar-
nabazus,

OF GREECE.

977.

the ships of Lysander. And then with eight

| ships he sailed away for Cyprus to Evagoras,

whilst the Paralus went for Athens to notify
what had happened. But Lysander brought
over the ships, and the prisoners, and every
thing else to Lampsacus. And, besides others
of the commanders, he had got for his prisoners
Philocles and Adimantus. But the yery day
he performed these exploits, he sent away
Theopompus the Milesian partizan to Lace-
demon, to notify what had been done, who
performed the journey in three days, and pub.
lished the victory.

Lysander afterwards called the confederates
together, and desired their advice about the
prisoners. On this occasion many bitter
charges were exhibited against the Athenians :
—‘‘what sad transgressors they had formerly
been !—what horrid designs they would have
put in execution had they obtained the victory,
even to cut off the right hands of all the
prisoners they should take! They had thrown
overboard and drowned all the men belonging
to two ships they had taken, one a Corinthian,
and the other an Andrian: and Philocles was
the very Athenian commander who had thus
destroyed them.” Much more was said at this
meeting, and a resolution was taken “ to put
all the Athenians who were prisoners to death.
except Adimantus,” who in the council of war
had singly opposed the proposal to cut off hands ;
however, he was charged by some persons with
betraying the fleet to the enemy. Lysander
therefore, having first put the question to Phi-
locles, who had thrown the Corinthians and
Andrians oyerboard—‘“‘ What he deserved to
suffer, who had set the example of such outra-
geous behaviour in Greece ?” put him instant-
ly to death.

II. And, so soon as he had settled affairs at
Lampsacus, he sailed to Byzantium and Chal-
cedon. They gave him a reception, having
first sent away under truce the Athenian gar-
risons. The persons indeed, who had betrayed
Byzantium to Alcibiades, fled away to Pontus
and afterwards to Athens, where they were
naturalized.

But J.ysander sent home all the garrisons
belonging to that state, and all Athenians
whatever that fell into his hands, to Athens ;
thither he permitted them.to sail without any
molestation, but no where else. He knew,
that the greater the numbers that were col-

lected together in the city and the Pirzus, the
3B

378

sooner they must want the necessaries of life.
And now, leaving Sthenelaus the Lacedemo-
nian, to be commandant of Byzantium and
Chalcedon, he himself returned to Lampsacus
and refitted the fleet.

At Athens, where the Paralus arrived in the
night, the calamity was told, and a scream of
lamentation ran up from the Pireus through
the long walls into the city, one person repeat-
ing the news to another; insomuch that no
single soul that night could take any rest, not
merely for lamenting those who were lost, but
much more for reflecting what themselves in
all probability were soon to suffer—the like no
doubt as themselves had inflicted upon the
Melians, when they had reduced by siege that
colony of the Lacedemonians, on the Istians
also, and Scioneans, and Toroneans, and A‘gi-
netz, and many other people in Greece. The
next day they summoned a general assembly,
in which “ it was resolved to barricade all their
harbours excepting one, to repair their walls,
to fix proper watches, and prepare the city in
all respects for a siege.” All hands accordingly
were immediately at work.

Lysander, who now from the Hellespont
was come to Lesbos with two hundred sail,
took in and re-settled the cities in that island,
and especially Mitylene. He also sent away
to the towns of Thrace ten ships commanded
by Eteonicus, who reduced every thing there
into subjection to the Lacedemonians. But
immediately after the fight at Ai gos-potamus
all Greece revolted from the Athenians, ex-
cepting Samos. At Samos the people, having
massacred the ' nobility, held the city for the
Athenians.

In the next place, Lysander sent notice to
Agis at Decelea, and to Lacedemon, that “ he
is sailing up with two hundred ships. The
Lacedemonians immediately took the field with
their own force, as did the rest of the Pelo-
ponnesians, except the Argives, upon receiving
the order circulated by Pausanias the other
king of Lacedemon. When they were all as-
sembled, he marched away at their head, and
encamped them under the walls of Athens, in
the place of exercise called the Academy. But
Lysander, when come up to Adgina, collected
together all the A%ginete he could possibly
find, and replaced them in their city. He did
the same to the Melians, and to the other

1 Τνωριμζων-

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BooK It.

people who formerly had been dispossessed. In

the next place, having laid Salamis waste, he βίαι "ὦ:

tioned himself before the Pireus with a hun-
dred and fifty ships, and prevented all kind of
embarkations from entering that harbour.

The Athenians, thus besieged both by land
and sea, and destitute of ships, of allies, and of
provisions, were miserably perplexed how to
act. They judged they had nothing to expect
but suffering what without provocation them-

selves had made others suffer, when they wan-.

tonly tyrannized over petty states, and for no
other reason in the world than because they
were confederate with the state of Lacedzemon.
From these considerations, after restoring to
their full rights and privileges such as were un-
der the sentence of infamy, they persevered in

holding out; and, though numbers began to.
die for want of meat, they wuld not bear any

motion of treating. But when their corn be-
gan totally to fail, they sent ambassadors to
Agis, offering “to become confederates with
the Lacedzmonians, reserving to themselves
the long walls and the Pirzus,” and on these
terms would accept an accommodation. Yet
Agis ordered them “ to repair to Lacedzmon,
since he himself had no power to treat.” When
the ambassadors had reported this answer to
the Athenians, they ordered them to go to
Lacedemon. But when they were arrived at
Sellasia on the frontier of Laconia, and the
ephori were informed “they were to offer no
other proposals than had been made by Agis,”
they sent them an order “ to return to Athens,
and when they heartily desired peace, to come
again with more favourable instructions.”
When therefore the ambassadors returned to
athens, and had reported these things to the
state, a universal despondency ensued: “sla-
very,” they judged, “ must unavoidably be their
portion ; and whilst they were sending another
embassy numbers would die of famine.” No
one durst yet presume to advise the demolition
of the walls; since Archestratus, who had
only hinted in the senate that ‘‘it would be
best for them to make peace on such terms as
the Lacedemonians proposed,” had immedi-
ately been thrown into prison. But the Lace-
demonians proposed, that “each of the long
walls should be demolished to the length of
*ten stadia ;” and a decree had been passed that
“such a proposal should never be debated.”

2 About ἢ mile.

πο eres

AFFAIRS

In this sad situation, Theramenes offered to
the general assembly, that ‘if they would let
him go to Lysander, he could inform them at
his return, whether the Lacedzmonians insisted
on the demolition of the walls with a view
entirely to enslave them, or by way of security
only for their future behaviour.” He was
ordered to go; and he staid more than three
months with Lysander, waiting till a total want
of provisions should necessitate the Athenians
to agree to any proposal whatever. But on
his return in the fourth month, he reported to
the general assembly, that * Lysander had de-
tained him all this time, and now orders him to
go to Lacedemon, since he had no power to
settle the points of accommodation, which
could only be done by the ephori.” Upon
this he was chosen with nine others, to go am-
bassador-plenipotentiary to Lacedemon. Ly-
sander sei't Aristotle, an Athenian, but under
sentence of exile, in company with other Lace-
dzmonians, to the ephori, to assure them that
“he had referred Theramenes to them, who
alone were empowered to make peace and
war.” When therefore Theramenes and the
other ambassadors were arrived at Sallasia,
and were asked—‘ What instructions they
had ?”—their answer was,—“ They had full
powers to make a peace.” Upon this the
ephori called them to an audience: and on
their arrival at Sparta they summoned an as-
sembly, in which the Corinthians and Thebans
distinguished. themselves above all others,
though several joined in their sentiments.
They averred that “the Athenians ought to
have no peace at all, but should be utterly de-
stroyed.” The Lacedemonians declared, “‘ they
would never enslave a Grecian city that had
done such positive service to Greece in the
most perilous times.” Accordingly they granted
a peace, on condition “they should demolish
the long walls and the Pireus, should deliver
up all their ships except twelve, should recall
their exiles, should have the same friends and
the same foes with the Lacedemonians, and

follow them at command either by land or |/

sea.” Theramenes and his colleagues returned
to Athens with these conditions of peace. At
their entering the city a crowd of people flocked
about them, fearing they had been dismissed
without any thing done: for their present
situation would admit of no delay at all, such
numbers were perishing by famine. On the
day following, the ambassadors reported the

OF GREECE.

379

terms on which the Lacedamonians grant a
peace. Theramenes was their mouth on this
occasion, and assured them “they had no re-
source left, but to obey the Lacedzmonians
and demolish the walls.” Some persons spoke
against, but a large majority declaring for it, it
was resolved—“ to accept the peace.”

In pursuance of this, Lysander stood into
the Pirzus, and the exiles returned into the
city. They demolished the walls with much
alacrity, music playing all the time, since they
judged this to be the first day that Greece was
free.

Thus ended the year, in the middle of which
Dionysius, the son of Hermocrates, made him.
self tyrant of Syracuse, after the Carthaginians
had been defeated in battle by the Syracusans,
though the former had firsc made themselves
masters of Agrigentum, which the Sicilians
too evacuated for want of provision.

III. [In the year following were celebrated
the Olympic games, in which Crocinas the
Thessalian gained the prize in the stadium or
foot-race, Eudius presiding amongst the ephori
at Sparta, and Pythodorus being archon at
Athens, whom the Athenians, because he was ©
appointed during the oligarchy, never name in
their list of archons, but style that year the
Anarchy. |

The oligarchy was thus set up :—It was de-
creed by the people, that “ thirty persons should
be chosen to draw up a body of laws for the
future government of the state.” The persons
chosen were these—Polyarches, Critias, Me-
lobius, Hippolochus, Euclides, Hiero, Mnesi-
lochus, Chremon, Theramenes, Aresias, Dio-
cles,. Phedrias, Cherelaus, Anetius, Piso,
Sophocles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, Onoma-
cles, Theognis, AXschines, Theogenes, Cleo-
medes, Erasistratus, Phido, Dracontides,
Eumathes, Aristotle, Hippomachus, Mnesi-
thides. When these things were done, Ly-
sander sailed away for Samos: and Agis,
marching away the land army from Decelea,
disbanded them to their several cities.

About the same time, and when the sun

‘was eclipsed, Lycophron the Pherwan, who

was scheming to be king over all Thessaly,
defeated in battle the Larisseans and other
people of Thessaly who had made head against
him, and slew many of them. At the same
time also, Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, being
defeated in battle by the Carthaginians, lost
Gela and Camarina; and a little time after,

38d

the Leontines who lived at Syracuse revolted
from Dionysius and the Syracusans, and with-
drew to their own city, upon which the cavalry
of Syracuse were immediately sent by Diony-
sius to Catana.

The Samians, invested on all sides by Ly-
sander, treated for the first time about a sur-
render when he was just proceeding to a general
assault. The capitulation was, that “all the
freemen should depart with only the clothes on

their backs, and should deliver up every thing

beside ;” accordingly they departed. Lysander,
having delivered over the city and all within it
‘to its ancient inhabitants, and appointed ten
commanders for the preservation of the place,
sent home all the quotas of shipping belonging
to the confederates ; and with those belonging
to that state he sailed away to Lacedemon,
bringing with him all the ornaments of the
ships he had taken from the enemy, and the
ships out of the Pirzus, twelve excepted, and
the crowns that had been presented personally
to himself from the states of Greece, and four
hundred and seventy talents ! οἵ silver, being
the surplus of the tributes which Cyrus as-
signed him for the war, and whatever else he
had got in the course of his command. All
these articles he delivered in to the Lacede-
monians in the close of this summer, at which
time twenty-eight years and a half ® put an end
to this war, during which the ephori of Sparta
are reckoned up in the following order :: first
AMnesias, in whose time the war began, in the
fifteenth year of the truce made for thirty
years after the conquest of Euboa. After
him are these—Brasidas, Isanor, Sostratidas,
Hexarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas, Ono-
macles, Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Clino-
machus, Hilarchus, Leon, Cheridas, Patesia-
das, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Aperatus, Ono-
mantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Hysias,
Aracus, Avarchippus, Pantacles, Pityas, Ar-
chytas, and Audicus, in whose time Lysander,
having finished the war as is above related,
returned with the fleet to Sparta. \

The Thirty were put into commission at

1 910622. 10s. :

2 That is, if reckoned by the complete years of the
ephori at Sparta. But as the war began in the year of
Amnesias, the first year of it ended in the year of Brasi-
das. Count Brasidas therefore first, and the duration of
the war will appear to be twenty-seven years and a
half, since it ends in the year of Eudicus. This per-
fectly reconciles Thucydides and Xenophon.

XENOPHON

ON THE

Athens, so soon as ever the long walls and those

\.BooK Il.

of the Pirzeus were demolished. They were ap-

pointed to draw up a body of laws for the
future government of the state, and yet were
continually delaying to draw up such laws, and
make them public: but then they filled up the
senate and other offices of state by nominations
of theirown. In the next place, it was their
principal care to apprehend and subject to
capital punishment all such as, during the de-

mocracy, had subsisted by the trade of infor-.

mers, and had been a nuisance to honest and
good men. Such persons the senate readily

condemned to death; and the whole body of |

Athenians who were conscious to themselves
that they had never been guilty of such prac-
tices, were not at all dissatisfied. But when
they began to cabal together how to erect
themselves into an arbitrary council of state,
their first step was to send A‘schines and
Aristotle to Lacedemon, to persuade Lysan-
der to send them a guard, that they might
effectually rid themselves of a malignant party,
in order to settle their future polity ; and they
promised to take the expense upon themselves.
Lysander was persuaded, and procured a body
of guards to be sent them under the command
of Callibius. But when they had got this
guard, they paid all possible court to Callibius,
that his commendation might be given to all
their measures. By this sending them parties to
execute their orders, they now apprehended
whatever persons they pleased, no longer bad
men and scoundrels, but such as they imagined
would never acquiesce in their violent proceed-
ings, would attempt resistance, and had in-
fluence enough to raise a large party against
them. ,

Critias and Theramenes at first had acted
with great unanimity and friendship. But
when the former, who had been exiled by the
people, was impetuous for putting numbers to
death, Theramenes began to clash. He main-
tained it “to be quite iniquitous to put men to
death only because they were honoured by the
people, and had never done any harm to the
worthy and good. For,” he added, “even I
myself, and you too, Critias, have advised and
executed many public measures merely for the
sake of obliging the people.” But Critias
(for he was still well with Theramenes) re-
plied—“ It was an inconsistency for men,
who had schemed to get the power into
their own hands, not to rid themselves of

= 5

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

such as were best able to disappoint their
scheme. You judge very simply indeed, if,
because we are thirty in number, you think
we ought to be less vigilant in establishing
our power, than a single person would be for
his own personal tyranny.” Yet, when num-
bers had unjustly been put to death, and it
was visible, that the Athenians began to form
associations, and to be alarmed for their future
safety, Theramenes again declared, that “ un-
less they strengthened themselves by taking in
a number of able assistants, it was impossible
the oligarchy could be of long continuance.”
Here Critias and the rest of the thirty begin-
ning to be alarmed, and not least of all about
Theramenes lest the Athenians should put
themselves under his protection, draw up a list
of three thousand persons, who were to be as-
sociated with them in the administration. But
Theramenes again declared his sentiments,
that “it seemed an absurdity to him, for men,
who had at first proposed to form a union only
of the best men in the community, to draw
up a list amounting to three thousand, as if
that number necessarily implied that all of them
were men of honour and virtue; as if it was im-
possible for any one not in the list to be a man
of worth, or any one in it to bea villain. But
in short,” said he, “" 1 plainly see that you are
intent on two schemes utterly inconsistent with
one another, a government to be supported by
violence, and the agents in it much less consid-
erable in point of power than those who are
to be governed.” In this manner Theramenes
talked.

They now summoned the whole city to a
review ; the three thousand to.assemble in the
forum, but all the rest who were not in the list
ata distant place. The former they ordered to
arms; and, whilst the rest were remotely en-
gaged, they despatched the guards and such of
the citizens as were in combination with them,
to seize the arms of all the Athenians except-

ing the three thousand. And, having carried

them into the citadel, they laid them up safe
within the temple.

_ These things being done, as if now with se~
curity they might act all their pleasure, they
‘put many to death from personal enmity, and
many because they were rich.* And to enable

-
3 Critias had been in the earlier part of his life a disci-
ple of Socrates, and his bad conduct afterwards occa-
sioned several reproaches to be thrown upon this divine

“
981]
them to pay the Lacedemonian guards, they

also made a decree, that ‘each person of the
thirty might apprehend one of the sojourners

philosopher, as if he had given him improper lessons.
Xenophon had justified Socrates from these reproaches
in a neat and most convincing manner. He also relates
a severe censure that Socrates passed upon the impurity
of his manners ; and how, when Critias became one of
the thirty tyrants, and had put many worthy men to
death, Socrates made in public the following observa-
tion: “Τὸ would be strange (said he) if a person, who
was appointed to take care of a herd of cattle, should
lessen their number, and reduce the remainder to a state
of weakness, and yet not confess that he was a bad keep-
er of cattle: but then it is much stranger that a person,
who governing in a community of men, lessens the num-
ber of the peeple under him, and reduces the rest toa
state of desolation, can avoid taking shame to himself,
and not confess that he is a wretched governor indeed.”
This (says Xenophon) was carried to the tyrants ; upon
which Critias and Chariclessent for Socrates, and show-
ing him the law they had made, by which he was for-
bidden to teach the art of reasoning, they strictly en-
joined him to hold no discourse at all with young men of
Athens. Socrates begged leave to propose some ques-
tions, that he might be sure of the meaning of this pro-
hibition. They told him he might. “41 declare myself
(he then went on) always ready to obey the laws. But
lest 1 should transgress through ignorance, I would
know explicitly from you, whether you forbid me to
teach the art of reasoning, because you judge it to con-
sist in saying what is right, or saying what is wrong.
For if it consists in saying what is right, you clearly
forbid me to say what is right ; if it consists in saying
what is wrong, it is certain indeed I ought always to en-
deavour to say what is right.” ‘Charicles upon this grew
angry, and replied: Since you are so ignorant, Socrates,
we word the prohibition in such a manner that you can-
not mistake ; you are to hold no discourse at all with the
young men of Athens. ‘ But still (said he) to prevent mis-
takes, and to guard me from the least breach of your com

mands, declare to me, til] what age you deem men young?”
Till the age prescribed for their entrance into the senate
(said Charicles), till then they are not to be deemed at
years of discretion. Hold therefore no discourse at all
with persons under thirty years of age. ‘‘ Suppose I
want something of a tradesman who is under thirty,
must I not ask him the price of what Iwant?” Ay, ay,
certainly you may, said Charicles. But itis your way,
Socrates, to ask questions about points in which you
want to inform and not to be informed. You are to ask
no such questions as those. ‘‘ Suppose then a person
may ask me, where Charicles lives, or where Critias may
be found, am I forbidden to give him any answer ἢ Here
Critias putin: You are to hold no discourse at all about
shoemakers, and carpenters, and braziers ; though I fancy
you have already vexed them with fetching them in for
comparisons in your daily loquacity. ‘‘ Why then (said
Socrates) I must refrain too fromthe consequences I draw
from such comparisons, and say nothing about justice,
and piety, and things that are right and proper?” Ay,
by Jove, you must, and from ever mentioning again
your keepers of cattle ; if not, you may depend upon it,

you shallsuffer for it in your own goods and chattels
too. From hence it is plain, it had been told them what
Socrates had said about a keeper of cattle, which had

made them exceeding angry with him.—Xenophon’s

Memorable Things of Socrates, Book I.

382

residing in the city, might put him to death, and
appropriate his wealth.” ‘They then encour-
aged Theramenes to apprehend what sojourner
he pleased. But the answer of Theramenes
was, “ To me it appears base indeed, that men,
who pique themselves on being the best men in
Athens, should give in to such outrages as the
vile tribe of informers could not commit. The
latter only extorted their money, but deprived
not men of their lives. But as for us, if we
shall murder persons who have done us no
wreng, merely to get their money, will not our
behaviour be in every respect more outrageous
than theirs?” ! Judging from hence that Thera-
menes would obstruct them in all their designs,
they combine against him, and calumniate him
privately to every member of the senate apart, as
a determined opposer of their new polity. And
then, having issued out orders to a party of
young men, such as they judged would act
most daringly, to repair to the senate-house
with daggers under their skirts, thev convened
the senate. No sooner was Theramenes come
in, than Critias rose up, and spoke as follows :

« Tf there be a man in this house, who ima-
gines that more persons suffer death than the
public welfare requireth, let him only reflect,
that in all revolutions of government such
everywhere is the casee And when reyolu-
tions end here in an oligarchy, the greatest
number of adversaries must necessarily start
up, because Athens is the most populous com-
munity in Greece, and because for the longest
series of time the people here have been pam-
pered in liberty. For our parts, gentlemen of
the senate, who know what an oppressive yoke
the democracy hath ever proved to men of such
qualifications as we are and as you are; who
know besides, that the people can never be
well affected to the Lacedemonians, to whom
we Owe our preservation, whereas the most
worthy men amongst us may ever be their
hearty friends; on these considerations, and
by advice of the Lacedemonians, we are now
modelling our constitution ; and, whomsoever
we perceive to be an enemy to the oligarchy,
we rid ourselves of him to the utmost of our
power. But then, if any one of our own body
gives a dangerous opposition to our own fa-

1 I am for making one sentence of two by a small but
necessary correction: viz. Ἡμεῖς δὲ εἰ ἀποκτένουμεν . «.
λαμβάνομεν, πῶς o¥.—This is more in the manner of
Xenophon. The future verb ézoxzrévovuey calls for this
aiteration. Dr Taylor.

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book 11.

vourite scheme, nothing on our principles can
be so equitable as to make him suffer for it

“And yet we are well assured, that this Thera-

menes, who sits here amongst us, is labouring
his utmost to destroy both us and you. I speak
nothing but the truth. You will be convinced
of it yourselves if you only reflect, that nobody
is so lavish of his censure on the present mea-
sures as this very Theramenes, nobody so
ready to oppose when we are willing to put one
of the demagogues out of our way. If in-.
deed his principles had originally been the
same, though this would prove him our enemy,
it would not justly expose him to the title of
villain. But now, this very man, the author
of our confidence in and our friendship towards
the Lacedemonians, the author of the late de-
molition of the power of the people, and who
was most active at exciting us to inflict due
punishment on cur first set of enemies,—now,
I say, when you, gentlemen, have shown your-
selves to be utter enemies to the people, this
very man takes upon him to be displeased with
your conduct, in order to secure his own per-
sonal satety, and leave us to be punished for all
that hath been done.— Here, beyond all doubt,
we are obliged to take vengeance upon him,
not only as an enemy but also as a traitor.
And treachery of a truth is a much more hein-
ous crime than open enmity, by how much
more difficult it is to guard against what is not
seen than against what is. Nay, it carries a
more implacable enmity with it, since men at
open variance with one another become recon-
ciled, and renew a mutual confidence ; but with
aman, whoa is a traitor conyict, no one ever
yet was, and no one can ever again be recon-
ciled. But, to give you complete conviction
that Theramenes is not. merely a changeling,
but by nature a traitor, I will remind you of
his former behaviour.
‘This man, who in the early part of his days
was in the highest credit with the people, as
his father Agnon had been before him, showed |
himself the most impetuous zealot in shifting
the power of the people into the hands of the
four hundred, and accordingly became the lead-
ing manamongst them. And yet, he no sooner
perceived that a sufficient party was formed
against the four hundred, then he set himself
again at the ee of the people against his own
accomplices, + And this in peek is the reason
why he is styled the Buskin. \ The buskin you
know seems to fit both of the feet, and is a

AFFAIRS OF GREECE

buskin for either of them. But let me tell you,
Theramenes, a man, who deserves to live at
all, ought not to signalize himself by leading
his fellow-citizens into dangerous schemes, and
when things go wrong to make a sudden turn
and desert them. Embarked as it were in the
same ship with them, he ought to share their
toil, till they meet with more favourable gales.
For in case he refuseth this, how shall they
ever reach their harbour in safety, when at
every adverse blast they must immediately in-
vert their course ?

« Tt must be owned, that revolutions in po-
litical bodies carry death and destruction with
them. But you, sir, most dexterous in making
your turns, were the cause, that an unusual num-
ber was put to death by the people when the
_ oligarchy was demolished, and an unusual num-
ber put to death by the few when the de-
mocracy was again suspended. And this again
is that very Theramenes, who, after the sea-
fight on the coast of Lesbos, being ordered by
the commanders to fetch off their countrymen
from the wrecks, never executed that order,
and yet accused those very commanders, and
got them to be put to death, though merely to
save himself. And what mercy ought ever to
be shown to that man, who hath made it the
business of his life to convince the world of his
own selfishness of heart, and of his total disre-
gard of his duty and his friends? And how
cautiously ought we to behave, who are consci-
ous of his unsteady shifting temper, that he
may never be able to turn the tables upon us ?

« We therefore charge him before you as a
dangerous and subtle plotter, as a traitor to us
and to you. That we act on just and cogent
reasons, you will be convinced from hence—
The polity of the Lacedemonians is allowed
by you all to be the finest in the world. Yet
if any one of the ephori at Sparta, instead of
conforming to the determinations of the body,
should asperse their conduct and oppose their
measures, can you think he would not be judg-
ed worthy of the severest punishment by all
the rest of the ephori, and by the whole com-
munity ? You therefore, gentlemen, if you are
wise indeed, will have no mercy on him, but
will have mercy on yourselves. For if Thera-
menes escapes with life, he will give fresh and
higher spirits to many who are already your
determined foes ; but at once put to death, he
will totally confound the hopes of all the facti-
ous either within the city or without.”

383

\Critias having spoke thus sat down. And
Theramenes rising up made this defence :

ἐς I shall, gentlemen, first reply to the finishing
article of his charge against me. He says, it
was I who accused and got the commanders to
be put to death ; but I did not begin the prose-
cution against them. It was pleaded by them-
selves in their own justification, that I was
ordered to do it, and did not save the lives of
our unhappy countrymen in the sea-fight near
Lesbos. I was heard in my own defence;
and, insisting on the impossibility of putting
to sea, or fetching off the men because of the
storm, was judged by all Athens to have spoken
nothing but the truth. And so the charge
of the commanders against me turned wholly
upon themselves: for though, by their own
confession, it was possible to save them, yet
they sailed away with the fleet, and left them
all to perish.

(1 am not however surprised, that Critias
hath violated the laws of equity. He was not
at Arginuse ; he saw no part of the transactions
there ; but was at that time in Thessaly, assisting
Prometheus to set up a democracy, and arming *
vassals against their lawful superiors. His ex-
ploits in Thessaly were fine ones indeed! and
grant Heaven we may never see the like in
Athens!

« And yet in one point I entriely agree
with him, that if any man endeavours to put
an end to your administration, and to strengthen
the hands of your determined enemies, he
ought in all justice to suffer the severest punish-
ment. And in my judgment, you yourselves,
if you will only fix your recollection on what
hath already been done, and what each of us are
now doing, will be able most clearly to find out
the man, on whom the guilt of such practices
ought entirely to be fastened.

* So long therefore as the points in agitation
were only these—to establish you, gentlemen, in
the possession of the senate-house, to appoint
proper magistrates for the state, and to rid the
community of a notorious set of informers,
we all of us proceeded in perfect unanimity.
But when Critias and his faction began to appre-
hend the worthy and the good, I too began that
moment to differ in sentiments with them. 1
was well convinced, when Leon of Salamis, who
was reputed to be, and in reality was, a worthy

1 Tous Πενεσας-

384

man, without being guilty of the least misde-
mieanor, was put to death, that all such persons
as he would with reason be alarmed for them-
selves, and thus alarmed for themselves, must
needs turn out enemies to the new administra-
tion. I was well assured, when Niceratus the
son of Nicias was apprehended, a man of so
large a fortune, and who had never dabbled in
popular intrigues, nor his father before him,
that all such men as Niceratus must needs con-
ceive an aversion towards you. And again, when
Antipho was put to death by you, Antipho, who
during the war fitted out two ships that were
excellent sailers at his own expense, I was firm-
ly persuaded, that all men, who from pure gen-
erosity were desirous to serve their country
must entertain suspicions of you. I also op-
posed, when they urged the necessity for each
person to seize one of the sojourners residing
in the city. For it was plain to me, that by
putting these men to death, the whole body of
sojourners must be made enemies to such an
administration. I also declared my opposi-
tion to taking away their arms from the body
of the citizens, judging, tbat we ought not in
this manner to weaken our own community.
I knew the Lacedemonians could never in-
tend, when they determined to save us, that
we should be reduced so low as never again
to be able to do them service. For had this
been their scheme, it was once in their power
to have left not one single Athenian alive, since
famine in a little time would have done it for
them. And I never could give my consent to
take into pay these foreign guards, when we
might have been supported by a competent num-
ber of honest Athenians, till by gentle methods
we had brought those who were to be governed
into quiet submission to us who were to govern.
And when I perceived that numbers of men in
Athens were actually become enemies to the
new administration, and numbers of our country-
men were driven into exile, I could never
approve that either Thrasybulus or Anytus or
Alcibiades should be sent into exile after the
rest. For I plainly saw that an accession of
strength accrued to our enemies, when able
heads were driven out to command the multi-
tude, and numbers showed themselves ready to
follow such as were willing to command them.

«« Ought therefore the man who openly remon-
strates aloud against such violent measures, to
be esteemed an honest man or atraitor? You
are mistaken, Critias. The persons who re-

XENOPHON

ON THE

strain you from increasing the number of you? -
foes, who persuade you to enlarge to the utmost
the number of your friends, can in no light be
regarded as agents for your foes. By every
rule of judging, that character belongs to others,
to such as make plunder of the property of their
neighbours, to such as unjustly put the innocent
todeath. Such men, beyond all contradiction,
enlarge the number of our enemies ; such men
are traitors not only to their friends but even to.
their ownselves, for the sake of filthy lucre.

** But if you are not yet convinced that I
speak the truth, consider it in another light.
What set of measures, whether those which I
recommend or those to which Critias and his
faction adhere, do you think are most pleas-
ing to Thrasybulus and Anytus and the rest of
the exiles? For my own part, I am thoroughly
persuaded, that this very moment they are con-
fident that all the world is on their side. But
were only the best families of Athens well
affected to us, they would judge it difficult in-
deed to get the least footing anywhere within
our borders.

“¢ And now examine attentively with me the
remaining part of his charge, that I have been
for ever turning about.—It was the people of
Athens, and they aloue, who placed the govern-
ment in the hands of the Four-hundred. They
were convinced that the Lacedemonians would
trust to any form of government whatever soon-
er than the democracy. But, when after all
they would not relax in their demands, and a fac-
tious parcel of our own commanders, such as Ar-
istotle, Melanthius, and Aristarchus, were rais-
ing a work at the end of the pier, and witha
manifest design to let the enemy in amongst us,
and subject the state to themselves and others ;
—if I detected and put a stop to their scheme,
am I therefore a traitor to my friends? He
styles me indeed the Buskin, as if I endeavour-
ed to fit both parties. And how then, good
Heaven! must we style that man, who could
never yet ingratiate himself with any party at
all? When the democracy was in being, you,
Critias, were judged the bitterest enemy the
people ever had; and, during the aristocracy,
you signalized your abhorrence of all good
men. But I, good Sir! have ever been wag-
ing war against those who formerly thought a
democracy never to be safe, till every slave and
every scoundrel, who, to gain a drachma, would
have sold the community, should have a share
in the government for the price of a drachma;

[Book 11.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 385

and have as constantly signalized myself in op-
position to those who think an oligarchy can
never be safe, till they have enslaved the whole
community to a small parcel of tyrants. Athens
was then best constituted, when a competent
number of citizens were ready to defend her
with their horses and their shields. I thought
so formerly : and this very moment I think the
same. If you have any objections, Critias, tell
these gentlemen on what occasion I ever at-
tempted, in conjunction either with a factious
populace or a small parcel of tyrants, to deprive
any good and worthy Athenian of the right
and privileges to which he had just pretensions.
For in case Iam convicted of doing so now, or
ever to have done so in the former part of my
life, I frankly own that death in its severity
ought in all justice to be my doom.”
Here Theramenes ended his defence: anda
‘murmur, intimating their good-will to him, ran
round the senate. Critias was convinced by
this, that, should he suffer the senate to pro-
ceed to a vote, Theramenes would escape him.
But, regarding this as worse than death to him-
self, after drawing near and conferring a while
with the Thirty, he went out, and ordered those
who had daggers about them, to go into the
house and take their stand at the bar. And
then, coming in again, he spoke as follows :
“Gentlemen of the senate, I reckon it the
duty of a good magistrate, not to stand by
quietly and suffer gross impositions to pass upon
his friends: and it shall be my care at present
to discharge that duty. For even those gen-
tlemen, who now stand round the bar, declare
they will never suffer us to let a man escape
with impunity, who openly avows himself an
enemy to the oligarchy. It is indeed enacted
in the new body of laws, that no person in the
list of the Three-thousand shall be put to death
unless by a vote of the senate, but that the
Thirty be empowered to put any to death who
are not in that list. I therefore (he went on),
with your entire approbation, strike the name
of this Theramenes here out of the list ; and we
(he added) order him to be put to death.”
Theramenes, hearing this, leaped upon the
altar, and cried out:—
“I make to you, gentlemen of the senate,
the most righteous request that ever can be

made, by no means to suffer Critias to strike |
out my name or any of your names, at pleasure, |

but to adhere to the law which these very per-
sons have enacted concerning those in the list,

that both I and yourselves may be judged ac-
cording to the law. Of this, by Heaven! I am
well persuaded, that even this altar will avail
me nothing. But I would willingly convince
you all, that these men are not only most un-
just in regard to their fellow-creatures, but
most irreligious too towards the gods. And
yet Iam surprised at you, men as you are of
honour and worth, that you will not succour
your ownselves, though so well aware that my
name is not easier to be struck out of the list,
than the name of any one amongst you.”

But here the crier belonging to the Thirty
ordered the Eleven! to go and seize Thera-
menes. Accordingly they came in, attended
by their own servants, with Satyrus, the most
reprobate and audacious fellow alive, at their
head. Critias thus addressed himself to them—
“ We deliver over to you that Theramenes yon-
der, who by law is condemned to die. Seize
him you whose office it is; and then, convey
him hence to the proper place, and do your duty,
So.soon as Critias had spoken, Satyrus was pull.
ing him from off the altar, the servants too
were helping to pull him down. Theramenes,
as was likely he should, called aloud upon gods
and men to take notice of what was doing.
The senate continued quietly in their seats, see-
ing the bar surrounded by fellows like Satyrus,
and the area before the senate-house quite filled
with the foreign guards, not ignorant besides
that those within had daggers about them.
They hurried Theramenes away across the
forum, in very loud lamentations deplcring
his fate. One thing he said is still talked of,
and it is this—When Satyrus told him—* If
he did not hold his tongue, he would make his
heart ache,”—he replied—“But will not my
heart ache, though I should hold my tongue ?”
And at the time of his execution, when he
had drank off the poison, they say he dashed
the little that was left in the cup upon the
ground, and said—‘“ May the brave Critias
pledge me!” Iam not ignorant indeed, that
such sententious-escapes are not worth relating ;
but this.Ithink worthy of admiration in the man,
that, in the very hour of death, neither his good
sense nor his pleasantry forsook him. And in
this manner Theramenes died.”

4 IV. The Thirty, as if they were now at li-

is

(2a eee See »

1 Public executioners of justice.
2 And soon after Alcibiades was murdered by Pharna-
bazus at the request of Lysander, owing entirely to the
instigations of Critias.

3 C

386

berty to tyrannize without restraint, issued
out an order to all whose names were not in
the list, not to come into the city. They drove
them also out of the country, that themselves
and their friends might get into possession of
their estates. It was to the Pireus that they
went chiefly for refuge : but numbers of them,
driven out also from thence, filled both Megara
and Thebes with Athenian exiles.
Immediately after this it was that Thrasy-
bulus, setting out from Thebes with about
seventy persons in company, possesseth him-
self of the strong fort of Phyle. The Thirty
marched immediately out of Athens to recover
the place, attended by the Three-thousand and
the horsemen of the state; and the weather
was very calm and fine. On their approach to
Phyle, some of the younger sort, who piqued
themselves on their bravery, immediately at-
tacked the fort with no manner of success,
since they were obliged to retire with plenty of
wounds. But, the Thirty having formed a
design to throw up a work, in order, by cutting
off the conveyance of all necessaries, the more
easily to reduce them, there fell in the night an
exceeding deep snow. Next morning, having
been well drenched by the snow, they marched
back to Athens, after losing many of their
baggage-men in the retreat by a party that pur-
sued them from Phyle. Apprehensive too,
that they would plunder the adjacent country,
if a guard was not properly posted, they des-
patch almost all the Lacedemonian guards and
two troops of horse to the extremity of their
frontier, about ‘fifteen stadia from Phyle:
these, having encamped themselves on a rough
spot of ground, set themselves on the watch.
But Thrasybulus, as now seven hundred
persons were got together at * Phyle, put him-
self at their head, and marched out by night.
Having ordered them to ground their arms “at

1 One mile and a half.

' 2 Marginal reading of the Paris edition, 1625.

3 This passage, with two others cited below, justifies
the English translation ground their arms. I am per-
suaded it ought always to beso translated, when the
Greek phrase ϑέμενος τὰ ὅπλα stands simply and abso-
lutely by itself ; for ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν or something like it is in
this case understood. The addition indeed of another
or of more words may vary the meaning. But in these
passages the context determines the meaning be-
yond a doubt. Need it be mentioned, that when sol-
diers halt or are upon a guard, it easeth them much to
ground their arms, the men sometimes standing, some-
times lying down in their ranks, nay sometimes walk-
ing about, yet, if discipline be alive, to no greater dis-
tance than to be able, on the most sudden alarm, to fall

XENOPHON ON THE

[800K Il.

the distance of three or four stadia from the
guard, he halted for a time.
proach of day, and the enemy beginning to get
up and straggle on their necessary business
from the camp, and the noise being heard
which the grooms made ‘in currying their
horses, at this juncture the party under Thra-
sybulus recovered their arms, and came run-

ning in amongst them. .They made some of ~

them prisoners; and put all the rest to flight,
pursuing them to the distance of six or seven
stadia. They slew more than one hundred
and twenty of the heavy-armed, and Nicostra-
tus (who was called the handsome) of the
horsemen: two other horsemen they had
seized in their beds. After quitting the pur-
suit and erecting a trophy, they packed up all
the arms and baggage they had taken from the
enemy, and marched back to Phyle. The
horsemen who marched out of Athens to suc-
cour their brethren, were too late to gain the
sight even of a single foe. ‘They continued
however in the field, till their relations had
carried off the dead, and then withdrew into
the city.

The Thirty, who now apprehended that
their power began to totter, bethought them-
selves of securing Eleusis, that, when things
were at the worst, they might be sure of
a place of shelter. Having therefore issued
out orders to the Athenian horse to attend,
Critias and the rest of the Thirty repair-
ed to Eleusis; where, haying ordered out to
a review the horsemen of Eleusis, pretending
they must know exactly how many they were

again into their ranks, and recover their arms. But to
the point in hand:

Thrasybulus under fayour of the dark is got undis-
covered within three or four stadia of the enemy. The
better to direct his attack he waits for daylight; and in
the meantime to ease his men and preserve their vigour
for action, ϑέμενος τὰ ὅπλα ἡσυχίαν cize—but at day-
light ἀναλάξοντες τὰ ϑτλω---προσέπιπτον.

See farther p. 387, where the action is rather more
distinct, for the men only ground their shields and not
their spears or javelins, τοὺς wer’ αὐτοῦ Sichas κέλευσας
τὰς ἀσπίδας, καὶ αὐτὸς ϑέμενος, τάδ᾽ ἄλλα ὅπλα ἔχων---
ἔλεξεν. And when the speech is ended, the correspon-
ding phrase soon occurs, ἀνέλαξε or ἀνέλαξον τὰ ὅπλα-

See also book vii. near the end, where Epaminondas
is preparing for the battle of Mantinea—thre τὰ ὅπλα
ὥστε εἰκάσθη στρατοπεδευμένω. This could never be
standing to their arms, which could not have imposed
upon the enemy. But he ordered the arms to be
grounded, as if he was going not to fight but to encamp.
The enemy observed the action and was deceived, for
Epaminondas soon saw his opportunity—rére δὴ ἀναλώ-
βειν παράγγειλας τὰ ὅπλα.---ὐιὰ began the attack.

But at the ap- ᾿

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

and how many more were wanting to garrison

the place, they commanded them all to give in |

their names ; and each person, so soon as his
name was taken down, was ordered to go
through the wicket to the sea. They had
posted their own horse on either side of the
wicket upon the beach ; and the servants seized
and bound every Eleusinian as he came out of
the wicket. And, when all of them were
bound in this manner, they ordered Lysimach-
us, who commanded the horse, to deliver them
into the custody of the Eleven. Next day they
assembled in the Odeum the heavy-armed in
the list and the rest of the horsemen, where
Critias rose up, and addressed them thus:
“ We, gentlemen, are settling a new form of
government for your benefit as much as for our
own. You therefore are obliged, as you will
share the honours, to take an equal share in all
the dangers. You must therefore sentence to
death the Eleusinians whom we have secured,
that both in your hopes and in your fears you
may be united with us.”— Then, having pointed
out a certain spot, he ordered them to give
their ballots in the presence of all the assem-
bly. But the Lacedemonian guards were this
moment drawn up under arms so as to fill half
the Odeum. Yet even this behaviour was not
displeasing to some citizens of Athens, to such
as had no regard for any thing but their own-
selves.

The number of those who had gathered to-
gether at Phyle was now increased to a thou-
sand: and Thrasybulus, putting himself at their
head, marcheth by night into the Pireus. No
sooner had the Thirty intelligence of it than

in person they sallied out against them with.

the Lacedemonian guards, the horsemen, and
the heavy-armed. They took their march along
the cart-way that goes down to the Pireus.
Those from Phyle for some time attempted to
stop their approach. But as so large a com-
pass of ground was judged to require a very
large number of men to guard it, and themselves
were few indeed, they wheeled off by regular
bodies into Munychia. Those from the city
immediately repaired into the forum of Hip-
podameia, where having formed into regular
order, they afterwards filled up the way that
leads to the temple of Diana in Minuchia and
to the Bendideum. They were in depth not
less than fifty shields; and, thus drawn up,
they were mounting the ascent. But those
from Phyle likewise filled up the road, though

387

they were not more than ten heavy-armed in
depth. The targeteers and light-armed darters
were posted behind them, and behind these
were the slingers. The latter were numerous
indeed, since now they were in a way of con-
tinual increase. But during the enemy’s ap-
proach, Thrasybulus ordered his men to ground
their shields’; and, having laid down his own,
though keeping the rest of his arms, he placed
himself in the midst of them, and harangued
them thus :

“Tam desirous, my fellow-citizens, to in-
form some of you, and put the rest in mind,
that of yonder body now approaching to fight
us, those posted on the right are the very people
whom you beat and pursued but five days ago.
But those in the extremity of the left are the
Thirty, who have deprived us, though guilty of
no offence at all, of our rights and liberties,
have driven us from our houses, and by an illegal
sentence stripped our dearest friends of all their
property. But now we have them fast, where
they expected never to have been found, and
we have continually been praying to find them.
With arms in our power we are now drawn up
and face them. All the heavenly powers know
we have been seized upon during the hours of
repast, and the hours of repose, and our peace-
able walks upon the forum: and that some of
us, so far from having offended at all, and not
even residing in the city, have been doomed to
exile ; and all these heavenly powers at present
declare themselves on our side. For instance,
in the finest weather they raise a storm, when
it serves our cause; and, when we give the as-
sault to a more numerous body of our foes,
they have enabled us, though but a handful of
men, to erect our trophies. And now they
have led us to a spot of ground, in which the
enemy cannot throw their darts or javelins over
the heads of the heavy-armed in their own front,
because they are mounting an ascent; whilst
ourselves, who are to throw our javelins and
darts and stones down-hill, shall reach them at
every throw, and shall wound numbers. It
was but reasonable to judge we should have
been obliged to engage the heavy-armed in
their van on level ground ; but now, if you will
only throw your weapons in the proper and
judicious manner, the way is so crowded with
them that every weapon must do execution,
and they have no defence left but to be skulk-
ing perpetually under their shields. Disabled
thus from seeing their assailants, we shall have

388

opportunities to strike at our own discretion,
and of driving each fighting man from his rank.

τ But you, my fellow-citizens, should act
with the full conviction, that each man amongst
you must personally earn the victory at pre-
sent: for that victory, if heaven awards it us,
will instantly restore us our country and our
habitations, and our liberty and our honours,
and to some amongst us our children and our
wives. Happy men indeed will such of us be,
_ as, after the victory, shall see the sweetest day
that men can live. And blessed will he be too
who dies in the. struggle: for all the wealth in
the world cannot purchase so noble a monument
as will be that man’s portion. I myself, at the
proper time, shall begin the pean; and when
we have invoked the god of battle, then with
one heart and all our hands united, let us re-
venge ourselves on yonder men for all the
wrongs they have made us suffer.”

After this harangue, he returned again to his
post, and stood quietly facing the enemy; for
the soothsayer had strictly enjoined him, “in
no wise to begin the attack before one of their
own people was either killed or wounded. —So
soon as ever that happens, we ourselves (said
he) shall lead you forwards. The consequence
to you will be victory, and death to me, if I
prophesy right.” He was no false prophet :
for, the moment they recovered their arms, he
jumped out of the rank, like a man hurried by
divine impulse ; and, rushing among the ene-
my, dies in ἃ moment, and was buried at the
ford of the Cephissus. His friends obtained
a victory, and carried their pursuit down into
the plain.

Critias and Hippomachus of the Thirty, and
Charmidas the son of Glauco, one of the ten
governors of the Pirzus, and others to the num-
ber of seventy, lost their lives in the engagement.
The conquerors plundered them of their arms,
but stripped off the garment from none of their
fellow-citizens. And when all was over, and
they had granted a truce for fetching off the
dead, they began to approach and confer with
one another, till at length Cleocritus, herald of
the Mystz, remarkable for the loudness of his
voice, proclaimed silence, and spoke as follows:

ἐς What is the reason, my fellow-citizens,
that you drive us from Athens? What is the
reason you are so intent on destroying us? On
no occasion whatever have we done you any
wrong, but have ever shared along with you
the most solemn temples, the most pompous

XENOPHON ON THE:

-

[ Book II.

sacrifices and feasts. We have assisted in the
same choruses, we have walked in the same ©
processions, we have served in the same armies,
and have partaken the same dangers with you
both by sea and land, in defence of the common
safety and liberty of us all. I conjure you,
therefore, by our parental gods, by the ties of
affinity, consanguinity, and friendship, (for in
all these respects we are many of us connected
together)—I conjure you to show some rever-
ence both to gods and men, by ceasing to sin ~
against your country, and by no longer obeying
these execrable tyrants, who for their own pri-
vate gain have nearly slain as many citizens of
Athens in the space of eight months, as all the
Peloponnesians slew in ten years’ war. We
might have lived together in an orderly and
peaceable manner; but these tyrants oblige us
to make war upon one another—a war, the
basest, the most grievous, most impious, and
most abominated by gods and men, that human
creatures were ever engaged in. But know,
for most true it is, that some of those persons
who died by our hands in the late engagement,
have cost abundance of tears to ourselves as
well as to you.”

In this manner Cleocritus spoke; but the
commanders on the other side, and the sooner
too for having heard such a speech, marched
away their people into the city.

The day following, the Thirty, solitary and
quite dejected, took their seats in council : but
the Three-thousand, wheresoever posted, were
at variance one with another. So many of
them as had committed any acts of violence,
and were now alarmed for theif own safety,
declared in a vehement tone against submission
in any shape to those in the Pireus. But as
many as were conscious they had done no
harm, immediately saw matters in a true light,
and were persuading the rest, that “ the present
evil situation was not in the least conducive to
their welfare.” They insisted “it was no
longer their duty to cbey the Thirty, nor suffer
them to destroy their country.” And at last
they passed a decree to put an end to the Thirty,
and elect others. Accordingly they chose Ten,
one out of every tribe. The Thirty went
off immediately to Eleusis: but the Ten, as
the city was full of confusion and mutuai ditii-
dence, applied themselves to preserve the peace,
with the aid of the generals of the horse. The
horsemen, with both horses and shields, passed
the night in the Odeum. Distrustful as they

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

were, they patroled from the beginning of
night towards the walls with their shields,
and when it was near day on_ horseback,
being under continual apprehensions, lest a
body of men from the Pireus might break in
amongst them. The latter, as they were now
become exceeding numerous, and a collection
of all sorts of persons, were busy in making
themselves shields of wood or the twigs of
osier, and these were afterwards whitened.
Yet before ten days were passed, proper se-
curity being given that “whoever would join
them in arms, even though they were not
natives of Athens, should be admitted to an
equal share of right and privilege,’ many of
the heavy-armed, and many of the light-armed
too, went off to the Pireus. Their horsemen
also were now increased to the number of
seventy. In the day-time they went out to
forage, and haying fetched in wood and the
fruits of the season, reposed themselves by
night in the Pirzus. Not one of the heavy-
armed in the city sallied out against them ; but
the horse came once to a skirmish with the
plundering parties from the Pireus, and threw
the body that covered them into disorder.
Another time they fell in with some ' persons
of the borough of Auxone, going to their own
lands to fetch provisions, and took them pri-
soners; and these Lysimachus, one of the
generals of horse, immediately butchered,
though they begged hard for their lives, and
many of the horsemen expressed an abhorrence
at putting them to death. And those in the
᾿ς Pireus retaliated upon them, by butchering in
like manner Callistratus of the horse of the
Leontine tribe, whom they took prisoner in
the country. For now their spirits were raised
so high that_they even gave an assault to the
walls of the city. And here it may be excusa-
ble to mention a mechanic of the city, who,
becoming well assured that the enemy would
place their battering machines in the course
that goes out of the Lyceum, ordered all the
earts to load with single stones, and throw
them down at their own discretion in the
.course. For when this was performed, the
removal of each of these stones gave the enemy
a deal of trouble.

Ambassadors were now sent away to Lace-
demon, not only by the Thirty from Eleusis,

1 Τῶν ἔξω νεῶν in the Greek; but I translate it Αἰξω-
νεών; according to the reading of Palmerius.

389

but by those in the list from Athens, who
entreated their speedy aid, since the people had
revolted from the Lacedemonians. | Lysander,
reasoning with himself that “a siege both by
land and sea must quickly reduce the enemy in
the Pirzus, if they were deprived of all future
supplies,” exerted himself so effectually, that a
hundred talents * were advanced by way of loan
for this service, and himself was ordered to go
and command by land, and his brother Libys
by sea. He himself went off immediately to
Eleusis, where he collected into a body the
heavy-armed from Peloponnesus. Libys in
the meantime kept so strict a watch at sea,
that not one boat with provisions could get into
the Pireus. By this means those in the Pi-
reus were soon distressed by famine, whilst
those in the city were greatly animated by the
coming of Lysander. f

When affairs were in this situation, Pau-
sanias, king of Sparta, envious of Lysander,
since, if he succeeded now, his glory would be
greater than ever, and Athens would become
entirely his own, obtained the consent of three
of the ephori, and proclaims a foreign expedi-
tion. All the confederates put themselves
under his command, except the Beeotians and
Corinthians, who alleged that “they could
not, in any consistence with their oaths, make
war against the Athenians, who had broken no
one article of the peace.” The true motive of
their refusal was their own persuasion, that the
Lacedemonians designed to get possession of
all Attica, and to make it a province of their -
own. Pausanias, however, encamped the army
near the Pirzus at Halipedum. He himself
commanded in the right, and Lysander with
the mercenary troops had the left. He sent
ambassadors to those in the Pirseus, command-
ing them ‘to separate and be gone.” But as
they refused compliance, he proceeded to an
assault, -to the noise of one at least, that he
might conceal his real design to save them:
and, when no advantage could be gained by
such an assault, he again retired.

The day following, putting himself at the
head of two Lacedzmonian brigades and three
troops of the Athenian horse, he marched down
to the Still Harbour, examining in what manner
a circumvallation might’ be thrown up quite
round the Pirzus. But, in his return to the
camp, as some of the enemy sallied out upon

2 20,0504,

$90

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book It.

him and retarded his march, he grew angry, | that capacity, both of them were more in the
and ordered the horse to ride out upon them, | sentiments of Pausanias than in those of Ly-~
and the first class of Spartans to advance with | sander. For this reason, therefore, they readily
the horse, whilst himself followed with tie | despatched away to Lacedemon the ambassa-

rest of his force. They slew about thirty of
the light-armed, and pursued the rest to the
theatre in the Pireus. All the targeteers hap-
pened to be drawn up there in arms, and the
heavy-armed too of the Pireus. The light-
armed sallied out in a moment against the
enemy; they were poising, were throwing,
were shooting, were slinging. The Lacede-
monians, as numbers of them were wounded,
unable to withstand the attack, gave ground.
Their enemies, perceiving this, plied upon
them more briskly than ever. Here Cheron
and Thibracus, both of them general officers,
are slain; Lacrates also, an Olympic victor,
and other Lacedemonians, who are buried in
the Ceramicus near the gates. Thrasybulus
saw what was doing, and with the rest of the
heavy-armed marched to the aid of his own
people: and they were soon formed eight deep
before the light-armed. But Pausanias, who
was greatly .distressed, and had already re-
treated four or five stadia to some rising
ground, sent orders to the Lacedemonians and
the rest of the confederates to march up to
him: and then, having drawn his whole army
into a very deep and compact body, he led them
against the Athenians. The latter stood the
shock; but some of them were soon driven
into the mud at Ale, and some took to flight.
About a hundred and fifty of them were
slain: and Pausanias, after erecting a trophy,
marched away to his camp.

He was not after all this exasperated against
them: but, secretly sending his emissaries
amongst them, instructs those in the Pirzus
“to address themselves by an embassy to him-
self and the ephori with him, with such and
such proposals.” They followed his instruc-
tions. He raiseth farther a division in the
city, and orders as large a number of them as
could be got together to repair to his camp
with a remonstrance, that “ they saw no reason
at all to continue the war against those in the
Pireus, but they ought to be reconciled, and
all parties unite in being friends to the Lace-
demonians.” Nauclides, one of the ephori,
heard this remonstrance with pleasure; for,
since by the laws of Sparta two ephori must
accompany the king in the field, and he him-
self and another person were now attending in

dors from those in the Pireus, (who carried
with them the articles agreed upon in relation
to the Lacedemonians,) and some persons
without a public character from those in the
city, besides Cephisophon and Melitus. After
these were set out for Lacedzmon, those who.
had now authority in the city sent a deputation —
after them, declaring that ‘they actually sur-
render the walls that are yet in their power,
and their own persons, to the Lacedszemonians
at discretion ; but they think it reasonable that
they in the Pireus, if they pretend to be
friends to the Lacedzmonians, should also sur-
render to them the Pirzeus and Munychia.”
The ephori and council of state, having heard
all sides, despatched fifteen persons to Athens,
and ordered.them, in concurrence with Pau-
sanias, to complete the reconciliation on the
most honourable terms that could be made.
They completed it on these; that “ they should
be at peace with one another: should on each
side repair to their own habitations, except
the Thirty and the Eleven, and the Ten who ᾿
had commanded in the Pirzeus :—but in case
any of those in the city were afraid to continue
there, they might withdraw to Eleusis.”

All points being now adjusted, Pausanias
disbanded his army; and they of the Pirzus,
marching up under arms into the citadel, sacri-
ficed to Minerva. But when the commanders
were come down again from the citadel, Thra- -
sybulus spoke as follows : ;

“Τὸ you, Athenians, who have been of the .
party in the city, I give this advice, that you
would know your ownselves. This know-
ledge you will readily gain, if you will reflect,
for what reason you took so highly upon you
as to attempt to make us your slaves. Are
you men of more integrity than we? Why,
the body of the people, poor indeed as they are
in comparison with you, have never for money
done you any injury: but you, who have more
wealth than all the people put together, from
the mere motives of avarice, have done many
scandalous injuries to them. Since therefore
the plea of integrity cannot avail you, consider
another. Have you taken so highly upon you,
because you are men of greater bravery? Why,
what clearer decision can be made of this
point, than the manner we have warred upon

AFFAIRS OF GREECE

one another? But it is wisdom, you may say,
in which you excel. You had fortifications,
you had arms, you had wealth, you had besides
the Peloponnesians for your confederates, and

yet have been overpowered by men, who had |

none at all of these advantages. Yet perhaps
you took so highly upon you, because the La-
cedemonians were your friends ?—But how?
Why, as men fasten 3 biting curs by a collar,
and give them up to those they have bitten,
just so the Lacedemonians, after giving up you
to an injured people, have rid themselves of you
and are gone. Far be it however from me,
Athenians, to excite any of you to a violation
in any degree of the oaths you have sworn. I
only exhort you to show all mankind, that, be-

3 “Ὥσπερ οἱ τοὺς δάκνοντας κύνως κλοίΐω, marg. reading,
Paris Ed, 1625.

991

. sides all your other glones, you can keep your
oaths, and be religiously good.” |
Having spoken thus, and said a great deal
more, about refraining from giving any farther
disturbance to one another, and adhering firmly
to their ancient laws, he dismissed the assem-
bly. Having next appointed a new set of
magistrates, the government went regularly
forwards. But hearing some time after, that
_ those at Eleusis were taking foreigners into
pay, they marched against them with the whole
force of the city, and slew the commanders when
they came out to parley. They sent their
friends and relations amongst the rest to per-
suade them to a reconciliation. At length,
having sworn to one another that “they would
| never remember grievances,” they do to this
| day live quietly together, and the people stand
' firm to their oaths.

τὰ ae

rei ἃ,

χ ΤῊΝ
τιν tah

a we "hee ΑΝ δὰ
ee} Ais ay tiie

ca
Ἂς

ee wt eal ao Ἂ
Heat 3 i

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK III.

~ CONTENTS or BOOK III

War in Asia. History of Mania; and the subtle conduct of Dercyllidas.—Agesilaus declared one of the kings at
Sparta. His expedition into Asia, and his noble conduct.—War in Greece between the Lacedsemonians and
Thebans, in which Lysander is slain.

ites

THE ©

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK ITI.

I. THE sedition at Athens was in this manner
brought to an end.

After this, Cyrus sent envoys to Lacede-
mon, and demanded that “as he had behaved
towards the Lacedemonians in the war against
the Athenians, so now the Lacedzemonians
should behave towards him.” The ephori,
acknowledging the equity of his demand, sent
orders to Samius, who was at this time admiral
of their fleet, “to do all the service in his
power to Cyrus.” Samius accordingly per-
formed with cheerfulness whatever Cyrus de-
sired of him. For, having joined his own fleet
with that of Cyrus, he sailed round to Cilicia,
and disabled Syennesis, governor of Cilicia,
from giving any molestation by land to Cyrus
in his march against the king. Yet in what
manner Cyrus drew an army together, and con-
ducted the expedition against his brother, and
how the battle was fought, and how Cyrus lost
his life, and how afterwards the Greeks re-
treated safe to the sea, hath been written by
Themistogenes the Syracusan.!

But now when Tissaphernes, who was
judged to have done the king excellent service
in the war against his brother, was sent down
again to be governor of the provinces he him-
self had governed before, and of those also
which had belonged to Cyrus, he immediately
insisted that all the cities of Ionia should ac-
knowledge him for their master; but these,
from a desire to be free, added to their dread

1 There is no such history now to be met with. So
fine a subject no doubt excited others to write as well as
Themistogenes. But Xenophon only was equal to the
task of penning his own achievements. It seems proba-
ble from hence that he had not yet written or at least
not finished his own history of the Anabasis.

of Tissaphernes, with whom they had never
acted, but had always joined Cyrus so long as
he was living, refused to receive him within
their walls. On the contrary, they despatched
away ambassadors to Lacedemon, representing
there, that ‘as the Lacedemonians are the
ruling state in Greece, they were bound to
take under their protection the Greeks in
Asia, that their lands might not be ravaged
and they might still be free.” The Lacedx-
monians therefore sent Thimbro to take upon
him the command, having assigned him a thou-
sand soldiers of those who were newly enfran-
chised and four thousand other Peloponne-
sians. Thimbro desired farther to have three
hundred horse from the Athenians, promising
that he himself would take care to pay them.
They sent him that number, composed of such
persons as had served in the cavalry under the
Thirty, judging it clear gain to the people, if
these were sent into a foreign country and
perished there.

When these were arrived in Asia, Thimbro
further drew the troops together that belonged
to the Greek cities on that continent. For
all those cities readily obeyed, as a Lacede-
monian was now in the command. And
yet with all this army, Thimbro would not
march down into the plains: he was awed
by the enemy’s horse, and contented himself
to preserve the country where he was from
devastation. But when those who had been
in the expedition with Cyrus were safely
returned, ?and had joined his army, he ever
after that drew up boldly in the plains
against TTissaphernes. He became master

2 Under the command of Xenophon himself,

896

of some cities; of Pergamus, by voluntary
surrender; of Teuthrania also and Alisarnia,
which belonged to Eurysthenes and Procles,
the descendants of Demaratus the Lacedemon-
ian; tor this country had been given to Dema-
ratus by the king in requital for his serving with
him in the invasion of Greece. Gorgio also
and Gongylus came over to him. They were
brothers; and one of them was master of
Gambrium and Palegambrium, the other of
Myrine and Grynium. These cities also were
a present from the king to Gongylus, the only
person who had been exiled from Eretria for his
attachment to the Medes. There were cities
too, which because of their weakness Thim-
bro reduced by storm. Yet he was obliged to
encamp before Larissa, which is styled the
Egyptian, and besiege it in form, because it
would not hearken to any capitulation. And
when he could not reduce it by other methods,
he sunk a deep pit, from whence he continued a
subterraneous trench, with a design to draw off
their water. But as the besieged by frequent
sallies from the walls filled up the pit with
pieces of timber and stones, he built a wooden
penthouse and placed it over the pit. And yet |
the Larisseans, who made a sudden sally in the |
night, set fire to this penthouse and burnt it to
ashes. As he was now judged to be doing

: ’ 5 ee |
nothing, the ephori sent him an order to raise

the siege and march into Caria. But, when he
was got to Ephesus in order to begin that ex-
pedition, Dercyllidas came with orders to su-
persede him in the command ; a man in high
reputation for the subtlety of his genius, and
for that reason known by the name of Sisy-
phus. Thimbro therefore departed for Sparta,
where he was fined and sent into exile, since

XENOPHON ON THE

|

the confederates preferred an accusation against |
him, for permitting his soldiers to plunder their |

friends.
Dercyllidas was no sooner in the command,
than knowing that Tissaphernes and Pharna-

bazus were suspicious of each other, he had an |

interview and made a private bargain with the

former, and then led off his army into the coun- |
try of Pharnabazus, choosing rather to make war |

against one of them singly than against both |

of them at once. Besides this, Dercyllidas
had been of long time an enemy to Pharnabazus.

For having been commandant at Abydus whilst |

Lysander was admiral of the fleet, a complaint |

[Book It.

shield. By all Lacedemonians of spirit this is -_

reckoned high disgrace, as it is the punishment
for breach of discipline. And for this reason
he marched with more pleasure to himself
against Pharnabazus. He soon convinced the
world, that he was a much better man for com-
mand than Thimbro; for, as he marched his
army through a friendly country all the way to
fBolia that belonged to Pharnabazus, he did
no damage at all to the confederates.

Golia indeed belonged to Pharnabazus ; but ©

one Zenis, a Dardan, so long as he lived, had
been governor of the province under him. But
when Zenis was carried off by sickness, and
Pharnabazus was preparing to dispose of the
government to another person, Mania the wife
of Zenis, who also herself was a Dardan, hay-
ing got her equipage in order, and taken money
with her to make presents to Pharnabazus, and
to gratify his mistresses and favourites, per-
formed her journey, and being admitted to an
audience, addressed him thus :

«« My husband, Pharnabazus, was in other
respects your hearty friend, and was punctual
in the payment of his tributes. For this you
gave him praise, and you gave him honour too.
If therefore I myself can serve you in no worse
a manner than he did, why should you appoint
any other person to command the province? If
indeed I should not answer your expectations,
it will be always in your power to remove me,
and to bestow the government upon another.”

Pharnabazus, having heard her, determined
that the lady should be governante of the pro-
vince. And when she was settled in it, she
paid the tributes with as much punctuality as
her husband had paid them; and besides that,
whenever she waited upon Pharnabazus, she
constantly brought him presents. Nay, when-
ever he came into her province, she entertained
him in a more generous and elegant manner
than any of his sub-governors. All the cities
that originally belonged to her district she
kept firm in their obedience, and enlarged the
number by the acquisition of some on the sea-
coast; for instance, of Larissa, Hamaxitus,
and Colonz. She assaulted these high places
with troops she had hired from Greece. Seat-
ed in a high chariot she viewed every attack,
and was remarkably liberal in her gratuities to
those whom she had a mind to distinguish for
their good behaviour ; and by this means was

had been made against him by Pharnabazus, | become mistress of a most splendid body of

for which he was obliged to stand holding his |

mercenaries.

She even took the field in com- -

“Sie:

AFFAIRS

pany with Pharnabazus, whenever he invaded
the Mysians or Pisidians, for committing
hostilities on the dominions of the king.
Pharnabazus in return loaded her with hon-
ours, and on some occasions gave her even
a seat in his council. She was now above
forty years of age, when Midias, her daugh-
ter’s husband, buoyed up by some of his
flatterers, who represented “ how base it was
that a woman should rule and himself be only
a private person,” whilst she was on her guard
against all the world beside, as people in such
invidious stations must necessarily be, but had
an entire confidence in, and even a fondness for
him, as much as a mother-in-law can have for
her daughter’s husband,—this Midias, I say,.is
reported to have stolen into her chamber and
strangled her. He also put her son to death,
who was a most beautiful youth, and not above
seventeen years of age. And after these mur-
ders he took possession of Scepsis and Gergis,
two fortified cities, in which Mania had re-
posited the greatest part of her treasures.
The other cities would not submit to him,
but the garrisons within preserved them for
Pharnabazus. Mlidias after this sent presents
to Pharnabazus, and solicited the government
of the province which had belonged to Mania.
He was ordered to keep his presents, “till
Pharnabazus came in person to take into his
custody both the presents and the sender.” For
he declared ‘‘he would either lose his life, or
be revenged for Mania.”

At this very time Dercyllidas arrives; and
immediately, in one and the same day, was
master, by their voluntary surrender, of the
cities on the coast, Larissa, Hamaxitus, and
Colone. He also sent round to the olian
cities, insisting upon it, that they should assert
their freedom, should receive him within their
walls, and become confederates. Accordingly,
the Neandrians and Ilians and Cocylitans
obeyed the summons ; for, as these cities were
garrisoned by Grecians, they had not been well
dealt with since the death of Mania. But the
commandant of Cebren, who found himself at
the head of a garrison in a well fortified town,
had judged that, in case he preserved the town
for Pharnabazus, he should be nobly recom-
pensed for it, and therefore refused to receive
Dercyllidas. Exasperated at this refusal, Der-
cyllidas prepared for an assault. But when on
the first day’s sacrifice the victims were not
favourable, he sacrificed again the day after.

OF GREECE.

397

And when nothing appeared ravourable at this
second sacrifice, on the third day he sacrificed
again. Nay he continued to do so four days
together, though inwardly very much dissatis-
fied, He was eager to compass the reduction
of all AMtolia, before Pharnabazus could come
up to its succour.

One Athenadas of Sicyon, who commanded
a company of heavy-armed, took it into his
head, that Dercyllidas trifled sadly on this oc-
casion, and that he himself could cut off the
water of the Cebrenians. Running up there-
fore with his own company, he endeavoured to
fill up their fountain. But the inhabitants,
sallying out against him, wounded Athenadas, |
killed two of his men, and sometimes fighting
close and sometimes at a distance, entirely re-
pulsed them. Whilst Dercyllidas was fretting
at this incident, and judged it might slacken
the ardour of the assault, the heralds of the
Greeks came out from the wall, and assured
him “ they did not concur in the behaviour of
their commander, but chose rather to be along
with their countrymen than along with a Bar-
barian.” Whilst they were yet speaking, a
messenger came also from the commandant,
declaring that “ what the heralds said was his
own sense of things.” Dercyllidas therefore
the next day, for he had now sacrificed with
favourable signs, ordered his soldiers to their
arms, and led them towards the gates. They
threw open the gates, and gave them admittance.
Having therefore fixed a garrison here, he march-
ed immediately against Scepsis and Gergis.

But Midias, who expected Pharnabazus, and
was even afraid of the inhabitants, sent a mes-
sage to Dercyllidas, and assured him, that “if
he would give him hostages, he would come
out to a conference.” He immediately sent
him one from each of the confederate cities,
and bade him take which of them and as many
of them as he pleased. Midias took ten of
them, and came out. And now advancing to
Dercyllidas he asked him, “ on what conditions
he might be a confederate?” He answered,
“by leaving the inhabitants of the cities in a
state of freedom and independence ;”—and say~
ing these words he moved forwards to Scepsis.
Midias, sensible that if the inhabitants were
willing to admit him he could not prevent it,
suffered him to enter the city. Dercyllidas,
after sacrificing to Minerva in the citadel of
the Scepsians, made the garrison of Midias
withdraw ; and having delivered the city to the

.-

998

inhabitants, and exhorted them to behave for
the future as Grecians and as freemen ought,
he left it and marched towards Gergis. But
many of the Scepsians, as they honoured the
man and were highly pleased with his be-
haviour, accompanied his march. Midias fur-
ther, who was still in company, begged him to
leave in his custody the city of the Gergithians ;
to which Dercyllidas replied, that “he should
have justice done him in every respect.” And
saying these words, he went up to the gates
with Midias; and his army followed him by
two and two in a most peaceful manner. The
people on the turrets, which were exceeding
lofty, as they saw Midias with him, threw not
so much as a single dart. But when Dercylli-
das said to him, “ order the gates to be opened,
Midias, that you may show me the way, and
I go with you to the temple, and sacrifice to
Minerva,” here Midias boggled about opening
the gates. Afraid however that he should
instantly be put under arrest, he ordered them
to be opened. Dercyllidas was no sooner in
the’ town, than, with Midias still at his side,
he went to the citadel. He ordered his soldiers
to ground their arms round the walls, but with
his own attendants he sacrificed to Minerva.
When he had finished the sacrifice, he ordered
the guards of Midias to go and ground their
arms in the front of his own troops, as now
taken into his pay, since Midias had no longer
any thing to fear. Midias, however, who be-
gan to be in great anxiety, said to him, “I
mnust leave you for the present, to go and get
ready for you the hospitable feast.” That is
what I shall never permit,” replied Dercyllidas,
“since it would be base in me, who have
offered the sacrifice, to accept of an entertain-
ment from the man whom I ought to feast.
Stay therefore here with us; and, whilst sup-
per is preparing, let you and me confer together
about what ought to be done, and then we will
do it.”

When the company was seated, Dercyllidas
began with this question, “ Tell me, Midias,
did your father leave you in possession of all
his supstance?” “ He did,” said Midias. “ And
how many houses have you in all? how many
fields have you? how many pastures ?” Whilst
he was reciting the particulars, some of the
Scepsians who were present cried out, “ He

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BooK III.

tell me,” Dercyllidas went on, “ whom did

Mania belong to?” The whole company an-
swered, “Τὸ Pharnabazus.” “ Then all she
had belonged also to Pharnabazus?” “ It did,”
was the general answer. ‘ Therefore it now
belongs to us,” said Dercyllidas, “ by right of
conquest, for Pharnabazus is an enemy to us.
And let somebody show me where the effects
of Mania and Pharnabazus are lodged.” Some
persons led him directly to the house of Ma-

nia, which Midias had appropriated to his own.

use, and Midias himself followed. So soon as
he entered the house, Dercyllidas called for

the upper servants, and, having ordered his ©

own people to take them into custody, he
threatened them, that “if they were caught
secreting any thing that belonged to Mania,
they should be instantly put to death:” but
they made a clear discovery. When he had
surveyed the whole, he made all fast, clapped
on his own seal, and appointed a guard. As
he was coming out of the house, he saw many
of his officers at the door, and said to them,
“ We haye here a fine supply for the army;
near a year’s pay for eight thousand men; and
if we can earn any more in good time, it will be
so much the better.” This he said purposely,
concluding that all who heard him would ob-
serve discipline better, and would study more
to oblige him. But Midias asking him now,
« And where am I to live, Dercyllidas?”
ἐς Just where you ought,” he replied, “in
Scepsis, where you were born, and in the house
you inherit from your father.”

II. Dercyllidas, having so far acted with
success, and taken nine cities in eight days,
consulted with himself how he might avoid
taking up his winter-quarters in a friendly
country, lest he might be burdensome to the
confederates, as Thimbro had been, and yet so
that Pharnabazus might he sufficiently awed
from harassing the Greek cities with his horse.
He sends therefore to the latter, and asks him,
whether he chose to have war or peace?
Pharnabazus, reflecting that Zolia was now
become a continued fortification against Phry-
gia, in which he himself resided, declared for a
truce. And when the point was settled,
Dercyllidas, marching into Bithynian- Thrace,
passed the winter there; at which Pharnabazus
was very little, if at all concerned, for these

tells lies, Dercyllidas.” “* You need not insist,” | Bithynians were often making war upon him.
replied Dercyllidas, “on his being quite exact.” In this country Dercyllidas spent his time,
When he had recited all his inheritance, “ But | sending out parties who harassed all Bithynia,

AFFAIRS

and furnished his quarters with necessaries in the
most plentiful manner. And when about two
hundred Odrysian horse, and about three hun-
dred targeteers were crossed over from Seuthes
to join him, they formed a separate camp, which
they fortified with a circular work, at the dis-
tance of 1 twenty stadia from the camp of the
Grecians : and having begged Dercyllidas to
send them some of his heavy-armed to guard
their camp, they went out for plunder, and took
many slaves and valuable effects. When their
camp was at length quite crowded with prison-
ers, the Bithynians, who had gained intelligence
how many went out to plunder, and how many
Grecians were left behind to guard their camp,
having drawn together avast body of targeteers
and horsemen, about break of day rush upon
the heavy-armed, who were about two hundred.
At the first approach, some were throwing in
their darts, others were tossing in their javelins
amongst them. The defendants, who though
amidst wounds and death could yet do nothing
for their own preservation, shut up as they
were within a work as high as their own heads,

tore down an opening in it, and sallied out

against them. But their enemies retreated
before them at every sally, and being but tar-
geteers, slipped with ease out of the way of
men in heavy armour. But they still were
galling them on their flanks with javelins, and
struck many of them to the ground at every
sally. In short, pent up as it were in a fold,
they were slain by darts and javelins. Not
but that about fifteen of this number escaped
in safety to the camp of the Grecians: but
these had wheeled off in time, when they first
perceived the enemy’s design, and, as in the
hurry of engaging, the Bithynians had not at-
tended to their motions, effected their escape.
The Bithynians, after so much success and
putting all the tent-keepers of the Odrysian-
Thracians to the sword, marched quickly away,
and carried off with them all the prisoners ; so
that the Grecians, who marched thither, so
soon as they had notice of the affair, found
nothing at all in the camp but naked dead.
The Odrysians at their return, after interring
their own dead, swallowing a great quantity of
wine on the occasion, and solemnizing a horse-
race, encamped themselves for the future along
with the Grecians, and continued to lay By-
thynia waste with fire and sword.

1 About two miles,

OF GREECE.

399

So soon as it was spring, Dercyllidas left
Bithynia, and arrived at Lampsacus. Whilst
he was there, Aracus, and Navates, and Antis-
thenes arrive from the magistracy of Sparta.
They were commissioned to inspect the state
of affairs in Asia, and notify to Dercyllidas that
he must continue in the command another
year. ‘They had further been particularly en-
joined by the ephori, to assemble all the sol-
diers, and tell them in their name, that “ they
had justly been displeased at their behaviour
in former years; but as lately they had been
guilty of no misbehaviour, they commended
them for it: and, in regard to the time to
come, to assure them, that “if they behaved
ainiss, they should find no connivance in them ;
but in case they behaved justly towards the
confederates, they will give them all due com-
mendation.” When therefore they called an
assembly of the soldiers and delivered their
instructions,” the commander of those who
had served under Cyrus made the following
answer :

“© We, for our parts, Lacedemonians, are
the very same persons now that we were the
preceding year; but the commander-in-chief
is quite another person now than he who com-
manded then. You are capable yourselves to
discern the reasons, why we committed so
many irregularities then, and commit none at
all at present.”

At an entertainment that Dercyllidas gave
in his own quarters to the commissioners from
Sparta, some persons, who belonged to the
retinue of Aracus, let fall the mention of an
embassy now at Sparta from the Chersonesus.
It was said, they were representing at Sparta,
that “they were not able to till the lands in
the Chersonesus, where every thing was con-
tinually ravaged and plundered by the Thraci-
ans; but in case a fortification was raised from
sea to sea, they should possess in security a
great quantity of good land, enough for them-
selves and for all Lacedemonians that would
settle upon it.” It was added, “they should
not be surprised, if some Lacedemonian was
sent out by the state with a body of men to
carry this work into execution.” Dercylli-
das, who listened to this discourse, discovered
nothing at all of his present sentiments to
the company, but sent away the commis-
sioners through the Grecian cities to Ephe-

_2 Xenophon himself,

400

sus.' He was delighted with the thought,
that they would see those cities living happily
in peace. The commissioners accordingly pro-
ceeded on their journey.

Dercyllidas, as he knew he was to continue
another year in the command, sent once more
to Pharnabazus and demanded—“ whether he
was for a truce, as during the last winter, or for
war?” And Pharnabazus preferring at this
time too a continuation of the truce, Dercyllidas,
leaving all the confederate cities that were near
to Pharnabazus in peace, passeth over the Hel-
lespont into Europe with his army. And then,
marching through the part of Thrace in friend-
ship with him, where he was hospitably enter-
tained by Seuthes, he arrives at the Chersone-
sus. Finding now that it contained eleven or
twelve cities, was the best and most fruitful
country in the world, though sadly ravaged, as
was said before, by the Thracians, he measured
the isthmus, and found it to be? thirty-seven
stadia over. He lost no time, but after a sac-
rifice began to raise a fortification. He divided
out the ground to the different parties of his
army. He promised rewards to suchas soonest
completed the parts assigned them, and to all
in proportion to their diligence. He began it
in the spring, and before autumn he had com-
pletely finished the work. He inclosed within
it eleven cities, many harbours, a large quantity
of excellent ground for tillage, a large quantity
too of plantations, and a vast number of the
finest pastures for all sorts of cattle. And now
he again repassed into Asia.

Taking here a survey of the cities, he found
all well in every respect, except that the exiles
from Chios had possessed themselves of Atar-
na, a strong town, and by incursions from thence
were extending their ravages all over Ionia, and
subsisting themselves by this practice. But
learning that they had a great store of corn, he
invested the place, and besieged it in form.
And having in eight months reduced it to a
surrender, and appointed Draco of Pellene to
take care of the place, and filled the maga-
zines in it with all kinds of stores, that it
might supply him with every thing he want-
ed, whenever he came to Atarna, he marched
for Ephesus, which is three days’ journey from
Sardis.

1 The text is ἀπ᾽ ᾿Εφέσου, but 1 translate it according
to Dr Taylor’s reading ἐτ᾽ ᾿Εφέσου.
2 Near four miles,

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book 11.

Till this time there and been peace between

Tissaphernes and Dercyllidas, and also between |

the Grecians of those parts and the Barbarians.

But when ambassadors from the Grecian cities

had been at Lacedwemon, and had represented
to the state, “that Tissaphernes, if he had a
mind, might leave all the cities quite free and
independent ;” adding, that “ in case a war was
carried vigorously into Caria, where Tissapher-
nes resided, they judged he might soon be pre-

vailed upon to leave them all in perfect liber-

ty ;” the ephori, after listening to these repre-
sentations, sent over to Dercyllidas, and ordered
him to march with his army into Caria, and
Pharax, who commanded at sea, to attend the
expedition with the fleet. They accordingly
obeyed their orders.

But just at this time Pharnabazus was ar-
rived en a visit to Tissaphernes, as well to
compliment him on his being declared governor
in chief over all, as to testify for himself that
he was ready to concur in a general war, to
join his troops with Tissaphernes, and drive
the Greeks out of their master’s dominions.
But at the bottom he was sadly mortified at the
pre-eminence given to Tissaphernes, and was
also grieved at the loss of Molia. Tissapher-
nes, after giving him the hearing, answered—
“ In the first place, therefore, come along with
me into Caria, and there we wiil afterwards
consult together about these other points.”
And when they were in Caria, they thought
proper to place sufficient garrisons in all the
fortified places, and then to proceed against
Tonia.

When Dercyllidas had received intelligence
that they had again passed the Meander, he
made known his fears to Pharax, lest Tissa-
phernes and Pharnabazus, finding no resistance
in the country, might extend their devastations
at pleasure; and then he immediately repassed
the Meander. His troops were advancing for-
ward without any regular order, as judging the
enemy to be got already on the lands of the
Ephesians ;* when on a sudden they discover
from the opposite shore some of their scouts*
mounted onthetombs. Upon which, climbing
up themselves on the tombs and some turrets
that were near, they had a view of their army
drawn up in crder of battle on the very ground
they were to march over. It consisted of the

3 The marginal reading, πολεμίων εἰς τὴν ' Εφεσίαν.
_.4 For σκοποῦ read σχοπούς.

AFFAIRS

Carians, distinguished by the name of Leucas-
pide, of all the Persian troops they had been
able to draw together, of the Grecian troops in
the pay of both these chiefs, and a very numer-
ous cavalry, those belonging to Tissaphernes
being posted in the right wing, those belonging
to Pharnabazus in the left. When Dercyllidas
saw this, he issued out his orders to the officers
of the heavy-armed to draw them up eight in
depth, and to post the targeteers, and the horse,
as many and such as he had, upon the flanks ;
and then he offered sacrifice. All the troops
from Peloponnesus observed on this occasion a
deep silence, and prepared for battle. But of
the men from Priene, and Achilleum, and the
islands and the cities of Ionia, some ran instantly
away, throwing their arms into the corn (for in
the plains of Meander the corn was very high),
and such as were left showed plainly they would
not stand. It was reported that Pharnabazus
declared strongly for fighting. ‘Tissaphernes,
however, who recalled to his remembrance
in what manner the Greeks under Cyrus had
fought against them, and judged that all Greeks
were men of the same spirit and resolution,
would not be persuaded to fight. But sending
to Dercyllidas he notified to him, that “he de-
sired to meet and have aconference with him.”
Dercyllidas, taking with him such persons both
of the horse and foot as made the finest ap-
pearance, advanced towards the messengers,
and said—‘‘ I was ready here prepared for bat-
tle, as yourselves perceive: but since your
master is desirous of a conference, I have no-
thing to object. Yet before the conference
begins, we must receive and exchange securi-
ties and hostages.” This point being agreed
to and executed, the armies drew off; the Bar-
barian army to Tralles of Phrygia, and the
Grecian to Leucophrys, where was a temple of
Diana, held in high veneration, and ἃ lake more
than a stadium in length, of a sandy bottom,
kept full by perpetual springs, its water fine
for drinking and warm. And these were the
incidents of the present day.

On the following day they met at the place
of conference ; and it was agreed on each side
to propose the terms on which a peace should
be made. Dercyllidas said, ‘it should be on
condition the king would leave the Grecian
cities entirely free.” 'Tissaphernes and Phar-
nabazus answered, “on condition the Grecian
army evacuates the dominions of the king, and
the commandants from Lacedemon do the

OF GREECE.

401

same by the cities.” On these conditions they
made a truce, till the treaty could be reported
for ratification, by Dercyllidas at Lacedzemon,
and by Tissaphernes to the king,

Whilst Dercyllidas was thus employed in
Asia, the Lacedemonians, who had long been
exasperated against the Eleans;° because they
had entered into an offensive and defensive
league with the Athenians, and Argives, and
Mantineans ; and because, on the pretext that
themselves had not paid a fine set upon them,
they had refused them a share in the equestrian
and gymnic games ; and not satisfied with this
refusal, when Lichias had entered his chariot
in the name of the Thebans, and they accord-
ingly were proclaimed victors, because Lichias
came forwards and crowned the charioteer,
they scourged that venerable man, and expelled
him the assembly; and later in time, when
Agis had been sent in pursuance of an oracle
to sacrifice to Jupiter, the Eleans would not
suffer him to -pray for a successful war, pre-
tending it was an old established rule, that Gre-
cians should not consult an oracle in relation
to a war against their countrymen, on which
account he was obliged to depart without sac-
rificing at all;—upon all these provocations,
it was decreed by the ephori and the council
of state, to “‘ reduce them to a more submissive
temper.” ‘They despatched therefore an em-
bassy to Elis with the notification that ‘the
regency of Lacedemon had judged it equitable
that the Eleans should leave all the cities ad-
jacent to Elis in perfect liberty.” The Eleans
answering, “they would not do it, since they
were masters of those cities by right of war,”
the ephori proclaimed an expedition against
them.

Agis, who commanded the army, marched
through Achaia, and entered Elea not far from
Larissa. But the army being now in the ene-
my’s country, and extending their devastations,
an earthquake is felt. Agis, reckoning this an
inhibition from heaven, retreated out of the
country, and disbanded his army. After this
the Eleans were in higher spirits than ever, and
sent embassies round to every state whom
they knew to be disaffected to the Lacede-
monians. :

But the year after, the ephori again pro-
claim an expedition against Elis ; and, except-
ing the Beeotians and Corinthians, all the con-

5 See Thucydides, Book V,
3 E

402

federates, nay, even the Athenians, attended
with their troops in this army under Agis. As
Agis entered now by the way of Aulon, the Le-
preate revolted from the Eleans and immedi-
ately joined him. The Macystians soon did the
same, and immediately after them the Epitalians.
And, when he had passed the river, the Leprini-
ans, and Amphidolians, and Marganians came
overto him. After this, he went to Olympia, and
sacrificed to Olympian Jove, no creature any
longer endeavouring to stop him. After the sa-
crifice, he advanced towards Elis, putting all the
country to fire and sword; nay, a vast number
of cattle and a vast number of slaves were
taken on this occasion. Very many of the
Arcadians and Achzans, who had heard what
was doing, flocked down to the army as volun-
teers, and got a share of the plunder. And
this expedition was as it were a general forage
for the benefit of Peloponnesus. But when
Agis had reached the city, he destroyed the
‘suburbs and the gymnasiums which were very
splendid ; yet as to the city itself (which was not
fortified) the world judged it was not in his
choice, rather than not in his power, to take it.

The country being thus destroyed, and the
army being now in the neighbourhood of Cyl-
lene, one Xenias and his accomplices, who,
according to the proverb, were measuring their
wealth before they had it, being desirous of se-
curing Elis for the Lacedzemonians, rushed out
from his house by night with daggers, and be-
gan a massacre. Amidst the number of those
they put to death, they had killed a person
very much resembling Thrasydzeus, who was
head of the popular party, and were persuaded
they had killed Thrasydzus himself, insomuch
that the people were quite dispirited, and made
no resistance at all. The assassins now judged
that all was secure; and their whole party
were coming out in arms to join them in the
market-place. In the meantime Thrasydeus
was still sleeping in the house where he had
been spending the evening. Sosoon therefore
as the people knew he was not dead, they came
flocking in crowds about the house, like a
swarm of bees about their monarch. And
when Thrasydeus had put himself at their
head, and marched them up, a battle ensued, in
which the people were. victorious.
who had been concerned in the assassinations
made their escape to the lLacedemonians.
When Agis in his retreat had repassed the
Alpheus, he left a garrison to be commanded

XENOPHON ON THE

But those

[Book III.

by Lysippus, and the fugitives from Elis in

Epitalium near the Alpheus; after which he

disbanded the army, and returned to Sparta.
But during the rest of the summer and the en-
suing winter, the territory of the Eleans was
exposed to the continuing ravage of Lysippus
and his soldiers.

The summer after, Thrasydeus sent his
agents to Lacedemon, declaring his assent to a
demolition of the fortifications, and to setting
at perfect liberty Cyllene and the cities of Tri-
phylia, Phrixa, and Epitalium, and Ladrin, the
Amphidolians too, and the Marganians ; adding

to these the Acronians also and Lasium that

was claimed by the Arcadians. The Eleans
however insisted on still keeping Epeum, which
is situated between the city of Herza and Ma-
cisthus. They said, ‘ they had purchased the
whole district at the price of thirty talents!
from the persons who at the time of the sale
were possessed of the city, and had actually paid
the money. But the Lacedemonians, who knew
the injustice was the same between forcing
people to sell, or forcing them to quit their pro-
perty, obliged them also to set Epeum at liberty.
However they would not strip them of the pri-
vilege to be guardians of the temple of Olym-
pian Jove, though it did not originally belong
to the Eleans. They judged the people* who
claimed it to be only a company of peasants,
and not at all qualified for so important a trust.
These points being settled, a peace and a con-
federacy ensued between the Eleans and the
Lacedemonians. And thus the war between

the Lacedemonians and the Eleans was brought.

to an end.

III. Agis after this repaired to Delphi, and
offered up the tenth of the spoil. But in his
return, since he was far advanced in years, he
fell sick at Herea, and being with some diffi-
culty brought home alive, died soon after at
Sparta, and was buried in too pompous a
manner for mortal man. When the usual
time of mourning was expired, and his suc-
cessor to be declared, two competitors ap-
peared—Leotychides, who called himself the
son, and Agesilaus, who was the brother of
Agis. Leotychides said,? The law, Age-

1 581227. 10s, 2 The Pisans.
3 The text of Xenophon is, in the following dispute

about the succession, very perplexed and certaiuly cor- _

rupt. In the translation I have made use of three vari-
ous readings in the margin of the Paris edition by Leun-
clayius, 1625. But there is no marginal reading to help

j
|
᾿
Ι

AFFATRS

silaus, expressly enjoins, that not the brother
but the son of the king shall reign.” “ Yet,
if there be no son,” Agesilaus replied, “the
brother reigns: the right therefore is in
me.” ‘ What! is there no son, and I alive?”
“ None ; because he whom you call your father
never owned you for his son.”* “ But my
mother, who knows the truth much better than
he, protests that Iam.” ‘ Yes, but then Nep-
tune hath clearly proved that it is all a fiction,
who by an earthquake drove your father abroad
from cohabiting with her; and time itself,
which is said to be the surest witness, joins
evidence with Neptune, since you were born
the tenth month after he separated from and
had no cohabitation with her.” In this man-
ner they disputed. But Diopithes, who was a
great dealer in oracles, supported the claim of
Leotychides, and affirmed there was an oracle
of Apollo, ‘which bade them be on their
guard against a halting reign.” Lysander, who
fayoured Agesilaus, replied, ‘ That he did not
imagine it was the sense of the oracle to put
them on their guard against a king who was
lame of a foot; but rather, that no person
should reign who was not of the royal blood.
For the kingdom would halt to all intents and
purposes, when men ruled the state who were
not of the race of Hercules.” The Spartans,
haying thus heard the plea of both parties,
chose Agesilaus for their king.

us out in the close, where this knotty expression occurs
μὴ προσπταίσας τὶς xwrebon..++ Thelearned Dr Taylor
hath favoured me with his sentiments upon it, to which
Lhave paid a due regard in the translation, ‘*The words,
(he says) may possibly be mended by the help of Plutarch,
who, inthe Life of Lysander, reciting this story, has
μὴ προσπταίσας τὶς ἄρχη, and in that of Agesilaus μὴ
προσπταίσας τὶς βασιλεύσῃ : one of which words must
be given here to Xenophon. For as the text stands, it
is just as if he had said μεὴ χωλεύων τὴς χωλεύση, Possibly
χωλὸς may be added in the margin to explain σροσπταῖ-
ows (as being a more unusual word), and so was reduced
to χωλεύση, and jostled out the true word βασιλεύσῃ or
ἄρχῃ. Orit may be thus; There wants no verb at all
in this place. See how it runs, φυλάξασθαι un προσπταί-
σας τὶς, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μὴ οὐκ ὧν TOD γένους, βασιλεύσῃ.
Let us apply the words of Plutarch to the whole pas-
sage; Οὐ γὰρ ti προσπταίσας τίς τὸν πόδω βαωσιλευση τῷ
Dea διαφέρειν" ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὧν, μήδε Ἡρακλείδης,
τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶνωι βασιλείων. Plutarch in Agesil.

4 He is said to have been the son of Alcibiades, who
during his residence at Sparta had an intrigue with
Timea. She was excessively fond of this gallant Athe-
nian, and within doors always called this son Alcibi-
ades. But Alcibiades was used to profess, that he car-
ried on the intrigue with Timza, not from any lewd or
wanton motive, but only that his own posterity might
reign at Sparta. Plutarch’s Life of Alcibiades,

OF GREECE.

403

Agesilaus had not reigned a year, when, dur-
ing his performance of a solemn sacrifice for
the public welfare, the soothsayer told him,
that “‘ the gods showed him a conspiracy of the
most dangerous kind.” Upon his repeating
the sacrifice, he affirmed that “the victims
showed worse than before.” But when he sa-
crificed a third time, he said, ‘It is plainly
signified to me, that we are, Agesilaus, in the
midst of enemies.” They sacrificed afterwards
to the gods who avert calamities or were
guardians of the state ; and the victims after
several repetitions at length appearing favour-
able, they ceased. Within five days after the
sacrifices, somebody giyes the ephori informa-
tion of a conspiracy, and that “ Cinadon was
the chief director of it.” This Cinadon was a
very handsome young man, of great solidity of
mind, but not in the first class of Spartans.
The ephori questioned the informer “ on what
grounds the plot was to be carried on?” He
answered, that “‘ Cinadon, drawing him aside
in the farthest part of the forum, bade him
count the number of Spartans who were then
walking upon it. And I (said he) having
counted the king, and the ephori, and the
seniors, and about forty others, demanded, But
why, Cinadon, did you bid me count them ?
Reckon these (he replied) to be enemies, but
all others now upon the forum, who amount at
least to four thousand, to be assuredly friends.”
He added, that “as they went along the
streets, Cinadon pointed sometimes at one,
and sometimes at a couple of enemies, but all
others were firm accomplices ; and on all the
estates in the country belonging to Spartans,
the master singly was an enemy, whilst all the
people were their own.’ The ephori then de-
manded, “ what number of persons he told him
were in the secret of the plot?” He answer-
ed, that “ Cinadon told him, the number yet
let into the design by the principal agents was
not large, but were men on whom they could
depend. Yet all agreed that the Helots, the
new-enfranchised, those incapacitated by law
from being magistrates, and the people in the
neighbourhood of Sparta, were all ripe for a
rebellion; since, whenever any discourse arose
about the Spartans, not a soul amongst them
could conceal the longing he had to eat them
up alive.” ‘They asked him next, “ By what
methods they were to procure arms?” He
answered, that “such as were already in the
secret had told him— We ourselves are already

404

provided ;—and in regard to the multitude,
Cinadon had led him to the shops of the me-
chanics, and showed him many swords, many
daggers, many spits, many hatchets and axes, |
and many scythes ; adding farther on this oc- |
casion, that all the utensils which men employ |
in agriculture and the working of timber and
stone were sO many weapons, and even the

tools used in most trades would serve the pur-_
pose, especially against enemies who had πὸ

arms at all.” Being interrogated again, “in
what time they were to put the plot in execu-
tion ?” he said, “he had already received an |
order to keep in the way.”

The ephori, having finished the examina-—
tion, were persuaded he had discovered a deep-—
laid plot, and were terribly alarmed. Yet they
summoned no meeting on this occasion even |
of the lesser council; but assembling some of |
the senior Spartans just as they could Pick |
them up, they determined to send Cinadon to
Aulon, accompanied by a party of the younger |
Spartans, to arrest and bring away some in- |

habitants of that city and some Helots, whose | |
| Syracusan, who was along with the master of

names he would find in his scytale. They
also ordered him to bring away with him a wo-
. Inan, who was reported to be the greatest beau-
ty in the place, but was thought to debauch all
the Lacedemonians, as well old as young, who
frequented Aulon. Cinadon had executed
some such orders of the ephori on former oc-
casions, and readily took the scytale they gave
him now, in which were the names of the per-
sons he was to apprehend. But when he ask-
ed, “* what youths he was to take with him 2”
“Go,” they said, “ and order the senior of the
prefects of youth to send six or seven of his
band along with you, of such as happen to be
at hand.” They had taken care beforehand,
that this prefect should know whom he was to
send, and that the persons sent should know
they were to secure Cinadon. They told
Cinadon further, “ they would send three car-
riages, that they might not bring away their
prisoners on foot ;” concealing from him as
much as possible, that they only aimed at his
single person. They would not venture to
apprehend him in the city, as they did not
know how far the plot might have spread, and
were desirous to learn first from Cinadon him-
self who were his accomplices, before they
would discover that any information was given
against them, in order to prevent their flight.
The party along with him were first to secure

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK III.

| him, and then getting out from him the names
| of his accomplices, to send them in writing in
: all haste to the ephori. Nay, so intent were
the ephori on securing the point, that they
‘also ordered a troop of horse to march with
this party to Aulon.

But as soon as Cinadon was secured, and a
horseman returned with the names that Cina-
don had discovered, they instantly apprehended
Tisamenus the soothsayer, and the most dan-
_ gerous persons amongst the conspirators.
_when Cinadon was brought to Sparta and ex-

amined, he confessed the particulars of the
| plot, and named all the persons concerned in
it. At last they asked him, “ With what view
he had engaged in such a project?” His reply
was, “ That I might be inferior to no man in
| Sparta.”
neck and arms in the wooden collar,’ and along
with his accomplices was led round the city,
| being all the way scourged with rods and prick-
ed with javelins. And thus they received the

| panisiiment inflicted by the laws. 3
IV. After these transactions, one Herod a

I

a vessel in Phoenicia, and saw several Pheeni-
cian vessels arriving from other places, and

| more of them already manned where he was,

and more still fitting out, and heard farther
that they were to be completed to the number
of three hundred ;—this Herod took his pas-
sage on board the first vessel that sailed for
Greece, and gave intelligence to the Lacedx-
monians, that “the king and Tissaphernes
were fitting out so great a fleet, but whither

The Lacedemonians were all ina flutter, and
summoned a meeting of the confederates to
consult what was to be done. Lysander, who
reckoned that the Grecians would be far supe-

The bs he said, he had not discovered.”

rior at sea, and remembered the fine retreat of .

his countrymen who had served in the expedi-
tion under Cyrus, persuades Agesilaus to en-
gage, if they would assign him thirty noble
Spartans, two thousand of such as were newly
enfranchised, and a body of six thousand con-
federates, to carry the war into Asia. He had
it farther in his intention to accompany Age-
silaus in this expedition, that under his protec-
tion he might re-establish the forms of govern-
ment consisting of ten persons, which himself

1 Kao.
᾿ - . x ~ ͵
2 Leunclavius’s marginal reading, μὲν δὴ τῆς δίκηςε «Ὁ

And ©

Immediately after this he was tied.

—

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

had set up in the cities, and the ephori had
since abolished, who ordered them to return to
their primitive models. Agesilaus having
therefore offered to undertake the expedition,
the Lacedemonians, beside all the rest of his
demands, granted him a six months’ supply of
corn. When he had performed his sacrifices,
particularly the solemn ones usual before fo-
reign expeditions, he set forwards. He had al-
ready by messengers circulated his orders to
the confederate states, to what place they were
to send their quotas, and in what number they
were to be ready for him. For his own part,
he intended to go and sacrifice at Aulis, as
Agamemnon had done when he set out against
Troy. When arrived at Aulis, the rulers of
Beeotia, who heard he was sacrificing, sent
thither a party of horse, who forbade his sacri-
ficing any more, and threw off from the altar
the victims he was offering at the time of their
approach. Making loud appeals to heaven,
and full of indignation, he wént on board his
ship, and put to sea. And after reaching Ge-
rastus, and collecting together as large a num-
ber as he could of the troops assigned him, he
crossed the sea at the head of the armament to
Ephesus.

On his arrival at Ephesus, he was accosted
by messengers from Tissaphernes, who de-
manded, ‘what was his business in Asia?”
He replied, “ To set the Greek cities in Asia
in as perfect liberty as our own cities enjoy in
Greece.” The answer of Tissaphernes to this
was—“ If therefore you will come into a truce,
whilst I send up to the king, I think I shall
get that point settled so that you may go home
again at pleasure.” “I would agree to a
truce,” said Agesilaus, “was I not afraid that
you will deceive me. But you shall have,” he
added, “ what security you please from us, that
if you solicit the point without fraud, we will
refrain during the truce from doing any damage
to the country under your government.” This
point being agreed to, Tissaphernes swore to
Herippidas, Dercyllidas, and Megialius, who
were sent to him for this purpose, that “ with-
out fraud he would procure a peace :” and they
in return swore to Tissaphernes, in the name
of Agesilaus, that ‘‘ whilst Tissaphernes was
employed in this negotiation, he would faith-
fully observe the truce.” Tissaphernes swore,
indeed, but immediately broke his oath. For
instead of soliciting a peace, he sent to the
king for a number of troops to reinforce the

405

army he already had. But Agesilaus, though
sensible of such behaviour, most steadily ob-
served the truce.

Whilst Agesilaus was thus passing his time
in a quiet and leisurely manner at Ephesus,
there was high confusion in all the Greek
cities of Asia, as the democracy, which had
prevailed when they were under the Athe-
nians, no longer existed, nor the administration
of ten persons, which had been the establish-
ment of Lysander. But, as every body there
was acquainted with Lysander, they applied
themselves to him, requesting his interest with
Agesilaus to get their fayourite forms estab-
lished. And hence ‘it was, that a prodigious
crowd of people was constantly attending up-
on and paying court to Lysander, so that in
short Agesilaus seemed only a private person,
and Lysander looked like a king. What fol-
lowed showed indeed that these things cha-
grined Agesilaus. The rest of the thirty
Spartans were so filled with envy, that they
could not refrain from giving it vent. They
told Agesilaus, that “ Lysander’s behaviour
was quite unjustifiable, since he assumed a
pomp even too high for a king.” But as soon
as Lysander began to introduce them to Age-
silaus, he dismissed with a flat refusal of their
petitions all such as he knew were strenuously
supported by Lysander. And as things were
now taking a quite different turn to what Ly-
sander expected, he soon discovered the cause.
And then he no longer suffered such a crowd
of people to pay attendance upon himself, and
ingenuously owned to such as begged his sup-
port, that they would succeed the worse if he
appeared in their favour. He took his dis-
grace to heart, and going to Agesilaus expos-
tulated thus—“ Are you then, Agesilaus, be-
come an artist at lessening your friends?”
« Upon honour, I am,” he replied, “ when they
betray a design of appearing greater than my-
self. But I should blush indeed, if I was not
as great a proficient in the art of honouring
those who endeavour to promote my honour.”
« Why then I am convinced,” said Lysander,
“that your conduct is much easier to be justi-
fied than my own. But for the future, that I
may avoid the disgrace of having no interest at
all in you, and may be no obstacle to your per-
sonal glory, send me to some remote employ.
For wherever I go, I will spare no pains to
serve you.” He made this proposal which
Agesilaus approved, and sends him to Helles-

406

pont. When there, Lysander having made a
discovery, that Spithridates the Persian had
suffered some oppressions from Pharnabazus,
gets a conference with him, and persuades him
to revolt with his children, with his wealth,
and about two hundred horse. He placed the
rest of his people and his effects in Cyzicus,
but set out himself on the journey, and con-
ducted Spithridates and his son to Agesilaus.
Agesilaus, when he knew the whole affair,
was highly pleased, and immediately began his
inquiries about the country and government
that belonged to Pharnabazus.

But when Tissaphernes, highly animated by
the army that came down to his assistance
from the king, declared war against him, unless
he evacuated Asia, the rest of the confede-
rates and even the Lacedemonians who were
there, betrayed great signs of dejection, as
they judged the force at present with Agesi-
laus was by no means a match for that of the
king. Agesilaus however, with a counte-
mance exceeding cheerful ordered the ambas-
sadors to acquaint Tissaphernes, that “ he had
high obligations to him, since by perjuring
himself he had got the gods for his enemies,
and had made them friends to the Greeks.”
Immediately after this he issued out orders to
his soldiers to get all things in readiness to take
the field. He gave notice also to the cities, by
which he must of necessity pass in the route to-
wards Caria, to prepare their markets. He sent
farther to the Ionians, and Molians, and Hel-
lespontines to march up their quotas that were
to serve under him to Ephesus. Tissaphernes,
therefore, because Agesilaus had no horse, and
Caria was not a country proper for them, and
because he judged him exasperated personally
against himself for having deceived him, ac-
tually concluded that he would march into
Caria to ruin the place of his residence. He
therefore sent away all his infantry into Caria,
but led his horse round into the plains of Mz-
ander, accounting himself able with his horse
alone to trample the Grecians under foot before
they could reach that part of the country in
which cavalry could not act. But Agesilaus,
instead of taking the route of Caria, took in-
stantly one quite contrary, and marched for
Phrygia. He reduced the cities on his march,
and by an incursion so entirely unexpected, he
took an infinite quantity of most valuable spoil.

Hitherto he had seen no enemy at all. But
when he drew near Dascylum, the horse in his

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book 11:

van rode up to an eminence, that they might
take a view of the country before them. It so
happened that the horse of Pharnabazus, com-
manded by Rathines and Banczus his bastard-
brother, in number about equal to the Grecians,
had been detached by Pharnabazus, and were
riding up the same eminence that very moment.
Thus getting a view of and not distant from
one another above four plethra,! each side at
first made a halt. The Grecian horse was drawn
up four deep, like a body of foot; but the Bar- -
barians had formed their ranks to no more
than twelve men in front, but of a very great
depth. After this halt, the Barbarians ad-
vanced first to give the charge. When the
engagement was begun, whatever Grecian
struck an enemy, his spear broke off short with
the blow: but the Persians, whose weapons
were made of less brittle materials,? had soon
slain twelve men and two horses ; and soon
after the Grecians were put to flight. Yet, as
Agesilaus was advancing with the heavy-armed
to their relief, the Barbarians retreated in their
turn, and one of the noble Persians is slain.

After this engagement between the horse,
when Agesilaus sacrificed next day for proceed-
ing forwards, the victims were inauspicious.
This plainly appearing, he turned off and
marched down to the sea-coast. Being now
convinced, that, unless he could procure a suffi-
cient body of horse, he should never be able to
march down into the plains, he resolved to
procure them, that he might not be obliged to
make war like a fugitive. He therefore drew
up a list of the persons in all the adjacent cities
who could best afford to keep horses. And
having promised, that whoever contributed
towards the cavalry either arms or an approved
horseman should be excused from personal ser-
vice, he made them exert themselves with as
much activity as if each was seeking out a man
to die in his own stead.

But afterwards, so soon as it was spring, he
drew them all ina body to Ephesus. And here
resolving to exercise his troops, he proposed
rewards to the companies of heavy-armed which
ever appeared in the finest condition, and to
the squadrons of horse which should perform
their duty best. He also proposed rewards to
the targeteers and archers, to such as should
best behave in their respective duties. In

1 Four hundred feet.
2 Κρανεένω πάλτα ἔχοντες.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

consequence of this one might have seen all
the places of exercise crowded with persons at
their exercise, and the riding-schools with
horsemen practising the manage, the darters
also and archers exercising their parts; in
short, he made the whole city of Ephesus a
fine spectacle indeed ; for the market- place was
filled with arms of all sorts and horses for sale.
The braziers, carpenters, smiths, curriers, and
furbishers were all busy in preparing the instru-
ments of battle, insomuch that you would ac-
tually have judged that city to be the work-
house of war. And it inspirited every spectator
to see, beside all this, Agesilaus marching first,
his soldiers following with garlands on their
heads, when they came from their exercise and
went to offer up their garlands to Diana. For
wherever men worship the gods, perfect them-
selves in martial exercise, and carefully practise
obedience to their superiors, now is it possible
that all things there should not be full of the
warmest hope? But thinking further, that a
contempt of the enemy might invigorate his men
the more for battle, he ordered the criers to sell
such barbarians quite naked as were taken by
their plundering parties. The soldiers therefore
seeing them with skins exceeding white, because
they never had used themselves to strip, delicate
also and plump in body, because they always
travelled upon wheels, imagined there was no
difference between fighting against such men
and fighting against women.

A whole year was now completely come
round since Agesilaus sailed from Greece,- so
that the thirty Spartans in commission with
Lysander departed for Sparta, and their suc-
cessors with Herippidas were ready to succeed
them. To Xenocles, one of the number, and
to another person Agesilaus gave the command
of the horse; to Scythes that of the heavy-
armed who were newly enfranchised; to He-
rippidas the command of those who had served
under Cyrus ; and to Migdon the command of
the troops belonging to the cities. And now
he gave out, that he would immediately march
them by the shortest route into the strongest
parts of the country, that from this consider-
ation, they might best prepare their bodies and
- resolution too for action. Tissaphernes judged
indeed, that he gave this out merely from a desite
to deceive him again, but now undoubtedly he
would break into Caria. His infantry there-
fore, as before, he sent away into Caria, and
posted his horse in the plain of Meander.

407

Agesilaus told no falsehood at all ; but, exactly
as he had given out, immediately marched for
the province of Sardis; and for three days pass-
ing through a country quite clear of enemies,
he got subsistence in abundance for all his
troops. But on the fourth day the enemy’s
horse came in sight, and® their commander
ordered the officer who took care of the baggage
to pass the river Pactolus and encamp. And
then, beholding the followers of the Greeks to
be straggling about for plunder, they slew many
of them. Agesilaus, perceiving this, ordered
the horse to advance to their relief. On the
other side, the Persians, when they saw the
horse advancing, gathered close together, and
drew up their whole numerous cavalry in order
of battle. And here Agesilaus, knowing that
the enemy had no foot at hand, whereas none
of his own forces were absent, thought it a pro-
per opportunity to engage if possible. Having
sacrificed therefore, he immediately led the
main body towards the horse who were drawn
up to face him; but he ordered some ‘* heavy-
armed Spartans of the first military class to
march up with the main body; and bade the
targeteers advance at the same time running;
and then he sent orders to the horse to charge
the enemy, since himself and all the army were
ready to support them. The Persians stood
indeed the charge of his horse. But when at
once every thing terrible was upon them they
were forced to give way; and some of them
were immediately pushed into the river, whilst
the rest fled outright. The Grecians pursue,
and are masters of their camp. And now the
targeteers, as it is likely they should, were gone
off to plunder. But Agesilaus, inclosing friend
and foe, encamped round about them in a cir-
cle. A vast quantity of booty was taken by
him on this occasion, which he found to be in
value above seventy talents.5 The camels also
were taken at this time, which Agesilaus
brought afterwards into Greece.

At the time this battle was fought, Tissa-
phernes happened to be at Sardis: for which
reason he was accused by the Persians, as one
who had betrayed them all tothe enemy. But
the king of Persia, conscious himself that the
bau stat of his affairs was owing entirely to

Ta

4 ‘imal reading of Leunclavius.
5 13,562/. 10s.

408

Tissaphernes, sent Tithraustes down, and cuts
off his head.

When Tithraustes had executed this order,
he sends ambassadors to Agesilaus, who said
-- The author, Agesilaus, of the present war
between you and us, hath received his punish-
ment. But the king now insists that you re-
turn back to Greece, and that the cities in Asia,
continuing to govern themselves by their own
laws, shall pay to him the tribute they formerly
paid.” Agesilaus replied, that “he would set-
tle nothing without instructions from the ma-
gistrates of Sparta.” Tithraustes rejoined,
« But till you can know their pleasure, quit
these parts and make war upon Pharnabazus,
since I myself have amply avenged you on your
enemy here.” Agesilaus answered, “ As I
shall be some time on my march thither, you
must pay for the supply of my army.” Ac-
cordingly Tithraustes gives him thirty talents,?
on receipt of which he proceeded towards
Phrygia, in quest of Pharnabazus.

Being now on his march and in the plain
beyond Cyme, an express from the magistrates
of Sparta comes to him with an order, “to
take the fleet under his own command, and to
appoint whom he pleased to be admiral of it.”
The Lacedemonians acted thus from these
considerations, that if he was commander of
both, the land-army would act more firmly be-
cause of their union with the fleet, and the
fleet would act more firmly by the sight of the
land-army ready to support them whenever it
was needful. When Agesilaus had received
this authority, he immediately circulated orders
to the cities in the islands and on the sea-
coast to build triremes, the number to be left
to the discretion of each city. Accordingly,
about one hundred and twenty new ones were
built, partly at the public determination of
those cities, and partly by the zeal of private
persons who studied to oblige him. He then
appointed Pisander, his wife’s brother, to be
admiral, a man desirous to signalize himself,
and of great natural abilities, but of small ex-
perience in naval matters. Pisander accord-
ingly departed to take care of the fleet, whil —
Agesilaus, continuing his first design, proceed
in his march against Phrygia.

V. Inthe meantime Tithrauste>. τ᾿ ho ju judged | tenti

it plain that Agesilaus had a real conte: οἱ for

the power of his master, and had no manner of -

1 5,8127. 10s.

XENOPHON ON THE

intention to go out of Asia, but om the con- .

[BOOK 11.

trary entertained high hopes of demolishing
the king ;—Tithraustes, I say, after balancing
about the measures he should take, sends into
Greece Timocrates the Rhodian. He furnished
him with gold to the value of fifty talents,? and
instructed him to distribute the money amongst
the leading men in the several states, after
procuring from them the strongest engagements
that they would make war upon the Lacedz-
monians.
butes his gold, at Thebes to Androclides and
Ismenias and Galaxidorus, at Corinth to Ti-
molaus and Polyanthes, at Argos to Cyclon
and his faction. The Athenians, even with-
out getting any share of the money, were ready
for a war, and judged they ought to be princi-
pals in it. The persons who had received their
shares, began the outcry against the Lacedemo-
nians in their own several communities. When
they had once raised in these a hatred against
the Lacedemonians, they next drew the princi-
pal states of Greece into their scheme. But
the leading men at Thebes, being well assured
that unless somebody began the rupture the
Lacedemonians would never break the peace
with their allies, persuade the Locrians of
Opus to levy contributions on a certain district,
about which there was a controversy between
them and the Phocians, judging that upon this
provocation the Phocians would break into
Locris. They were not deceived; for the
Phocians breaking immediately into Loeris,
carried off a booty of many times the value.
Androclides therefore and his party soon per-
suaded the Thebans to assist the Locrians,
since the Phocians had actually levied war, not
upon a district that was in dispute, but on
Locris itself, that was confessedly in friendship
and alliance with them. And when the The-
bans, by way of retaliation, had broke into
Phocis and laid the country waste, the Pho-
cians send ambassadors in all haste to Lacedz-
mon, and demanded assistance, representing that
“they had not begun the war, but had acted
against the Locrians in selfdetence.” The
Lacedemonians caught with pleasure at this
pretext to make war upon the Thebans, haying
ἜΝ been irritated against them for their de-
on at Decelea of the tenth due to Apollo,
‘heir refusal to march with them against
They accused them farther of

and foi
the. Pinmeus.

7

~ 9 9.6882. 10s.

Timocrates, when arrived, distri--

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

persuading the Corinthians too, not to accom. {

pany them on that occasion. They also re-

called to remembrance, how they would not |

permit Agesilaus to sacrifice at Aulis, and

threw the victims actually sacrificed from off |

the altar, and that none of them were serving
-at this time under Agesilaus in Asia.

They |

409

up an oligarchy here, and throwing you into

enmity with the people, hither they marched
with a numerous force, pretending themselves

your confederates, and then delivered you up
to the people. So far as Lacedemonians

could do it, you were utterly undone: it was

your own people here assembled that saved

judged the present, therefore, a fine oppor- | you.

tunity to march an army against them, and
put a stop to their insolent behaviour; for
matters went well in Asia under the com-
mand of Agesilaus, and they had no war at
present upon their hands in Greece. These
being the general sentiments of the Lace-
demonians, the ephori proclaimed a foreign
expedition. But first they sent Lysander to
the Phocians, and ordered him to conduct the
Phocians with all their strength, and the
Oeteans and the Heracleots and the Melien-
-sians and AMnianians to Haliartus. Pausanias,
who was to command the army, agreed to be
there on a certain day with the Lacedemonians,
and the rest of the Peloponnesian confederates.
Lysander truly obeyed all his orders, and, what
is more, procured the revolt of the Orchomeni-
-ans from the Thebans. But Pausanias, after
completing the solemn sacrifices, lingered for
a time at Tegea, sending out the persons who
were to command the confederate quotas, and
‘waiting the coming up of the troops from the
neighbouring cities. .

When now it was clear to the Thebans that.
the Lacedemonians would soon march into
their country, they sent ambassadors to Athens,
who spoke as follows : .

‘‘ You have, Athenians, complaints against
us, as men who made proposals to ruin you, in
the close of the late war: but ye have no man-
ner of reason for such complaints. These
proposals were not issued by the people of’
Thebes; they were merely the declaration of
one single Theban, who assisted then at the
consultations of the confederates. But when
the Lacedemonians solicited us to march with
them against the Pirzus, the whole state un-
animously joined ina refusal. [ΤΌ is principally
therefore on your account that the Lacedzemon-
jans now are exasperated against us; and it is
natural for us to esteem it incumbent upon you
to assist our state against them.

“ Nay, we have much stronger reasons for
insisting, that so many of you as were of the
party in the city should march cheerfully now
against the Lacedemonians. For, after setting

«ς We know, moreover, Athenians, we know
it well, how desirous you are again to recover
that empire, of which you were formerly pos-
sessed, And what more probable method to
accomplish this desire, than in person to suc-
cour those whom your,enemies oppress? Those
enemies, it is true, give law to numerous states.
But suffer not yourselves to be awed by this
consideration, which rather abounds in motives
to courage and resolution. Your own recol-
lection will inform you, that the number of
your enemies was always ‘the greatest when
your rule was most enlarged. So long indeed
as no favourable opportunities offered for re-
volt, people concealed the enmity they bore
you; but mo sooner had the Lacedemonians
set up for leaders, than they openly showed
what they thought of you: and at present
would ‘but we Thebans and you Athenians
appear together in arms against the Lacedx-
monians, be assured that many who hate them
will openly declare it.

“‘ Reflect within yourselves, and you will con-
fess the truth of what we are alleging. — What _
people in Greece continues at present well af-
fected to them? Have not the Argives been
from time immemorial their irreconcileable
foes? Even the Eleans, deprived by them as
they now have been of a large territory and its
cities, are added to the number of their ene-
mies. And why should we mention the Cor-
inthians and Arcadians and Achzans ? who, so
long as the war was carrying on against you,
were earnestly solicited by them, and were ad-
mitted to a share of every hardship, of every
danger, and of every expense; and yet, when
the Lacedemonians had carried all their points,
in what dominion, what honour, what wealth,
were they suffered to partake? Nay, so haugh-
ty are they grown, that they send out their
very slaves to be governors over their friends ;
and, in the height of their good fortune, have
declared themselves lords over their free con-
federates. Nay farther, it is manifest to all,
how grossly they have deluded those very peo-

ple whom they seduced to revolt from you,

3 F

410

since, instead of giving them liberty, they have
doubled their portion of slavery upon them.
For they are tyrannized over by the governors
whom these Lacedemonians send them, and by
the committees of ten, which Lysander hath
established in every city. Nay, even the mon-
arch of Asia, who principally enabled them to
get the better over you—what better treatment
doth he now receive, than if he had joined with
you to war them down ὃ

“Js it not therefore quite reasonable to ima-
gine, that would you but set-yourselves at the
head of those who were so manifestly aggrieved,
you may again become a much greater people
than ever you were in former times? For,
during the former interval of your power, the
sea was the only element in which you dis-
played it. But now you will be leaders of all,
of us, of the Peloponnesians too, and of those
who were subjected to you before, and of the
king himself possessed of the amplest share of
power. In regard to us, you yourselves well
know, how very valuable confederates we
proved to them. But now, we want no mo-
tive to join you with higher alacrity and more
effectual strength than we then joined the La-
cedemonians. For we shall unite our aid on
this occasion, not in behalf of the inhabitants
of the isles or the inhabitants of Syracuse, not
in behalf of remote people as we did at that
time, but in behalf of our ownselves, so Briev-
ously injured as we have been.

« There is one truth more, of which /you
ought to rest well assured, that the ravenous
appetite after power in the Lacedemonians
may much easier be demolished than the power
you once enjoyed. You then were a maritime
power, and could awe the most reluctant states.
The Lacedemonians, though a mere handful
of men, are greedily assuming power over peo-
ple many times more numerous than, and in
arms not one jot inferior to themselves.

«“ These considerations therefore we lay be-
fore you; and rest perfectly convinced, Athe-
nians, that it is our firm persuasion we are in-
viting you now to do greater services to Athens
than to Thebes.”

With these words the Theban ambassador
put an end to his discourse.

A very large number of Athenians spoke
afterwards in their favour, and it was unani-
mously decreed to aid the Thebans. ‘Thrasy-
bulus presented the decree by way of answer,
in which it was expressly recited, that “ though

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book 11.

the Pireeus was not yet restored to a state of
defence, they would however run all hazards to
return greater services than they had themselves
received.— You Thebans,” he then added, “did
not join your arms against us, but we Athe-
nians will fight along with you against the La-
cedemonians, in case they invade you.” The
Thebans therefore departing got ready all the
means of their defence, and the Athenians were
making preparations for their succour.

The Lacedemonians lost no more time, for
Pausanias their king marched into Beeotia at
the head of the troops of Sparta and the troops
of Peloponnesus; the Corinthians were the
only people who did not attend. Lysander,
however, at the head of the troops from Pho-
cis and Orchomenus and the adjacent cities

had arrived at Haliartus before Pausanias. And —

when arrived, he could not bear to wait inac-
tively till the Lacedemonian army came up,
but with the force he already had he marched
up to the walls of the Haliartians. At first he
persuaded them to revolt from the Thebans,
and declare themselves free and independent :
but when some of the Thebans, who were
within the walls, hindered them from making

any such declaration, he made an assault upoa

the wall. The Thebans hearing this set for-
ward, heavy-armed and horse, with all speed to
its succour. How the fact really was, whether
they suddenly fell upon Lysander, or whether,
aware of their approach, he slighted them from
a confidence of victory, is still uncertain.

Thus much only is clear, that a battle was

fought under the walls, and a trophy was
erected at the gate of Haliartus. And no
sooner was Lysander slain, than his troops fled
away to the mountain, and the Thebans fol-
lowed resolutely in pursuit.
were now on the ascent of the mountain, and
had pushed forwards into the strait and narrow
pass, when the heavy-armed faced suddenly
about, and poured their javelins with good effect
upon them. When two or three of the fore-
most were dropped, they rolled down great
stones along the declivity upon the rest, and kept
plying at them with great alacrity, so that the
Thebans are driven quite down the hill, and
more than two hundred of them perish. This
day therefore the Thebans were dispirited,
reckoning they had suffered as much as
they had made the enemy suffer before.
However, on the morrow, when they beard
the Phocians had marched off in the night and

The pursuers.

ie

q
᾿
)
5

AFFAIRS

the rest of the confederates were departed to
their several homes, they conceived a much
higher opinion of their late success. But when
again Pausanias appeared in sight at the head
of the Lacedzemonian army, they thought them-
selves once more in very imminent danger, and
it was said there was a deep silence and much
dejection among the troops. Yet when, upon
the arrival of the Athenians the day after, and
their junction with them, Pausanias came no
nearer and no battle ensued, the Thebans be-
gan to be much higher in spirit than ever.
Pausanias, it is true, had called a council of his
general officers and captains, and demanded
their opinions, “whether he should give the
enemy battle, or fetch off Lysander and those
who were killed with him under truce.”
For Pausanias and the other Lacedemonians
who were in authority reasoned with themselves
that Lysander was actually slain, that the army
under his command was defeated and dispersed,
that the Corinthians had flatly refused to join
them, and the troops now in the army served
plainly against their inclinations: the cavalry
also were taken into their account; that of

the enemy was numerous: their own was very.

small: the dead moreover were lying under
the walls of Haliartus: so that, should they
get a victory, they could not easily fetch them

OF GREECE.

411

off because of the defendants upon the turrets.
Upon all these considerations, they judged it
most advisable to demand a truce for fetching
off their dead. ‘The Thebans answered, that
‘they would not restore the dead, unless the
enemy evacuated the country.” They received
this condition with pleasure, and fetching off
their dead marched out of Beeotia. But after
such things had passed, the Lacedwemonians
march away with minds sadly dejected, and the
Thebans with all the marks of insolence. If
any one of the enemy straggled the least into
the inclosures, they drove them out again with
blows into the high road,

In this manner the expedition of the Lace-
dzemonians was brought to a conclusion. Pau-
sanias however, upon his return to Sparta, was
summoned to a trial for his life. He was ac-
cused in form, for not marching up to Haliartus
so soon as Lysander, though they had jointly
agreed on a day for their junction, for demand-
ing a truce to fetch off their dead when he
ought to have endeayoured to recover them by
a battle, and for letting the people of Athens
escape him formerly when he had got them fast
in the Pireus. Upon the whole, as he did.not
appear at his trial, he was condemned to die.
He fled indeed to Tegea, and died there of sick~
ness. ‘These things were done in Greece.

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aE dog ht OT i based ey Maohihig, bangaaey. .
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myth) viet RY (0): δοαβοι “hi — ses δι δ νὼ
ἶ βαριά Tt Sd
ἢ οἱ δῖ,
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ee | ALoow?

ΓΙ ὃ

EE WR
Sooteibbada! as

THE

AFFATRS OF GREECE.

BOOK IV.

CONTENTS or BOOK IV.

Farther proceedings of Agesilaus in Asia, tll he is recalled to assist his country.—The sea-fight of Cnidus.—The
great battle of Coronea gained by Agesilaus.—The Massacre of Corinth; and the war between the Argives and
Corinthians ; the exploits of Agesilaus in behalf of the latter.—Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens.— War in
Heliespont.—Thrasybulus killed.—Total defeat of Anaxibius by Iphicrates.

εηβιυββορδλξ, ὁ.

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

: BOOK IV.

I. AcEsiLaus, who about autumn reached the
Phrygia of Pharnabazus, put the country to
fire and sword, and possessed himself of the
cities either by siege or voluntary surrender.
But Spithridates telling him that “if he would
go along with him into Paphlagonia, he would
persuade the king of the Paphlagonians to a
conference with him, and make him his con-
federate,” he readily went with him, having
long been desirous to procure the revolt of this
nation from the king. And when he was ar-
rived in Paphlagonia, Cotys came to him and
agreed to a confederacy; for he had already
refused to obey a summons sent him by the
. king. And, at the persuasion of Spithridates,
he left with Agesilaus a thousand horse and
two thousand targeteers.

Agesilaus, esteeming himself highly obliged
to Spithridates for this good service, said to
him, ‘tell me, Spithridates, would not you
give your daughter to Cotys?” “ With much
more pleasure,” he replied, ‘« than Cotys would
receive her from me, an exile as I am, whilst
he is a mighty king and of large dominions.”
This was all that was said at that time about
the match. But when Cotys was about de-
parting, he waited upon Agesilaus to take his
leave. The thirty Spartans were present ;
Spithridates had purposely been sent out of
the way ; when Agesilaus began thus to open
the affair: ‘ Tell me, Cotys, (said he) is
Spithridates a man of noble birth?” He re-
plied, “No Persian is more nobly born.”
« You have seen his son, (said he) who is a
very handsome youth?” ‘ Beyond all doubt
he is; I supped last night in his company.”
“They tell me he hath a daughter, who is
much handsomer.” ‘ Oh heavens! (replied
Cotys) she is a beauty indeed.” “ Cotys, (said

he) you are now my friend; I regard you as
such, and must advise you to marry this lady.
She is exceedingly beautiful, than which, what
can be sweeter toa man? She is the daughter
of a man of the highest nobility, and so exten-
sive a power, that in return to the wrongs
Pharnabazus hath done him, he hath taken
such ample revenge, as to force him to be a
fugitive from all his dominions, as yourself can
witness. And rest convinced, that as he
knows how to avenge himself upon an enemy,
so he knows as well how to serve his friend.
And be farther assured, that if this match be
completed, you not only gain a relation in
Spithridates, but in me also, and all the Lace-
dzmonians, and consequently, (as we are the
head of Greece,) in all Greece itself. Nay, in
case you comply, what man can ever marry
with so much pomp as yourself? What bride
can ever be conducted home with so many
horsemen, so many targeteers, and so many
heavy-armed, as shall conduct yours home to
you?” Here Cotys demanded, whether he
made this proposal with the privity of Spith-
ridates? “41 call the gods to witness (said

he) that he gave me no orders to mention

it to you. But I can say for myself, that
though I rejoice above measure when I punish
an enemy, yet methinks I receive much more
abundant pleasure when I find out any good
for my friends.” ‘ Why therefore (replied
Cotys) did you not ask him whether he ap-
proves the match?” ‘Go you there, Herip-
pidas, (said Agesilaus) and persuade him to
give us his consent.” Herippidas and his
colleagues rose up and went on their commis-,
sion. But as their stay was long, “ Are you
willing, Cotys, (said Agesilaus) that we send
for him ourselves?” He replied, “ with all my

416

heart ; for I am convinced, you have more in-
fluence over him than all the rest of mankind.”
And upon this Agesilaus sent for Spithridates
and the others. On their appreach, Herippi-
das said, “ what need Agesilaus to repeat to
you all that hath passed between us? For in
short Spithridates says he will consent with
pleasure to whatever you please to propose.”
** It is therefore my pleasure,” said Agesilaus,
“that you Spithridates give your daughter to
Cotys, and that you Cotys accept her, and
heaven bless the match! We cannot indeed
before spring bring the lady home by land.”
Cotys cried out, ‘‘ But, by heaven, Agesilaus,
if you are willing, she may be sent immediate-
ly by sea.” And now having given their hands
to one another to ratify the contract, they
dismissed Cotys. Agesilaus, as he knew
his eagerness, without loss of time com-
manded a trireme to be manned, and ordered
Callias the Lacedemonian to carry the lady to
him.

In the meantime he marched himself to
Daseylium, where was the palace of Pharna-
bazus, surrounded with a number of villages,
all of them large and abundantly stored with
the necessaries of life. There was excellent
hunting, both in the parks that were paled
about and in the open fields. A river, full of
all sorts of fish, flowed round the whole spot
of ground; and birds were everywhere to be
found for these who could fowl. It was here
that Agesilaus passed the winter, having sup-
plies at hand for his army, or fetching them in
by his foraging parties. But as once the sol-
diers were fetching in necessaries in a very
careless and unguarded manner, since hitherto
they had met with no interruption, Pharnaba-
zus, who had with him two chariots armed
with scythes, and about four hundred horse,
fell suddenly amongst them as they were dis-
persed about the plains. The Grecians, when
they saw him riding up, ran together in a body
to the number of seven hundred. He lost no
time, but setting his chariots in the front, and
posting himself behind with his horse, ordered
them to drive fuil upon the enemy. No soon-
er was that body broken by the fury of the
chariots than his horsemen instantly demolish-
ed about one hundred of the Greeks. The
rest fled away to Agesilaus, for he was near at
hand with the heavy-armed.

The third or fourth day after this, Spithri-
dates discovers that Pharnabazus was encamped

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK iv.

at Caue, a large village about a ' hundred and
sixty stadia off, and sends this intelligence im- ~
mediately to Herippidas. Herippidas, always
eager to distinguish himself by some grand ex~
ploit, requests of Agesilaus two thousand
horse, an equal number of targeteers, the
horsemen farther belonging to Spithridates and
the Paphlagonians, and so many of the Greeks
as he could persuade to go with him. Agesi-
laus having complied with his request, he be-
gan his sacrifices; and the victims appearing
favourable in the evening, he sacrificed no
more. He then issued his orders for the
troops to be ready after supper in the front of
the camp. It was now dark, aud half the
number were not come out; but reflecting,
that if he gave up the affair, the rest of the
Thirty would sadly ridicule him, he marched
away with what force he got: and, falling in
by break of day upon the camp of Pharnabazus,
many of the Mysians, who were then upon the
guard, were slain; the enemy took to their
heels, the camp is taken, with a great quantity
of plate and the whole field-equipage of Phar-
nabazus, with the addition of all the baggage
and the carriages, with the beasts that drew
them. For as Pharnabazus was in constant
fear of staying too long im a place, lest he
sbould be surrounded and blocked up, Scy-
thian-like, he was for ever changing his ground,
and most cautiously concealing his encamp-
ments. But when the Paphlagonians and
Spithridates brought in the booty they had
taken, Herippidas, who had posted his officers
for the purpose, took every thing away from
Spithridates and the Paphlagonians, in order
to enlarge the booty he himself should deliver
in to the commissioners of sale. Treated in
this manner, they could not brook it; but 85
men who had been injured and disgraced, they
packed up their baggage and went off by night
to Sardis, to offer their service to Arizus, con-
fident of a good reception from him, as he too
had revolted from and was making war upon
the king. Agesilaus took nothing to heart
during this expedition so much as this deser-
tion of Spithridates, and Megabyzus, and the
Paphlagonians.

But there was one Apollophanes of Cyzi-
cus, who had an hospitable connexion of long
standing with Pharnabazus, and at this time
had the same connexion with Agesilaus.

1 About sixteen miles.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

This man therefore told Agesilaus, that
he thought he could bring Pharnabazus
to a conference with him about ἃ peace.
Aud when Agesilaus, listening to him, pledged
his right hand and granted a truce, he soon
brought Pharnabazus to the place agreed on.
Agesilaus truly and his thirty Spartans were
lying down upon the grass, and waiting for
him. At length Pharnabazus appeared, dressed
up in a most sumptuous attire. His servants
spread the carpets, on which the Persians seat
themselves softly down before Pharnabazus,
who seeing the mean figure that Agesilaus
made, became ashamed to indulge himself in
his usual manner; in his finery therefore he
threw himself down on the bare ground. In
the first place, they gave one another a short
verbal greeting. Pharnabazus then offering
his right hand, Agesilaus in return held out his
own. ‘This done, Pharnabazus thus began the
conference, for he was the elder man.

“ς To you, Agesilaus, and to all you Lacedz-
monians here present, I address myself. I was
a firm friend and confederate to you, when you
watred with the Athenians. I furnished you
with money, and at sea I strengthened your
fleet. But by land I fought on horseback in
company with you, and drove your enemies in-
to the sea. And no one person amongst you
can upbraid me with ever acting a double part
with you, as Tissaphernes did, either in word
or deed. Such I have been. towards you, and
such treatment in return I have received from
you, that in all my dominions at present I
cannot get one meal’s meat, unless like a dog
I pick up the scraps you have left behind you.
As to all the fine houses, and the parks well
stocked with cattle and with timber, that my
father left me, and which formerly rejoiced my
heart, I see them all destroyed by fire and
sword. I cannot think these proceedings to
be either just or pious; but I beg to learn
from you whether such should be the actions
of men who know how to be grateful ?”

In this manner Pharnabazus spoke. The
Thirty Spartans to a man were quite out of
countenance, and kept a dead silence. But
after some pause Agesilaus replied as follows:

“1 imagine, Pharnabazus, you cannot be ig-
norant, that in the cities of Greece it is usual
for men to connect themselves together by the
ties of hospitality. But yet those very per-
sons, when the states of which they are mem-
bers are at war, adhere to their own country,

417

and make war on their hospitable friends; nay,
sometimes it happens, that in the field they
kill one another. In like manner we are now
at war with your king, and are obliged to exe-
cute all hostilities against whatever belongs to
him. In regard to yourself, there is nothing
we so much desire as to have you for our
friend ; but even I myself would scorn to ad-
vise you to make a bare exchange, and merely
to take us for your masters instead of the king.
But you have it in your power, by joining with
us, to live henceforth in ample enjoyment of
all that belongs to you, without adoring a fel-
low-creature, or acknowledging any master at
all. For my own part, I reckon freedom to be
of greater value than all the riches in the
world. And yet I am far from inviting you
to be free and at the same time poor ; but, by
accepting our service as confederates, to en-
large for the future not the dominions of the
king but your own, and oblige those who are
now your fellow-slaves to be subjects to your-
self. And if at one and the same time you
become both free and rich, what more will you
need to make you completely happy ?”

“41 shall therefore tell you: frankly,” said
Pharnabazus, ‘“‘ what it is I intend to do.”

“ Spoken like a man of honour.”

“Tt is my full resolution,” Pharnabazus
went on, ὁ“ in case the king sends another per-
son to take my place and lord it over me, to be
a friend and ally to you. But then, in case he
continues me in the command, I shall by the
laws of honour be bound, and am determined,
I declare it before you all, to make war upon
you to the utmost of my power.”

Agesilaus, hearing this, caught him by the
hand, and said,

“1 wish, most generous of men, that you
were a friend tous. But of one thing you may
rest assured, I will march out of your country
as fast as I can; and for the time to come, so
long as the war continues, whilst we have an-
other person to attack, we will give no moles-
tation to thee or thine.”

These words being spoken, they ended the
conference; and Pharnabazus, mounting on
horseback, rode away. But his son by Para-
pite, a handsome youth, lingered behind, and
running up to him, cried out—* O Agesilaus !
I take thee for my hospitable friend.” ‘ I ac-
cept you as such,” he replied. ‘ Remember
me, therefore,” said the youth, and immediately
gave the javelin in his hand, a very fine one it

3G

418

was, to Agesilaus. He received it, and taking
off the trappings from the horse of Ideus the
painter, he gave them in return. The youth,
now leaping upon his horse, rode after his fa-
ther. And afterwards, when, during the ab-
sence of Pharnabazus, another brother took
away his provinces from this son by Parapite,
and drove him into exile, Agesilaus showed
him all possible kindness; and _ particularly,
exerted himself so much in the favour of an
Athenian, the son of Evalces, who was loved
by this youth, that he got him admittance into
the Stadium at Olympia, though he was too
tall for the rest of the lads.

Agesilaus, however, pursuant to his pro-
mise, marched immediately out of the territory
of Pharnabazus, and the spring by this time
was drawing on. But when he was arrived in
the plains of Thebe, he encamped near the
temple of Astyrinian Diana, and there collect-
ed from all quarters a very large reinforcement
to his army. He was preparing now to pene-
trate as far as possible into the country, judg-
ing, that whatever nations he should leave be-
hind him, would all, without exception, revolt
from the king. Such at this time were the
employments of Agesilaus.

But the Lacedemonians, when once con-
vinced that money was come over into Greece,
and that the greatest states were caballing to-
gether for war, thought themselves in immi-
nent danger, and judged it necessary to take
the field. Accordingly they set about their
preparations, and without loss of time des-
patch Epicydides to Agesilaus. He, on his
arrival, reported to him the present situation of
Greece, and that “the state commands him
with his utmost speed to succour his country.”
Agesilaus, when he heard this, was sadly cha-
᾿ grined, recollecting of what honours and hopes
he was going to be deprived!’ Calling how-
ever the confederates together, he communi-
eated to them the orders he had received from

1 According to Plutarch, he immediately wrete to the
ephori as followeth: ‘‘ Agesilaus to the ephori, greet-
ing. We have subdued a large part of Asia, have
driven the Barbarians before us, and have taken a great
quantity of arms in Ionia) But since you order my re-
turn by a day prefixed, I follow this letter, and shall al-
most arrive before it. For I amin this command not
for myself but for my country and allies: and then a
commander commandeth in the rightful manner, when
he is submissive to the laws and the ephori, or what-
ever magistrates are supreme in his country.” Plu-
tarch’s Laconie Apophthegms..

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Iv.

Sparta, and told them, “he was indispensably _

obliged to succour his country. If affairs turn
out well at home, you may depend upon it, my
friends and confederates, I will not forget you,
but will be here again amongst you, to accom-
plish all your wishes.” At hearing him talk
thus many tears were shed ; and it was unani-
mously resolved to accompany Agesilaus to the
aid of Sparta, and if affairs turned out well in
Greece, to reconduct him back into Asia. And
in fact they were getting all things in readiness
to bear him company.

Agesilaus left Euxenus behind to command
in Asia, and assigned him no less than four
thousand men for garrisons, that he might -be
enabled to keep the cities fast in their obe-
dience. But observing that the soldiers were
much more inclined to stay where they were
than to march against Grecians, and yet willing
to take as many as possible and the best of
them too along with him, he proposed to give
prizes to the city which sent in the choicest
body of men, to the commanders of hired
troops who attended the expedition with their
party most completely armed, and the same in
regard to the heayy-armed and the archers and
the targeteers. He also declared to the com-
manders of horse, that he would give prizes to
such of them as brought in their squadron best
mounted and best accoutred. He said the de-
cision should be made in the Chersonesus, so
soon’as they had passed over from Asia into
Europe, that all of them might be well con~
vinced, that they who served in this expedition
must needs undergo a very accurate review.
The prizes were chiefly arms of the most beau-
tiful make, as well for heavy-armed as horse-
men. There were also crowns of gold. The
value of them upon the whole amounted to not
less than four talents.2 By submitting in
truth to such an expense, arms of the greatest
value were provided for this expedition: and
so soon as he had crossed the Hellespont, the
judges were appointed; of the Lacedemo-
nians, Menascus and Herippidas and Orsip-
pus; of the confederates, one of every city:
and Agesilaus, after he had finished the distri-
bution of the prizes, began his march, and took
the same road as Xerxes took formerly when
he invaded Greece.

In the meantime the ephori proclaimed a fo
reign expedition; and, as Agesipolis was yeta

μον

AFFAIRS

was a relation and guardian to the young king,
to command the army. When the Lacedemo-
nians had taken the field, the enemy, who were
now gathered in a body, assembled together in
consultation how, with the best advantage, to
bring on a battle. Timolaus of Corinth on
this occasion said thus : |

“Tt is my opinion, confederates, that the
course of the Lacedemonian affairs very much
resembles the course of rivers: for rivers near
their sources are never large, and are easy to
be passed. But then the farther they run,
other rivers, by having emptied themselves in-
to them, increase the depth and impetuosity of
the current. It is just so with the Lacede-
monians. When they first come out into the
field, they are alone; but taking in on their
route the other states, their numbers are en-
larged, and they are harder to be resisted. I
see again, that such as have a mind to destroy
wasps, in case they attempt to hurt them when
they are come out of their nest, are grievously
stung for their pains; but if they fire them
when they are all within their nest, they suffer
no harm, and demolish the wasps. [Ὁ is there-
fore my judgment, that we should reflect on
these points, and fight the Lacedemonians in
Sparta itself, which would indeed be best ; but
if that cannot be, as near to Sparta as possi-
ble.”

As Timolaus was judged te advise them
well, they unanimously resolved to follow his
advice. But whilst they were settling the
points of command, and agreeing together in
what depth to draw up the whole of their army,
lest if the several states drew up their files too
deep, the enemy might have it in their power
to surround them—whilst, I say, they were
settling these points, the Lacedemonians, who
had been joined by the Tegeans and Mantine-
ans, were advancing along the coast. The
enemy marching about the same time, the
Corinthians and all on their side were now at
Nemea, and the Lacedzemonians and confede-
rates at Sicyon. As the latter had forced
their way by the pass of Epicecea, the light-
armed of the enemy had at first terribly annoy-
ed them, by darting and shooting at them from
the eminences; but when they came down
again to the sea, they continued their march
along the plains, putting the country to fire
and sword. The enemy at length drew near
and encamped, having a rivulet in their front.

OF GREECE.

minor, the state ordered Aristodemus, who |

419

The Lacedemonians still advancing were now
but * ten stadia distant from the enemy ; halt-
ing therefore, and encamping, they remained
quiet: and I will now reckon up the numbers
on either side.

There were now assembled, of the Lacede-
monians, to the amount of six thousand heavy-
armed: of the Eleans and Triphyllians and
Acrorians and Lasionians, nearly three thou-
sand ; fifteen hundred of the Sicyonians ; and
the number of Epidaurians, Trazenians, Her-
mionians, and Haliensians was not less than
three thousand. Beside these, there were
about six hundred horse belonging to the Lace-
dzmonians, accompanied by about three hun-
dred Cretan archers. The slingers of the
Marganeans and Ledrinians and Amphidolians
were not fewer than four hundred. The Phii-
asians indeed had not joined them ; for they
excused themselves by alleging a truce. This
was the force on the side of the Lacedemo-
nians, On the side of the enemy were now
assembled, of the Athenians, six thousand
heavy-armed; the Argives were said to
amount to seven thousand; the Beeotians,
since the Orchomenians were not come up,
were about five thousand: the Corinthians
were three thousand: and from the whole isle
of Euboea there were not fewer than three
thousand. Such was the amount of their
heavy-armed. The horse of the Beeotians, as
the Orchomenians were not come up, were
eight hundred ; of the Athenians, six hundred :
of the Chalcideans of Eubcea, one hundred ;
of the Locrians of Opus, fifty. The light-
armed, added to those belonging to the Co-
rinthians, were very numerous indeed, for the
Locrians of Ozole and the Meliensians and
the Arcanians were with them. Such was the
force on either side.

The Beeotians, so long as they. were on the
left wing, were in no hurry at all for a battle.
But so soon as the Athenians were posted
over-against the Lacedemonians, and they
themselves took post on the right where they
faced the Achzans, they immediately declared
that the victims were auspicious, and proclaim-
ed that all should be ready for a battle. But
neglecting, in the first place, the rule of draw-
ing up by sixteens, they formed their battalion
exceeding deep ; and farther, still kept creeping

3 About a mile.

S

420

forwards to the right, in order to overstretch
the enemy’s wing. The Athenians, that they
might not be separated from the rest of the
army, followed their motion, though sensible at
the same time how great a risk they ran of be-
ing quite surrounded.

So far the Lacedemonians had no percep-
tion at all of the enemy’s approach, for the
ground was covered over with shrubs. But
when the pean began, they knew what was
doing. They instantly issued out orders for
the whole army to prepare for battle. So
soon as they were formed, the commanders of
the auxiliary bodies enjoined them to follow
their leaders in the order they had now placed
them. The Lacedemonians kept inclining
towards the right, and thus they far over-
stretched the enemy’s wing, so that only six
regiments of Athenians faced the Lacedemon-
1858, whilst four of them were over-against the
Tegeans. When they were not above ἃ sta~
dium asunder, the Lacedemonians, after sacri-
ficing in obedience to their laws a she-goat to
the goddess of the chase, led on towards the
enemy bending circularly the part of their
line that overstretched to surround the ene-
my. But when the battle was joined, all
the confederates on the Lacedemonian side
were defeated by their antagonists, though the
Pellenians, who faced the Thespians, main-
tained the fight some time, and some of both
sides perished on the spot. The Lacedzemon-
ians themselves beat all the Athenians whom
they charged, and, surrounding them with
the part of their line that overstretched, slew
numbers of them, and still, as they suffered
nothing from the enemy, kept pushing for-
wards in their regular array. It was thus that
they clearly passed the four Athenian regi-
ments till they returned from the pursuit; by
which means those Athenians saved their
lives, excepting some few who in the charge
were slain by the Tegeans. The Lacedemo-
nians, farther, met the Argives full in their
retreat ; and the first general officer was going
to fall in full upon their front; when some-
body is said to have roared out aloud “to let
the first of them pass by.” This was permit-
ted; and then, running upon their flank and
wounding them on their unarmed sides, they
slew many of them. They also fell in with
and attacked the Corinthians in their retreat.
The Lacedemonians farther fall in with some
of the Thebans retreating from their pursuit,

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book Iv.

and slew a great number of them. These
things being done, the vanquished fled at first
to the walls; but afterwards, the Corinthians
setting the example, they posted themselves
again in their former camp. The Lacedemo-
nians, on the other side, repairing to the spot
of ground where they first charged the enemy,
erected the trophy. And this is an exact ac-
count of the battle. 5

III. Agesilaus from Asia was marching for-
wards with all expedition. He was now at
Amphipolis, when Dercyllidas meets him with
the news, that “the Lacedemonians have
gained a victory, with the loss of only eight of
their own citizens, but a vast slaughter of the
enemy ;” he added at the same time that “no
small number of the confederates were slain.”

Agesilaus put this question to him, “ Would

it not be proper, think you, Dercyllidas, to
communicate the news of this victory without
loss of time to the cities which have sent their
troops hither under my orders?” Dercyllidas
answered, that ‘‘the hearing of it must in all
probability raise their spirits.” You then can
best report it, because you yourself was present
at the action.” He was highly delighted at
hearing this. All his life long he had been
very fond of going abroad. He said therefore,
“Do you order me to go?” “41 do,” said he,
“and enjoin you to tell them farther, that if af-
fairs turn out well in Greece, we will be with
them again according to promise.” Dercylli-
das immediately continued his journey for the
Hellespont, whilst Agesilaus, having passed
through Macedonia, arrived in Thessaly.

But now the Larisseans, Cranonians, Sco-
tusians, and Pharsalians confederate with the
Beeotians and all the Thessalians, such ex-
cepted as were then under sentence of exile,
pursued and gave him molestation. At that
juncture he was leading his army in the long
march, with half his cavalry in the van and the
other half in the rear. But because the Thes-
salians by harassing those in the rear retarded the
march, he sends off the cavalry in the van, ex-
cept his own body-guard, to strengthen the rear.
When both sides were now drawn up to face
one another, the Thessalians, thinking it by no
means advisable to fight on horseback against
heavy-armed, wheeled about and retreated in a
leisurely manner, and the heavy-armed too
eagerly and rashly pursued them. Agesilaus
perceiving bad conduct on both sides, sends off
the finest body of horse that was his own

=

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

guard, with orders for the others to pursue,
and themselves to do the same with their ut-
most speed, and not give the enemy time to
face about. The Thessalians no sooner saw
them riding down upon them beyond their ex-
pectation, than some of them fled outright,
some faced about, and some in the very endea-
vour to face, as they had the enemy on their
flanks, were taken prisoners. Polycharmus
the Pharsalian indeed, a commander in the
horse, faced about, and fighting at the head of
his own troop is slain. But so soon as he had
dropped, a most dreadful flight ensued amongst
' the Thessalians, in which numbers were slain,
numbers were taken alive, and none stopped
their flight till they were got onthe mountain
Narthacium. And then Agesilaus set up a
trophy between Pras and Narthacium. There
too he halted highly delighted with this day’s
work, in which with cavalry of his own crea-
tion he had vanquished those who reckoned
themselves the best horsemen in the world.
The next day, having crossed the Achaic
mountains of Phthia, he marched through a
friendly country till he reached the frontiers of
Beotia. But just as he was entering Beeotia,
the sun appeared in the form of the crescent of
the moon, and news was received, that the La-
cedemonians were beaten at sea, and their ad-
miral Pisander killed. It was also told him,
in what manner the battle had been fought.

That near Cnidus the fleets had borne down
upon one another: that Pharnabazus, who
was admiral on the side of the enemy, was in
the Pheenician fleet, and Conon, who com-
manded the Grecian squadron, had drawn up
his ships in the van: but when Pisander had
formed his line of battle, his ships appeared
much inferior in number to the Greeks under
Conon; upon which the confederates in the
left wing immediately took to flight, whilst
Pisander, rushing in amongst the enemy with
his own vessel, well-armed with beaks, was
driven on shore: that the other persons of the
fleet who were driven on shore, abandoned
their ships and fled safely off to Cnidus, but
Pisander, continuing to fight from his decks,
was killed.

Agesilaus at first was exceedingly mortified
at this piece of news; but he soon recollected,
that the disposition of the bulk of his army
was such, that they would readily take a share
in all joyful occurrences, and there was no ne-
cessity to communicate to them ‘such things as

421

were opposite to their wishes. Hereupon he
assumed another countenance, and gave out
that ““ Pisander indeed had lost his life, but
however had gained a victory at sea.” He had
no sooner published this than he sacrificed
oxen for the good tidings received, and sent
round to several persons a share of the victims.
A skirmish immediately ensued with the ene-
my, in which the soldiers of Agesilaus got the
better, upon the strength of the report that the
Lacedemonians were victorious at sea.

There were now in the field against Agesi-
laus, the Beeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corin-
thians, AJnianians, Eubceans, and both the
Locrians. He had with him one whole brigade
of Lacedemonians that joined him from Co-
rinth, and the half of another brigade from
Orchomenus. He had, farther, the newly
enfranchised citizens of Sparta who had been
with him in Asia; he had also the auxiliary
body commanded by Herippidas. The rest
were the quotas of aid from the Grecian cities
in Asia, and from the Grecian cities in Eu-
rope which he had taken up on his march
back. The heavy-armed from Orchomenus
and Phocis were all the accession he had gained
from the adjacent parts. The targeteers of
Agesilaus were much superior in number; the
number of the horse was nearly equal on both
sides. Such was the force of either army.
And I will now give an exact account of the
battle, for such another hath not been fought
in our days.

There were now facing one another in the
plains of Coronea, the army under Agesilaus
from the Cephissus, and the army along with
the Thebans from Helicon. Agesilaus had
the right of his own army, but the Orchomeni-
ans were posted in the extremity of his left.
The Thebans, on the other side, stood on the
right, but the Argives had the left. During
the approach, there was a deep silence on both
sides. When they were about the distance of a2
stadium from one another, the Thebans having
set up a shout, came running to the charge. But
when there was no more than three 8 plethra of
ground between them, the auxiliaries under the
command of Herippidas started out before the
main battle of Agesilaus to receive them, and
were accompanied by the Ionians, AXolians

1 Xenophon himself was at this battle serving under
Agesilaus. See the Anabasis, 1. y.

2 About one tenth of a mile, 3 300 feet.

422

and Hellespontines. All these were now run-
ning together in one body to the charge, and
coming to the point of the spear, broke the body
of enemies they encountered. The Argives also
were not able to stand before the body under
Agesilaus, but fled towards Helicon. And
here some of the auxiliaries were already put-
ting the garland on the head of Agesilaus.
But a message is brought him, that the The-
bans, having cut to pieces the Orchomenians,
were amongst the baggage; upon which he
immediately put the main body in counter-
march, and led them towards the Thebans.

- But the Thebans no sooner perceived that |

their confederates were fled to Helicon, than,
designing to slip away and join them, they were
briskly marching off in firm and close array. On
this occasion it may be said beyond all dispute,
that Agesilaus acted with the utmost bravery ;
he did not, however, prefer the securest me-
thod. For when it was in his power to let
those who were sheering off pass by, and then
by a close pursuit to defeat their rear, he did it
not, but fall in their front he dashed against
the Thebans. Here, thrusting shield against
shield, they were pushing, were fighting, were
slaying, were dying. At length some of the
Thebans slip off to Helicon, and many of them
retreating back, were slain. When thus the
victory remained with Agesilaus, and he him-
self was brought back wounded to the main
body, some horsemen riding up to him, ac-
quaint him, that about eighty of the enemy
with their arms are under the temple, and de-
manded how they must act. He, though sorely
wounded in many parts of his body, forgot not,
however, the duties of religion, but ordered
that they might be permitted to depart where
they pleased, and forbade all kind of insult.
And then, for it was already evening, they
took their supper and their repose. But early
next morning he ordered Gylis, a general offi-
cer, to draw up the army and set up a trophy,
all of them to be crowned with garlands in
honour of the god, and all the music of the
army to play. These things therefore they did.
. The Thebans now sent heralds, desiring a
truce to fetch off and inter their slain. A truce
accordingly is granted; and Agesilaus repair-
ing to Delphi, offered the tenth of his spoils
to the god, in value not less than a hundred
talents... But Gylis, a general officer, taking

1 19,4447. lis.

XENOPHON ON THE

the command of the army, marched them off

[Book Iv.

into Phocis, and from thence he made an in-
cursion into Locris. All the next day the
soldiers were carrying away the moveables and
corn from the villages ; but when evening was
come, as the Lacedemonians marched off in
the rear, the Locrians were close at their heels,
pouring in their javelins and darts upon them.
Yet when the Lacedemonians, by facing about
and pursuing them, destroy some of the ene-

my, they gave over following them in the rear, |

but kept galling them from the eminences on
the right. The Lacedsemonians then endea-
voured to gain the ascent, but as it grew quite
dark, they tumbled in their retreat because of
the unevenness of the ground, some too, be-
cause they could see nothing before them, and

some were struck down by the weapons of the

enemy. Gzylis the general officer, and most
of the soldiers about- him, in all eighteen
Spartans, lose their lives on this occasion, some
being killed with stones and some with other
weapons. And had not those from the camp
marched up after supper to their relief, the
whole party was in great danger of perishing.
After this the rest of the army was dismiss.d
to their several cities, and Agesilaus went by
sea to Sparta.

IV. The war, after this, was carried on by
the Athenians, Bceotians, Argives and con-
federates, who took the field from Corinth,
against the Lacedemonians and their confede-
rates from Sicyon. But the Corinthians, per-
ceiving that the consequence of this was the
entire devastation of their own lands, and a
constant destruction of their people from the
nearness of the enemy, whilst the rest of the
confederates were enjoying peace at home and

duly reaping the productions of their soil,—

the greatest part of them and the best men
amongst them grew desirous of peace, and
laboured together to bring others into the same
persuasion. But the Argives, Beotians, and
Athenians, and such of the Corinthians as had
shared the king’s money, and were principal
authors of the war, saw plainly, that unless
they could rid themselves of such as were bent
on peace, the city of Corinth would fall under
a Lacedemonian influence, and therefore en-
deavoured to secure their point by a massacre.
In the first place, they contrived the most im-
pious scheme that ever men devised. For,
though it is every where a rule not to put to
death upon a festival even such as are legally

—

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

condemned to die, yet these men pitched upon
the last day of the Euclean solemnity, as pre-
suming they should then surprise the largest
number upon the forum, to execute the mas-
sacre. When the marks of whom they were to
despatch had been given to the persons em-
ployed, they drew their swords, and murdered
one person standing in the circle, another sit-
ting leisurely down, another in the theatre,
and another on-the very bench of justice.
When once the alarm was spread, the very best
men of Corinth betook themselves immedi-
ately, some to the statues of the gods in the
forum, and some to the altars. But this most
execrable band of assassins, entirely lost to all
sense of duty, I mean equally those who con-
trived and those who executed the facts, mur-
dered them even in the temples; insomuch
that some, who received no harm, but retained
a due sense of humanity, were most grievously
afflicted at the sight of such impiety. In this
manner most of the elderly Corinthians, as
such generally frequented the forum, are put to
death. The younger sort, as Pasimelus sus-
pected what was in agitation, kept themselves
quietly in Craneum. But when they heard the
noise, and some came flying from the scene to
take refuge amongst them, they at once ran up
to the citadel of Corinth, and repulsed the
Argives and others who were making an as-
sault upon it. Whilst now they were consult-
ing what was to be done, a capital falls off
from a column, without either an earthquake
or a blast of wind. They sacrificed, and the
appearance of the victims was such that the
soothsayers declared it was best for them to
go down from thence. At first, therefore,
like so many exiles, they withdrew out of the
territory of Corinth. But their friends send-
ing persuasions after them, nay, their mothers
and their brethren coming to them with en-
treaties, and even some now invested with
power, promising with an oath that no harm
should be done them, they at length came back
to their former habitations. Yet, now behold-
ing the tyrants in authority, perceiving the
actual ruin of the state, since the boundaries
were demolished, and they were to style their
country Argos instead of Corinth ; necessi-
tated, farther, to submit to the polity of
Argos, so unsuited to their taste, and reduced
within their own walls to a worse condition
than that of mere sojourners ;—some of them
there were, who thought such a life not worth

423

the living, but well worth their while to try if
they could not make Corinth, as it originally
had been, their own country again, if they
could not assert its freedom, clear it of those
execrable assassins, and restore its excellent
constitution: if indeed they could accomplish
these points, they should become the preservers
of their country; and in case they miscarried,
they should manifest a desire of obtaining the
most noble and most solid acquisitions, and
should be sure to die a most glorious death.

In this disposition of mind, two of them,
Pasimelus and Alcimenes, endeavoured by
creeping in through the rivulet to confer with
Praxitas, a general officer of the Lacedzmo-
nians, who, with his own brigade, was now
keeping guard in Sicyon, and told him, they
could open him an entrance within the walls
that reach down to Lecheum. Praxitas, who
long since was well assured of their veracity,
believed all they said ; and having obtained an
order for his brigade, which was just going
from Sicyon, to continue there, he settled with
them the manner of this entrance. And when
these two persons, either by regular rotation
or purposed solicitation, were placed on the
guard of the gates, Praxitas then approacheth
that spot of ground where stood the trophy,
with his Lacedemonian brigade and the Sicyo-
nians, and as many Corinthian exiles as were
ready at hand. But when he was come up to
the gates, and yet was afraid to enter, he de-
sired he might first send in a person, in whom
he confided, to take a view of what was within.
The two projectors led him in, and with so
much ingenuity showed him every thing, that
the person introduced reported that all was
safe exactly to their former description of
things: now therefore Praxitas enters. The
distance between the two walls was great;
when therefore they were drawn up within, Ρ
and their number was judged too small, they —
fortified themselves with a rampart and ditch,
the best they could make, to secure the post
till their confederates came up to their support.
There was also, behind them in the harbour, a
garrison of Beeotians.

This they entered by night, and passed the
next day quietly without molestation. But
the day after, came marching down against
them the Argives with all their force, who
finding the Lacedemonians drawn up on the
right, next to them the Sicyonians, and the
exiles from Corinth, about a hundred and fifty

424

in number, close to the eastern wall, they range
themselves also in order of battle. Nearest to
the western wall were the mercenaries under
Philocrates, next to them the Argives, the
Corinthians from the city had the left. Their
own numbers made them despise the foe, and
they immediately charged. They beat indeed
the Sicyonians, and having opened a breach
in the rampart, pursued them to the sea, and
there slew many of them. But Pasimachus,
who commanded the horse, though the num-
ber he had was very small, when he saw the
Sicyonians defeated, ordered the horses to
be fastened to the trees, and snatched away
the shields from the fliers; and then, with
such as were willing to follow him he marched
up to the Argives. The Argives, who saw
the letter S upon their shields, took them
for Sicyonians, and were under no appre-
hensions at all. Pasimachus is now reported
to have said, “ By the twin gods, ye Argives,
these SS will be your ruin ;” and immediately
charged them. Engaging in this manner with
a handful of men against numbers, he is slain
with those of’his party.

In the meantime the Corinthian exiles, who
had defeated their antagonists, were pushing
upwards, and were now approaching the wall
that encircled the city. But the Lacedemon-
ians, who perceived the defeat of the Sicyonians,
marched downwards to their succour, keeping
the rampart on their left. The Argives, hear-
ing that the Lacedemonians were in their
rear, wheeled suddenly about and were throw-
ing themselves over the rampart. The farthest
of them in the right, being struck on the unarm-
ed side by the Lacedemonians, were dying
apace, But those nearest the wall, close
gathered in a body, were retreating in a great
multitude towards the city. Yet no sooner
* did they fall in with the Corinthian exiles, and
knew them to be enemies, than they again fled
backwards. Here, indeed, some of them run-
ning up the stairs, jumped down from the wall,
and were bruised to death; others, striving to
get up, but beat off the stairs, were slain; and
some trodden under foot by their companions,
were trampled to death. The Lacedemonians
on this occasion had enow and enow again to
kill. Full employ was here assigned them by
God, beyond all they could have prayed for.
For that a multitude of enemies, affrighted,
astonished, exposing their unarmed sides, should
thus be delivered up to slaughter, not a soul

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Iv.

amongst them endeavouring to resist, and all
contributing in every respect to their own des-
truction—was not the hand of Heaven discern-
ible here? Accordingly, in a small space of
time, such numbers were slain, that men who
had only been used to see heaps of corn, of
wood, and of stones, saw at that time heaps of
dead. The garrison of Beeotians also in the
harbour, some of them having climbed upon the
walls, and some of them upon the roof of the
docks, were put to death.

When all was over, the Corinthians and Ar-
gives fetched off their dead under truce; and
the confederates of the Lacedemonians came
up to join them. When they were thus assem-
bled, the first resolution of Praxitas was, to
lay open so much of the walls as would yield a

sufficient passage to an army; and he then

marched off, and led them towards Megara.
He now, in the first place, takes Sidus by as-
sault, and after that, Crommyon. Having
fixed a garrison within the walls of these places
he resumed his march. And having fortified
Epicecea, that it might serve as a bulwark to
cover the territories of the confederates, he
then dismissed the army, and returned himself
to Sparta.

Henceforth neither side took the field with
their grand armies; they only marched garri-
sons into the cities, one side to Corinth and the
other to Sicyon, to preserve these important
places. Yet both sides being possessed of a body
of mercenaries, were continually harassing and
fighting one another. In this manner Iphic-
rates breaking into the territory of Phlius,
placed an ambuscade, and then went about plun-
dering the country with a handful of men, by
which means he slew some of the Phliasians,

who marched out of the city with too little.

circumspection to drive him off. For this rea-
son the Phliasians, who before this accident
would not receive the Lacedemonians within
their walls, lest they should restore those per-
sons who said they had been exiled for their at-
tachment to the Lacedemonians, became so
terrified at those who sallied out from Corinth,
that they sent for the Lacedemonians, and de-
livered up their city and citadel to their pro-
tection. The Lacedemonians, however, though
benevolently disposed towards these exiles, yet
so long as they were masters of the city, never
made the least mention of their recalment : and
so soon as they saw the city had recovered its
usual spirit, they evacuated the place, and re-~

|
'

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

stored them their town and their laws exactly
as they received them.

But the party commanded by Iphicrates were
making frequent incursions into Arcadia, in
which they took much booty, and even attack-
ed the fortified places: for the heavy-armed of
the Arcadians durst never march into the field
against them, so highly terrified they were at
the targeteers: and yet these very targeteers
were so afraid of the Lacedemonians, that
they durst never approach their heavy-armed
within throw of javelin: nay, some of the
younger Lacedsemonians had at times ventured
to attack them even out of that distance, and
had killed some of them. The Lacedemoni-
ans, I say, had a contempt of these targeteers,
but at the same time had a much greater con-
tempt of their own confederates : for the Man-
tineans, when once they came out to join
them, ran briskly towards the targeteers, but
being galled with darts from the wall reaching
down to Lecheum, they wheeled off, and some
of them were killed in open flight ; insomuch
that the Lacedemonians ventured to break a
severe jest upon them, saying, “ their confeder-
ates were as much afraid of the targeteers, as
children are. of bugbears.” They marched
however out of Lecheum, with a brigade of
their own and the Corinthian exiles, and en-
camped themselves in a circle round the city
of Corinth.

The Athenians now, who dreaded the Lace-
dxmonian strength, lest, as they had broken
down a passage in the long walls of the Co-
rinthians, they might march against them,
thought it the most advisable expedient to re-
build the walls that were demolished by Praxi-
tas. Thither accordingly they repaired with the
whole force of Athens, attended by carpenters
and masons, and in a few days’ time completely
rebuilt the part towards Sicyon and the west,
and then proceeded in a more leisurely manner
to repair the eastern wall.

But the Lacedemonians, reflecting that the
Argives, who are in a flourishing condition at
home, were delighted at this war, march out to
invade them. Agesilaus commanded in this
expedition, and after laying waste all their
territory, he departed thence by Tegea towards
Corinth, and demolished the walls just rebuilt
by the Athenians. His brother Teleutias also
came up to him by sea with a squadron of
about twelve triremes, so that their mother was
now pronounced happy indeed, since in one and

425

the same day one of her sons commanding by
land demolished the walls of the enemy, and
the other commanding at sea destroyed their
ships and docks. Agesilaus, however, after
these exploits, disbanded the confederates, and
marched back the troops of that state to Sparta.

VY. The Lacedemonians after this received
intelligence from the exiles, that the Corinthi-
ans of the city had lodged and secured all their
cattle in Pireum, by which means they enjoyed
a plentiful subsistence ; upon which they march
out afresh upon Corinth, Agesilaus command-
ing also on this occasion. In the first place
he arrived at the Isthmus. It was now the

‘month in which the Isthmian games are cele-

brated. The Argives were this moment there,
presiding at the sacrifice to Neptune, as if
Argos was Corinth. But they no sooner per-
ceived the approach of Agesilaus, than, aban-
doning their sacrifices and their feasts in the
highest consternation, they withdrew into the

| city of Corinth by the road of Cenchree.

Agesilaus, however, would not pursue, though
he saw their flight. But taking up his own
quarters in the temple, he himself sacrificed
to the god, and continued there till the Co-
rinthian exiles had performed their sacrifices
to Neptune, and the games. Yet, when
Agesilaus was departed, the Argives did all
over again. ‘This year therefore it happened,
that in some instances the same person was
beaten twice over ; and in others, that the very
same persons were twice proclaimed to be
victors.

It was on the fourth day that Agesilaus led
his army towards Pireum: but finding it nu-
merously guarded, after the time of repast he
encaniped before Corinth, as if he was sure of
its surrender. The Corinthians therefore,
being sadly alarmed lest the city might actually
be betrayed to him, sent for Iphicrates with
the greatest part of his targeteers. And
Agesilaus, discovering that they had marched
into Corinth by night, wheeled off so soon as
it was day, and led directly towards Pireum.
He himself advanced by the hot baths, and
sent a brigade up to the highest part of the
mountain. The night following he encamp-
ed near the baths, and the brigade spent
the night on the summit of the mountain.
And on this occasion Agesilaus gained high
reputation by a small but seasonable piece
of management: for though there were per-
sons now employed in carrying up provisious

3H

΄

426

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Iv.

to the brigade, yet nobody brought them any - victorious are generally regarded as fine specta- -_

fire.

They found it excessively cold, they | cles indeed. Agesilaus still kept his seat, and

were mounted quite aloft in the air, and hail | seemed to be highly delighted with the scene

and rain had fallen in the evening. Besides,
they had got upon the mountain clad only
in their thin summer garments. They
‘were shivering, were quite in the dark, and
had no appetite at all to their supper. Agesi-
laus sends them no less than ten persons with
fire in chaffing-dishes. | When these, getting
up as they could by different paths, had reached
_ the summit, many and large fires were soon
kindled, since there was plenty of fuel at hand,
and all the Lacedemonians anointed them-
selves, and many of them made a hearty sup-
per. This very night the temple of Neptune
was seen all in flames; but by whom it was
set on fire is still unknown. And now, when
they in the Pireum perceived that the emi-
nence was possessed by the enemy, they no
longer thought of resisting : they betook them-
selyes therefore for refuge into the temple of
Juno, both men and women, slaves as well
as freemen, with the greatest part of their cat-
tle. Agesilaus marched at the head of the
army along the sea-coast. But the brigade at
the same time coming down from the eminence
takes Oenoe, a fortress walled about, and
made booty of every thing within it. That day
every soldier in the army gained abundantly in
plunder whatever he could stand in need of:
for those who had refuged themselves in the tem-
ple of Juno came out, and left to the discretion of
Agesilaus to determine what should be done
with them. His sentence was, that ‘all such
as had been concerned in the massacre should
be delivered up to the exiles, and all their οἵ.
fects in general should be sold.” In conse-
quence of this all sorts of living creatures came
out of the temple to surrender.

Many embassies from different states were
attending here. Even the Beotians were come
with a demand —“ What they must do to obtain
a peace?” But Agesilaus with an air of high
elevation would not condescend to look towards
them, though Pharax the public host of the
Beeotians stood at their head ready to introduce
them to him. He was now sitting in the Ro-
tundo at the harbour, and taking a view of the
booty as they brought it out. A party of La-
cedemonians, belonging to the heavy-armed,
with their spears alone, were guarding the pri-
soners along, and were gazed at with admira-
tion by the standers-by; for the happy and the

before him, when a person on horseback came
galloping that way with his horse in a foam.
Many persons called upon him to tell his news,
to whom he made no answer. But when he
was come near to Agesilaus, throwing himself
off, and running up to him with a very gloomy
countenance, he told him the sad calamity of
the brigade at Lecheum. Agesilaus no sooner
heard it than he jumped from his seat, snatched
his spear, and ordered the herald to call the
general-officers, the captains of companies, and
the commanders of the auxiliary troops. When
these came running to him, he ordered the rest
of them, for they had not yet dined, to take a
little meat with their utmost despatch and fol-
low him with all speed, whilst himself with
Damasias and his company set out instantly
though fasting. His guards too in their heavy
armour set out eagerly with him: he went off
at their head, they followed their leader. When
he had passed by the hot baths and was got
into the plain of Lecheum, three horsemen ride
up and tell him, that “the dead bodies are
recovered.” When he heard this, he ordered
his soldiers to ground their arms: and, after
halting some time, he led them back again to
the temple of Juno.

On the day following every thing they had
taken was disposed of by sale. And the Beeo-
tian ambassadors were then called for and asked
the reason of their coming. But now, they
made not the least mention of peace, saying
only “they were desirous, if permission could
be obtained, to go into the city to speak with
their countrymen who were serving there.”
«Tam well satisfied, Agesilaus replied with
a smile; you have not so great a desire to see
the soldiers, as to gain a view of the late suc-
cess of your friends, and know how considera-
ble it is. But have patience; I will conduct
you thither myself. And if you go with me,
you will be much more likely to come to an ex-
act knowledge of the truth.” He was as good
as his word ; for the next day, after a sacrifice,
he led his army towards the city. He would
not demolish the trophy; yet, if a single tree
was left standing, felling it and breaking it in
shatters, he convinced them that nobody durst
come out into the field against him. After
doing this, he encamped near Lecheum, aud
sent away the Theban ambassadors, not indeed

ee es . ὁ’

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

to Corinth, but by the sea to Crusis. Yet such
a calamity as the late one being an unusual
thing to Lacedemonians, a general dejection
was visible throughout the camp, except in the
persons, whose sons or fathers or brothers had
died in their posts. These indeed, as if they
had gained a victory, walked up and down with
a cheerful countenance; exulting over their own
private misfortunes. But the great calamity
of that brigade fell out in the following man-
ner.

The Lacedemonians of Amyclz, though
they are in the field or abroad on any business
whatever, always repair home at the Hyacin-
than festival to join in the pean. At this junc-
ture therefore Agesilaus had picked the Amy-
cleans out of all the troops, and left them at
Lecheum. The officer who commanded that
garrison ordered a body of the confederates to
take care and guard the fortress, whilst him-
self with his brigade of heavy-armed and the
horse conveyed the Amycleans in safety by
the city of Corinth. When they were got to
the distance of about twenty or thirty stadia!
from Sicyon, the officer with his heavy-armed,
who were about six hundred, was returning
back again to Lecheum, but had left orders
with the commander of the horse to proceed
forwards with the Amycleans till they thought
proper to dismiss him, and then likewise to re-
- turn to Lecheum. They were not ignorant, it
is true, that many both of the targeteers and
heavy-armed were now in Corinth. They
however entertained a contempt of them, as if
nobody durst presume to attack Lacedemo-
nians, after their late successes. But they of
Corinth, and Callias the son of Hipponicus,
who commanded the heavy-armed Athenians,
and Iphicrates who commanded the targeteers,
seeing plainly that they were but few in num-
ber, and had neither targeteers nor horsemen
with them, thought they might safely attack
them with their own targeteers ; for, should
they proceed in their march, they could make
havoc of them by throwing darts at their un-
armed sides ; and if they endeavoured to pur-
sue, targeteers could easily avoid the nimblest
men in heavy armour. Having thus consider-
ed the point, they lead out into the field.
Callias, for his part, drew up his heavy-armed
not far from the city, whilst Iphicrates with
his targeteers began the attack upon the Lace-

1 Two or three miles.

427

demonian brigade. The Lacedemoniars be-
ing thus galled with darts, here one of them
was receiving wounds, and there another was
dropping, and such as stood next in the ranks
were ordered to take them up and carry them
to Lecheum: and those of the brigade who
were thus employed, were the only persons in
reality who escaped with life. In the mean-
time, the commanding officer ordered the La-
cedemonians of the first military class to pur-
sue and drive away the enemy. They pur-
sued, it is true, but not within javelin’s throw
of any of them, heavy-armed as they were in
chace of targeteers. And he had farther en-
joined them to retire from ptusuit, before they
came up to the heavy-armed of the enemy.
When therefore they were retreating in astrag-
gling manner, since they had pursued before
with their utmost speed, the targeteers of Iph-
icrates faced about again, and kept pouring in
their darts either directly upon them, or run-
ning up to their flanks on the unarmed sides.
And immediately, in this first pursuit, they
slew nine or ten of the Lacedemonians. Be-
ing so far successful, they renewed their at-
tacks with much greater spirit than before.
The Lacedemonians were grievously annoyed ;
and the commanding officer now ordered the
two first military classes to pursue. They did
so, but lost more persons in the retreat than
they had done before. Their best men being
thus destroyed, the horsemen are returned and
join them; so now accompanied by the horse
they renew the pursuit. But on this occasion,
when the targeteers kept flying before them,
the horse managed the pursuit in a very impro-
per manner. ‘They rode not after them so as
to reach and slaughter the fliers, but keeping
abreast with their own foot, either advanced or
retreated with them. After repeating this
method again and again, and suffering at every
repetition, their numbers were continually les-
sening, their efforts were fainter and fainter,
whilst the enemy attacked with redoubled spi-
rit, and came thicker at them than before.
Thus grievously distressed, they draw close to-
gether in a body on a little hillock about two
stadia from the sea, and about sixteen or seven-
teen from Lecheum. Those at Lecheum, per-
ceiving what was the matter, leap into their
boats, rowed amain, and at length came to the
hillock. But already grievously distressed,
they were dying apace, they could do nothing
at all in their own defence; and, what was

428

worse, beholding the heavy-armed advancing to-
Some of

attack them, they take to flight.
them now rush into the sea, and a small num-
ber get safe to Lecheum with the horse. But
in all the skirmishes and the flight, no less than
two hundred and fifty of them were destroyed.
And in this manner was this affair conducted.

Agesilaus now marched off, taking with him
the suffering brigade, and leaving a fresh one at
Lecheum. Through the whole of his march
to Sparta, he entered every city as late as pos-
sible in the evening, and resumed his march as
early as possible every morning. Nay, he set
out so early from Orchomenus, that he passed
by Mantinea before it was day-light. The
soldiers could not bear to see the Mantineans
with joy in their faces for the late calamity
they had suffered.

After this, Iphicrates continued to act suc-
cessfully in every thing he undertook. For
as a garrison had been placed at Sidus and
Crommyon by Praxitas when he took those
places, and another at Oenoe by Agesilaus,
when he took Pirzeum, Iphicrates reduced
them all. The Lacedemonians however and
confederates still continued their guard at
Lecheum ; but the Corinthian exiles durst no
longer march towards Corinth by land from
Sicyon, being awed by the late calamity of the
brigade; but going by water, and landing fre-
quently near it, they carried on hostilities,
vexatious indeed on both sides, with those in
the city.

VI. After this, the Achzans, who were
possessors of Calydon, anciently belonging to

Mtolia, and had declared the Calydonians to

be members of their own community, were
obliged to keep a garrison in the place.

the confederacy betweenthem. The Achzans
therefore, being at this time distressed, send
ambassadors to Lacedemon. They arrived
there, and said,—‘“they were treated wrong-
fully by the Lacedemonians. For our own
parts (said they) and you know it, Lacede-
monians, we readily take the field whenever
you summon us, and march whithersoever you
lead us. And now, that a city of ours is
blocked up by the Acarnanians and their con-
federates the Athenians and Beeotians, you
take no manner of care of us. Thus deserted
as we are, we are no longer able to make head
against them. But we must either entirely,

XENOPHON ON THE

For
the Acarnanians made war upon it, assisted by
some Athenians and Beeotians in pursuance of

[BOOK Iv.

giving up the war in Peloponnesus, ' employ
our whole force against the Acarnanians and
their confederates, or submit to a peace the
best we can get.” Thus they spoke with a
kind of threat to the Lacedzmonians to aban-
don their confederacy, unless they sent them
succour in their turn. But after this represen-
tation, it was judged expedient by the ephori
and council of state, to march with the Achz-
ans against the Acarnanians. Accordingly
they send out Agesilaus with two Lacedzemo-
nian brigades and a body of confederates ; and
the Achzans joined in the expedition with the
whole of their force. But when Agesilaus
had made his passage, all the Acarnanians fled
out of the country into the cities, and drove
away their cattle to a very distant place, that
they might not be taken by his army. Agesi--
laus, so soon as he arrived on the enemy’s fron-
tiers, sent to Stratus the capital of Acarnania,
and declared, that “if they did not relinquish
their confederacy with the Boeotians and Athe-
nians and join the Lacedzemonians and their
confederates, he would lay all their country
waste, and not spare the least corner in it.”
And, as they gave no heed to this declaration,
he kept his word. For without any intermis-
sion carrying on his devastations, he advanced
in his marches not above ten or twelve stadia a
day. The Acarnanians therefore, thinking they
had little to apprehend from the slow marches
of this army, fetched down their cattle from
the mountains, and almost every where resumed
their rural employments. When now they
were judged by Agesilaus to have given up all
fear, on the fifteenth or sixteenth day after he
had entered the country, he sacrificed early in
the morning, and before evening completed a
march of * one hundred and sixty stadia to the
lake, about which were almost all the cattle of
the Acarnanians, and took a vast many herds
of oxen, and horses, and flocks of cattle of all
other kinds, and many slaves. Having thus
gained it, he halted there the next day, and
sold all the booty ; many targeteers however of
the Acarnanians came up; and, as Agesilaus
had encamped upon a mountain, were shooting
and slinging without suffering any thing in re-
turn, and obliged the army to come down into
the plain from the summit of the mountain,
though they had just been preparing for sup-

1 Dr Taylor’s reading, πάντες διαπολεμοήσομεν,
2 About sixteen miles.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

per. The Acarnanians indeed drew off at
night; and the army, having posted guards,
took their repose in quiet; but the next day
Agesilaus led them back. The issue from the
meadow and plain round the lake was narrow,
because the ground was on all sides surrounded
by mountains. The Acarnanians had posted
themselves upon them, and kept pouring down
from above their darts and javelins. They
even ventured down to the skirts of the moun-
tains ; they attacked and annoyed the army, so
that they could no longer proceed in their
march. The heavy-armed, it is true, from the
main-body and the horse pursued them, but
did no damage to such assailants: for the
_ Acarnanians, whenever they thought proper
to retire, were immediately in their strong.
holds. Agesilaus, esteeming it a difficult
piece of work for an army thus grievously
annoyed to get clear through so narrow a
pass, determined to pursue those who at-
tacked on his left, as they were the most
numerous body. The mountain also on this
side was much easier of ascent for the heavy-
armed and horse. Yet during the time that he
sacrificed and consulted the victims, the Acar-
nanians still continued to pour down their darts
and javelins, and approaching nearer and nearer
wounded numbers. But at length, upon his
giving the signal, the heavy-armed of the two
first military classes started forwards, the horse-
men were riding up, and Agesilaus followed
with the rest. Such of the Acarnanians, there-
fore, as had ventured down the mountain and
had been skirmishing with them, are soon
forced to fly, and whilst scrambling up the
ascent were put to death. The heavy-armed
of the Acarnanians and many of their targe-
teers were drawn up on the summit of the
mountain, where they stood their ground, and
let fly their darts, and striking at them with
their spears wounded the horsemen and slew
some horses. But when they were very near
falling into the hands of the Lacedemonian
heayy-armed, they took to flight, and this day
about three hundred of them were slain.

After so much success, Agesilaus erected a
trophy. And then marching round the country
he laid it all waste with fire and sword. He
even assaulted some of the towns, merely in
compliance with the entreaties of the Achzans,
but he took not one. And now, as autumn
was coming on apace, he marched out of the
country.

429

The Achzans, nevertheless, thought that he
had done nothing at all, since he had not made
himself master of a single town, either by force
or voluntary surrender. They begged, there-
fore, that if nothing else could be done, he
would only stay so long in the enemy’s country
as to hinder them from sowing their corn.
His answer was, that “they are pleading
against their own interest. [ shall certainly
march hither again next summer. The more
seed they sow, the more desirous of course
they will be of peace.” Having said thus, he
marched off his army through ΖΕ 0118, by such
roads as neither a large nor small army could
have passed without leave from the tolians.
However they suffered him to proceed, for
they hoped he would assist them to recover
Naupactus. But when he came to the cape of
Rhium, he crossed the sea and returned to
Sparta. For the Athenians, who had sta-
tioned themselves with a squadron at Oeniade,
stopped all passage to Peloponnesus from
Calydon.

VII. When the winter was over, Agesilaus,
in pursuance of his promise to the Achzans,
declared an expedition in the very beginning of
spring against the Acarnanians. The latter
had notice of it, and reasoned right, that as
their city lay in the heart of their country, they
should suffer a siege as much from those who
destroyed their corn, as if they were invested
in fourm. They sent therefore ambassadors to
Lacedemon, and made a peace with the Ache-
ans, and an offensive and defensive alliance
with the Lacedemonians. And thus ended
the war of Acarnania.

Henceforth the Lacedemonians judged it by
no means safe to march their army against the
Athenians or Beeotians, and leave the great
and hostile state of Argos, lying on their own
frontier, behind their backs: they proclaim
therefore an expedition against Argos. Age-
sipolis, who knew that he was to command in
this expedition, and found the victims favour-
able which he sacrificed for success, went to
Olympia to consult the oracle. He demanded
of the god, ‘“ Whether, in consistence with
piety, he might reject the truce which the
Argives would plead?” For the latter would
begin to compute its expiration not from the
day of the declaration, but from the time when
the Lacedemonians actually broke into their
country. The god signified to him, that consis-
tently with piety he might reject it so wrongfully

430

pleaded. From thence, without loss of time,
he repaired to Delphi, and there demanded of
Apollo, “ Whether he judged of the truce in
the same manner with his father?” He an-
swered positively to the same purpose. Ac-
cordingly Agesipolis put himself at the head of
che army, and marched from Phlius, for there
it had assembled whilst he was on his journey
to the oracles, and broke in by the pass of
Nemea. But the Argives, when they found
themselves unable to make head against him,
sent to him, as usual, two heralds with gar-
lands on their heads, alleging that ‘*the truce
was not expired.” Agesipolis having answered,
that “‘ the gods had decided against the justice
of their plea,” refused to observe it, and
marched forwards into the country, and soon
caused high perplexity and distress over all
the country, and in Argos itself. But the first
day they were in Argia, after Agesipolis had
supped, and upon finishing supper they were
making the libation, Neptune shook the earth.
Upon this the Lacedemonians, who were but just
set out from home, joined in chorus and sung
the pean to the god ; but the rest of the troops
conchided, that they ought to return home im-
mediately, since Agis formerly upon the shock
of an earthquake had marched them out of
Elis. Agesipolis alleged, that “if the god
had shaken the earth when he was only in-
tending to break in, he should have construed
it a prohibition ; but now that he actually had
broken in, ke judged it an exhortation ;” and so
the next day, after sacrificing to Neptune, he
advanced, though not far, into the country.
As Agesilaus had lately commanded in an ex-
pedition against Argos, Agesipolis asked the
soldiers, how near he had advanced to the walls
of the city ? how far he had extended his devas-
tations ? and then, like the champion in public
games, who struggles for every prize, he en-
deavoured to outdo him in every respect. He
was once even within reach of darts from the
turrets, but then he immediately repassed the
trenches that surrounded the walls. And
when most of the Argives were marched into
Laconia, he approached so near to the very
gates, that they shut them against some Beeoti-
an horsemen who had just desired to be let in,
afraid that the Lacedemonians might rush in
along with them ; insomuch that those horse-
men were compelled to keep clinging under the
battlements, like so many bats. And had not
the Cretans at that time been absent on an ex-

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Iv.

cursion to Nauplia, many men and horses too
must have been shot to death. But after this,
when he lay encamped near Hircte a thunder-
bolt fell in the camp. Some were much
affrighted, but some were actually killed by the
lightning. And having afterwards a mind to
fortify a castle at the entrance of the pass over
the Colousa, he sacrificed, and the victims
appeared without lobes. Determined by this,
he led off the army and dismissed them, having
done vast damage to the Argives by an inva.
sion so little expected. spe

VIII. The war was on this manner carried
on at land. And I shall now relate the con-
current transactions at sea and the cities on
the sea-coast; describing such of them only

as are worthy of remembrance, and omitting.

such as deserve not a particular mention.

In the first place, therefore, Pharnabazus and
Conon, after beating the Lacedemonians at
sea, sailing round to the isles and the maritime
cities, drove out the Lacedemonian command-
ants, and gained the hearty goodwill of the
people, as they placed no garrisons in their
citadels, but left them free and independent.
Nay, such as only heard of this behaviour were
delighted with and commended it much, and
sent cheerfully their hospitable presents to
Pharnabazus. For Conon had convinced him,
that if he acted thus, “he would be sure of
the friendship of all the cities: but in case he
manifested any design to enslave them, then (he

added) each single city is able to cut you outa

deal of trouble, and the danger is, that all the
Greeks, when they see into your schemes, will
unite together against you.” Pharnabazus
therefore was persuaded by him: and, going
on shore at Ephesus, he gave Conon forty
ships; and, having told him to meet him at
Sestus, he went by land to his own dominions.
Dercyllidas truly, an inveterate enemy to Phar-
nabazus, happened to be at Abydus at the
time of the late battle at sea; yet, instead of
abandoning his town, as did the other com-
mandants, he fast secured Abydus, and kept it
firm to the Lacedemonians. His first step had
been to convene the Abydenians, and to ha-
rangue them thus:

“ Itis now, ye men of Abydus, in your pow-
er, as you long have been steady friends to the
Lacedemonian state, to prove yourselves their
actual benefactors. To continue faithful during
a course of prosperity hath nothing wonderful
init; but, when any set of men continue

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

steadily attached to friends in adversity, they
ought on that account to be eternally remem-
bered. Not that we are in so bad a situation
as to be nothing at all, because we have been
beaten at sea. For formerly, when the Athe-
-nians were the sovereigns of the sea, our state
was very well able to do good to her friends
and harm to her enemies. But by how much
the larger is the number of the cities, which,
veering about with fortune, at present desert
us, by so much will your fidelity be actually
the more conspicuous. Some persons it is
true may apprehend that we are in danger here
of being besieged both by land and sea: but
let such reflect, that as yet, no Grecian fleet
appears at sea, and that Greece will never
suffer a fleet of Barbarians to ride masters of
the sea. Greece undoubtedly will assist her-
self, and consequently will fight for you.”

The Abydenians, having heard him, were
readily without any reluctance persuaded. They
received in a friendly manner the new gover-
nants, and invited to their posts such as had ab-
sented. But Dercyllidas, so soon as a large body
of men well qualified for service were assembled
in Abydus, passed over to Sestus, which is
over-against Abydus, distant from it no more
than eight stadia, and collected together all the
persons who had been settled by the Lacede-
monians on the lands of the Chersonesus, and
as many of the commandants as had been
ejected out of the cities in Europe. He re-
ceived them kindly, telling them, “they ought
not to give way to dejection, but recall to mind,
that even yet in Asia, which originally belongs
to the king, there are Temnus, though not a
large city, and the A®gians, and other places in
which they might settle, and disdain sub-
mission to the king. Nay, where (he went on)
can you find another place so strong as Sestus ?
what town more difficult to be reduced by
siege ? since it cannot possibly be blocked up
without both a land and a naval force.” And
by talking to them in this manner, he preserved
them from total dejection.

Pharnabazus, when he found that Dercyllidas
had thus secured Abydus and Sestus, sent word
to the inhabitants, that “if they did not send
away the Lacedemonians, he would make war
upon them ;” and, as they were not to be awed
by this menace, he sent orders to Conon not to
suffer them to stir by sea, and then he ravaged
in person the territory of the Abydenians. But
as nothing he did could induce them to sur-

431
render, he himself went home, and ordered
Conon so to manage the cities in Hellespont,
that as large a fleet as possible might be gather-
ed together in the spring. Full of resentment
against the Lacedzmonians for the harm they had
done him, it was his high ambition to go even to
Laconia, and revenge himself to the utmost of
his power. They spent the winter therefore
in making preparations ; and early in the spring,
having manned out a numerous fleet, and hired
a body of auxiliaries, Pharnabazus put to sea
and Conon with him, and sailed through the
islands to Melos, and from thence they proceed-
ed towards Lacedemon. In the first place,
making a descent at Phere, he laid all the ad-
jacent country waste ; and afterwards repeating
his descents on the coast, he did them all possi-
ble damage. Yet, terrified at a coast where
harbours were so scarce, and at the readi-
ness of the people to resist him, added to the
danger of wanting provisions, he soon turned
back, and, standing off, cast anchor at Pheni.
cus of Cythera. But when such of the Cy-
therians as guarded the city were afraid of be-
ing stormed and taken prisoners, they evacuated
their works ; and these persons, according to
terms granted them by Pharnabazus, were sent
ever by him into Laconia. He then repaired
the fortifications of the Cytherians, and left a
garrison there under the command of Nicophe-
bus the Athenian. Having done this, he sailed
up to the isthmus of Corinth; and after en-
couraging the confederates to proceed briskly
in the war, and to manifest their zeal for the
king, he gave them all the money he had with
him, and then departing sailed immediately
home.

But Conon representing to him, that, “if
he would put the fleet under his command, he
would furnish it with all needful supplies from
the islands, and then sailing back to Athens,
would rebuild the long walls and the wall round
the Pirzeus, than which (he assured him,) no-
thing would vex the Lacedsemonians more.
Hereby too (he added) you yourself, Pharna-
bazus, will most highly’ oblige the Athenians,
and take ample revenge on the Lacedemo-
nians, for you will undo at once what they have
long been labouring with their highest applica-
tion.” Pharnabazus hearing this, readily sent
him away to Athens, and furnished him with
money to rebuild the walls. Accordingly on
his arrival, he rebuilt great part of the wall, em-
ploying bis own seamen in the work, advancing

432 XENOPHON ON THE [Book Iv.

wages to carpenters and masons, and defraying | carry on a war against us? or why should the
every needful expense. The remaining part of | king incur so vast an expense? For when we
it the Athenians themselves and the Beeotians, | no longer lead, it will be impossible either for
and other states, rebuilt voluntarily at the same | the Athenians to make war upon the king, or
time. for us to do so ourselves, when the cities are
In the meanwhile the Corinthians, who by | free and independent.” These words of An-
help of the money Pharnabazus left behind had | talcidas were heard by Teribazus with high
manned out a fleet, and given the command of | satisfaction; but to the opposite party they
it to Agathinus, were quite masters by sea in | were to continue to be merely words; for the
the bay round Achaia and Lecheum. The | Athenians, in case it was agreed to leave the
Lacedemonians indeed manned out a fleet | cities and islands free and independent, were
against them, which was commanded by Po- | afraid of losing Lemnos and Imbrus and Sciros ;
lemarchus. But as an engagement came on, in | the Thebans were also afraid they should be ob-
which Polemarchus was killed, and Pollis his | liged to set the cities of Boeotia at liberty ; and
lieutenant was also carried ashore wounded, | the Argives were apprehensive of disappcint-
Herippidas takes upon him the command of the | ment in their desire to keep as fast hold of
ships. However, Proenus the Corinthian, | Corinth as Argos, if such a treaty and sucha _
who succeeded Agathinus in the command of | peace was made. By this means no terms of
the fleet, abandoned Rhium, and the Lacedz- | peace could be agreed on, and every embassy
monians took possession of it. ‘Teleutias after | again went home.
this took the fleet from Herippidas, and now As to Teribazus, he thought it not consis-
again he was master of the whole bay. tent with his own personal security to make a
But the Lacedemonians, having heard that | separate peace with the Lacedemonians with-
Conon, at the king’s expense, was rebuilding | out consulting the king. However, he gave
the walls of Athens, and by the same means} Antalcidas a supply of money to enable the
subsisting his fleet, and settling the islands and | Lacedemonians to keep a fleet at sea, in order
maritime cities on the continent in a manner | to render a peace quite necessary to the Athe-
most agreeable to the Athenian interest, they | nians and their confederates ; and he shut up
imagined that could they give Teribazus, who} Conon in prison, as one who had injured the
was one of the king’s generals, an information | king, and was justly accused by the Lacede-
of these points, they should either bring him} monians. After this, he made a journey to
over to their own side, or at least put a stop to| the king, to tell him what the Lacedemonians
the subsistence of Conon’s fleet. And thus| had proposed, and that he had apprehended
resolved, they send Antalcidas to Teribazus,| Conon for his ill behaviour, and to receive
instructing him to inform Teribazus of all) orders about his future conduct. The king,
these points, and endeavour to make peace be-| indeed, so soon as Teribazus arrives at court,
tween the state of Lacedemon and the king. | sends Struthes down as governor of the mari-
The Athenians, aware of the design, send| time provinces on the coast. And Struthes
away an embassy along with Conon, consisting | exerted himself in warm attachment to the
of Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Calli- Athenians, remembering what damage the do-
medon. They also invited their confederates | minions of his master had suffered from Age-
to despatch their embassies in company with | silaus.
them ; accordingly they were sent by the Beeo-| The Lacedemonians, when they saw that
tians, and from Corinth, and from Argos. ᾿ Struthes had turned out an enemy to them,
When all were arrived, Antalcidas told Teri-| but a friend to the Athenians, send Thimbro
bazus that “he came to solicit a peace between | to make war against him: and Thimbro, when
his own constituents and the king, and such a| he had crossed the sea, and taken his march
peace as the king himself must be glad of. | from Ephesus and the cities in the plains of
For the Lacedemonians would have no dis- | Mzander, Priene, and Leucophrys, and Ar-
pute with the king about the Greek cities in| chilleum, put the dominions of the king to fire
Asia; they would rest contented if the islands | and sword. But in process of time, Struthes
and other cities were left free and independent. | having received intelligence that Thimbro ran
And why,” says he, “ when we are thus com-| over the country in that negligent manner
pliant, should either the Greeks or the king] which showed a contempt of his enemies, he

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

sent his cavalry into the plains of Meander,
whom he ordered to ride quite round, and drive
off every thing they could find. It happened
that Thimbro was now passing the time after
dinner in the tent of Thersander the musician :
for Thersander was not only a good musician,
but a good soldier too, since he had been
trained at Sparta. Struthes, who perceived the
enemy were marching about in a negligent
manner, and to be few in number when he
first discovered them, rushes at once upon them
with a numerous and frmly compacted body
of horse. Both Thimbro and Thersander were
among the first whom they slew; and after
killing them, they soon put the rest to flight,
and pursuing, made a vast slaughter of them.
There were some, indeed, who completed their
escape to friendly cities ; but there were more
who saved themselves by being left behind,
and not knowing in time of the engagement:
for very often, and on this occasion too, Thim-
bro had advanced against the enemy, without
giving any signal for the troops to follow.
And these things were done in this manner.
But when those who had been exiled from
Rhodes by the people, were arrived at Lacede-
mon, they represented there how impolitic it
would be to continue inactive, whilst the
Athenians were reducing Rhodes, and gaining
so great an accession of strength. The Lace-
dzmonians, therefore, well apprized that if the
people were masters, all Rhodes would be in
the power of the Athenians, but if the rich
prevail it would be in their own, manned out
eight ships for their assistance, and appointed
Ecdicus to command them. On board these
ships they also sent away Diphridas. The
latter they ordered to go over into Asia, and
there to secure the cities which had adhered to
Thimbro, and to take upon him the command
of the troops yet remaining, and, reinforcing
them with all possible additions, to make war
upon Struthes. Diphridas obeyed all his or-
ders ; and, amongst other parts of his success-
ful conduct, takes prisoner Tigranes and his
wife, who was the daughter of Struthes, as
they were travelling to Sardis, and for a vast
sum of money set them again at liberty. By

this money he was immediately enabled to pay |

his troops: for Diphridas gave in every re-
spect as great satisfaction as Thimbro had

given; but, as a general, outdid him far in|

discipline and vigilant activity. No bodily in-

dulgence ever gained the ascendant over him, |

433

but on the contrary, he gave all his attention
to the business in hand. But Ecdicus, after
sailing to Cnidus, heard there that the people
had the entire possession of Rhodes, and were
masters both by land and sea. Nay, they were
then out at sea with a number of triremes
double to his own. He therefore continued
quietly at Cnidus. But the Lacedemonians,
when they found his squadron was too small
to give any effectual aid to their friends, or-
dered Teleutias, with the twelve ships he
commanded in the bay along Achaia and
Lecheum, to sail round to Eedicus; and as
to Ecdicus, to send him home, whilst himsel.
all the care he could of such as desired
his protection, and did all possible damage to
|the enemy. ‘Teleutias, when he arrived at
| Samos, enlarged his fleet with the ships from
| thence, and proceeded to Cnidus, but Ecdicus
returned home.

Teleutias, having now twenty-seven ships,
put to sea against Rhodes. But in his course
he falls in with Philoerates the son of Ephial-
tus, who with thirteen ships was bound from
Athens to Cyprus, to assist Evagoras ; and he
takes them all. Both parties on this occasion
were acting in direct contrariety to their own
interest. For the Athenians, who enjoyed the

| friendship of the king, were sending this aid to
| Evagoras, who was at war with the king; and
| Teleutius, whilst the Lacedemonians were
likewise at war with him, demolished those
who were going to a war against him. But
Teleutias, having steered back again to Cni-
dus, and disposed of his captures, proceeded
afterwards to Rhodes to succour the friends of
Sparta.

The Athenians, growing now apprehensive
that the Lacedemonians might re-establish
their power at sea, send out for their annoy-
ance Thrasybulus the Styrensian, with forty
ships. He was now at sea, but pursued not
the auxiliary squadron for Rhodes ; judging,
that he could not easily hurt the friends of the
Lacedzmonians, who were possessed of a for-
tified place, and had Teleutias ready with his
fleet to protect them; and that neither were
_ the Athenians in danger of being reduced by
their enemies, as they had possession of cities
far superior in number, and had beat them in
field of battle. He sailed therefore to the
Hellespont, and no enemy appearing, he was
intent on performing some notable service for
the state. In the first place, therefore, having

31

434

received intelligence, that a rupture had hap-
pened between Amadocus, king of the Odry-
sians, and Seuthes who possessed the sea-coast
of Thrace, he reconciled them to one another,
and made both of them friends and confede-
rates to the Athenians; concluding, that when
these princes were in friendship, the Greek
cities in Thrace would, even though against
their inclinations, pay higher regard to the
Athenians. All being now right in those
cities, as well as in the cities of Asia, because
the king was in friendship with the Athenians,
he proceeded to Byzantium, and put to sale
the tenths of the ships from Pontus. He also
obliged the Byzantines to change their oligar-
chical government into a democracy, so that
the people of Byzantium now beheld with-
out chagrin the great number of Athenians
at present in the city. Having done these
things, and also made friends of the Chalce-
donians, he sailed out of the Hellespont. But
though he found in Lesbos that all the cities,
except Mitylene, were in the Lacedemonian
interest, he let them alone till he had been
at Mitylene, where he settled four hundred per-
sons from on board his fleet, and all such exiles
from the other cities as had taken refuge there.
Then taking such of the Mitylenians as were
best qualified for the service, and inspiring
proper hopes into all, into the Mitylenians,
that if he reduced the cities, they should be
masters of the whole isle of Lesbos ;—into the
exiles, that if they would go with him to each
city, they would all of them be of course ena-
bled to recover their former state; and into
those who went on board his fleet, that, would
they make all Lesbos friends to Mitylene, they
must necessarily acquire abundance of wealth.
With these exhortations and their united
strength he led them against Methymne.
Therimachus, who commanded there for the
Lacedemonians, no sooner knew of the ap-
proach of Thrasybulus than he ordered all the
mariners on shore, with whom and the Me-
thymneans, and the exiles from Mitylene now
at Methymne, he marched out and met him on
the frontier. A battle ensued, in which The-
rimachus is slain: and the rest flying, a great
slaughter is made of them. After this he
brought over some of the cities, and he plun-
dered the territories of such as did not come in,
and supplied his soldiers with pay. He was

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Iv.

ed contributions from other cities; and pro-
ceeding to Aspendus, he anchored in the river
Eurymedon. He had received their contribu-
tion from the Aspendians when his soldiers did
some damage on their lands. The Aspendians
growing angry at it, and falling upon him in
the night, kill him in his tent. In this man-
ner Thrasybulus, a man of so great accom-
plishments, ended his days. The Athenians,
however, having chosen Argyrius for his suc-
cessor, sent him to the fleet.

The Lacedemonians hearing now, that the
tenth of the ships from Pontus had been sold
by the Athenians at Byzantium, that they are
masters of Chalcedon, and that the other Hel-
lespontine cities having the friendship of Phar-
nabazus were in a safe situation, saw plainly
that all their care was needful. They had no.
reason however to blame Dercyllidas; and yet _
Anaxibius, who was. favoured by the ephori,
solicited successfully for himself, and was sent
out to be the commandant of Abydus. Nay,
would they give him money and shipping, he
promised to carry on the war against the Athe-
nians, and stop their career of prosperity in the
fiellespont. Having assigned him therefore
three triremes and pay for a thousand foreign-
ers, they sent Anaxibius to sea. He was no
sooner arrived, than he drew together by land
his number of foreign troops; he forced over
some cities from Pharnabazus ; and as the lat-
ter with the aid of the other cities had invaded
the territories of Abydus, he returned the in-
vasion, marched against them, and laid waste
their country. Then doubling the number of
ships he brought by manning out three more at
Abydus, he fetched into that harbour what-
ever vessel belonging to the Athenians or their
confederates he could catch at sea.

The Athenians informed of this, and afraid Ὁ
lest all the fine dispositions Thrasybulus had
made in Hellespont should be quite ruined,
send out Iphicrates with eight ships and about
twelve hundred targeteers. The greatest num-
ber of the latter were the same whom he com-
manded at Corinth: for when the Argiyes had
made Corinth Argos, they said they had no
farther need of them. Iphicrates, in fact, had
killed some persons who had been in the Ar-
give interest, and on that account withdrew to
Athens, and lived retired. But when be was
arrived at the Chersonesus, Iphicrates and

now in a hurry to get to Rhodes; but in order} Anaxibius at first carried on a piratical war
to put the troops into higher spirits, he collect- | against one another: but in process of time,

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

Iphicrates perceiving that Anaxibius was
marched against Autandros with his foreign
troops and what Lacedemonians he had, and
two hundred heavy-armed Abydenians; and
hearing farther, that he bad gained Antandros
by composition, he suspected that after settling
a garrison there, he would return the same way,
and bring back the Abydenians to their own
city. He therefore passed over by night into
the least frequented part of the territory of
Abydus, and marching up into the mountains
he placed an ambuscade. He ordered the tri-
remes that brought him over to keep cruising
at day-light along the Chersonesus, that it
might be judged he was then upon his usual
employ of fetching in contributions. Having
made these dispositions, every thing fell out
just as he expected: for Anaxibius was now
on his return, even though the victims at his
morning sacrifice were inauspicious. But
this he disregarded, since he was to march
through a friendly country, and was going to a
friendly city. And when he heard besides
from persons he met that Iphicrates was sailed
towards Proconnesus, he marched with more
negligence than before. So long, however, as
the troops of Anaxibius were upon the same
level ground with himself, Iphicrates rose not
from his ambuscade. But sosoonas the Aby- |
denians, who had the van, were got down into

and were slaughtered in their flight.

435

the plain near Cremastes, where are the mines
of gold, and the rest of the troops were de-
scending the mountain, and Anaxibius with
his Lacedemonians was just at the descent,
that moment Iphicrates starts up from his place
of ambush, and runs full speed towards him.
Anaxibius, knowing there was no possibility

| of escape, as he saw his troops were ina nar-

row road, and extended in a long line forwards,
as he judged that those who were gone on could
not readily remount the ascent to his aid, and
saw plainly that they were all in a panic on the
appearance of the ambuscade, he said to those
who were near him, “ It is my duty, sirs, to
die on this very spot; but do you make the
best of your way to a place of safety, before
the enemy can charge you.” He said these
words, and then snatching his shield from the

_ person that carried it, he fights and is slain on

the spot. A favourite boy stood by him to the
last, and about twelve of the Lacedemonian
commandants of cities, who were in company
fought and died with him. All the rest fled,
They
pursued them to Abydus. Of the other troops
about two hundred were slain, and about fifty
of the Abydenian heavy-armed. But after
‘this exploit, Iphicrates returned again to the
Chersonesus,

dia mak pi halein: ink nek: BES
«ἢ tant erates ξ Seat(s Bs tt

ἔχ iat: gent
F i

.
(et

ide ες nether abe

Μὰ» ἘΣ sited cet shi Ἐπ

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK V.

CONTENTS or BOOK V.

Fine Conduct of Teleutias.—The Peace of Antalcidas.—The Mantinean War.—The Olynthian War, and Sur-
prisal of the Citadel of Thebes by Pheebidas.—Phlius besieged and reduced by Agesilaus.—The famous and
successful Plot for recovering Thebes.— War between the Thebans and Lacedzemonians.

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK V.

1. Tuts was the state of the war between the
Athenians and Lacedemonians in the Helles-
pont.

The people of A‘gina had for a long time
kept up intercourse with the Athenians. But
now, as war was again openly renewed at sea,
Eteonicus, who was again in AX4gina, empower-
ed them, with the joint consent of the Ephori,
to plunder Attica at pleasure. The Athenians,
blocked up by them, sent over a body of heavy-
armed commanded by Pamphilus, into Avgina,
to invest them with a work of circumvallation,
blocking them thus up at land, and with ten
ships at sea. Teleutias however, who hap-
pened about this time to be going round the
islands to collect money, having received intelli-
gence of the throwing up this circumvallation,
came away to assist the Auginete. He indeed
drove off the ships, but Pamphilus kept fast
possession of the work on shore.

“But now Hierax arriveth from Lacedemon
to be admiral of the fleet, and accordingly re-
ceiveth the command. Teleutias departed
from Sparta, and in as happy a manner as his
owa heart could wish: for when, upon the
point of departure, he went down to the water
side, the whole soldiery crowded about him to
shake him by the hand. One was crowning
him with a garland, another adorning him with
fillets; and such as came too late, and found
him already under sail, threw their garlands
into the sea after him, and prayed Heaven to
bless, him in all his undertakings. I am sensi-
ble, indeed, that in relating such incidents, I
give no shining proof of munificence, bravery,
or fine conduct.

thods Teleutias had thus gained the hearts of
those whom he commanded: for such behavi-

eT

But by Heaven I think it,
worth any man’s while to reflect, by what me-

our better deserveth our admiration that any
acquisition of wealth or conquest.

Hierax, with the rest of the fleet, sailed again
to Rhodes ; but he left twelve ships at Aigina,
under the command of his lieutenant Gorgopas.
The consequence was, that the Athenian troops
were more closely blocked up in their own cir-
cumvallation than their countrymen were in A.
thens: insomuch that, five months after, the
Athenians, having by express decree manned out
a large number of ships, fetched off the people
on this service, and carried them back to Athens.
And yet after this they were sadly infested a
second time.by the plunderers from AXgina and
by Gorgopas too. ‘They therefore man out
against the latter thirteen ships, and elect EKu-
nomus to take upon him the command of them.

Hierax being still at Rhodes, the Lacede-
monians send out Antalcidas to be admiral in
chief; judging that by giving this commission
to Antalcidas, they should most sensibly oblige
Teribazus. Antalcidas, when he came to
/Hgina, took away with him the ships under
Gorgopas, and proceeded to Ephesus. But from
thence he sends back Gorgopas with the twelve
ships to his former station at A® gina, and gave
the command of the rest to his own lieutenant
Nicolochus. Nicolochus set sail from Ephesus
to go and assist the citizens of Abydus. But
in his passage landing upon Tenedos, he laid
the country waste, and, after getting a sum of
money, he stood away from thence to Abydus.
The Athenian commanders, collecting what
strength they could from Samothracia and
Thasus and the adjacent places, repaired to
the assistance of the Tenedians. But when
they found that Nicolochus was already gone
away to Abydus, they put to sea from the
Chersonesus, and with two and thirty sail of

440

their own blocked him up in Abydus, as he
had but twenty-five. Gorgopas, in the mean-
time, repassing from Ephesus, falls in with
Eunomus ; and sheering off at first reached the
island of Aigina a little before sun-set. He
immediately landed his men, and ordered them
to eat their suppers: but Hunomus, after a lit-
tle stay, sheered off. It was now dark night ;
he therefore led the way with his own ship,
which carried a light, as is the practice at sea,
that the squadron might not disperse. But
Gorgopas, having again got his men on board,
followed after him by direction of the light,
keeping at a proper distance, that he might
not be perceived, and, to prevent all alarm,
ordering the masters not to shout aloud, but
to drop stones for their signals, and all oars to

be gently moved: but so soon as the ships of

Eunomus had made land near Zoster in Atti-
ca, he ordered the trumpets to sound, and to
fall in amongst them. The crews belonging
to the ships of Eunomus were some of them
already on shore, some of them were this mo-
ment landing, and some were still drawing to
land. A battle was fought by moonlight ; and
init Gorgopas taketh four of the enemy’s ships,
which he fastened to his own, and returned
with them in tow to Avgina; but the other
Athenian ships of this squadron fled for shelter
into the Pireus.

Chabrias after this was sailing out to Cy-
ptus to the aid of Eyagoras, having with him
eight hundred targeteers and ten ships. But
taking out at the same time from Athens other
ships and some heavy-armed, he landed by night
on the isle of AYgina, and with his targeteers
sat down in ambuscade ina hollow, a good way
beyond the temple of Hercules. So soon as
it was day, as had been previously agreed, the
heavy-armed from Athens came ashore under
the command of Dimenetus, and marched
likewise about sixteen stadia beyond the tem-
ple to the place called Tripyrgia. Gorgopas,
having heard it, ran down with the Aginete,
with the soldiers of his own squadron, and the
eight Spartans who happened to be with him.
He left orders for all persons belonging to the
squadron who were free men to follow, so that
numbers of them were approaching, each pro-
vided with such a weapon as he could get.
When the first party had passed by the ambus-
cade, Chabrias starts up with his targeteers,
who immediately attacked and galled them
with javelins. The heavy-armed, who had

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK v.

last landed, charged them at the same time.
And thus this first party, as they were few in
number, were immediately slain, amongst whom
was Gorgopas and the Lacedemonians. When
these were killed, all the rest turned about and
fled. Of the AXginete there perished about
a hundred and fifty, and not less than two’
hundred of the strangers, and sojourners, and:
mariners, who had run together for aid.

The Athenians after this ranged the sea as
quietly as in the midst of peace: for the sea-
men paid no regard to Eteonicus, though he
would have compelled them to go on board,
since he had no money to pay them. But now
again the Lacedemonians send Teleutias to
command as admiral in chief. The soldiers,
when they saw him arrive, were rejoiced above
measure. He immediately called them to- .
gether, and harangued them thus:

“ Here 1 am again, my fellow-soldiers, but
bring no money with me. And yet, with the
blessing of heaven and your hearty concur-
rence, I will endeavour to provide abundantly
every article that you can need. Be assured
within yourselves, that so long as Iam in com-
mand, I pray for your comfortable subsistence
no less than for my own. And perhaps it may
surprise you to hear me say, that J had rather
want bread myself than see you want it.
But by the gods 1 would rather choose to be
without food two days together, than you
should be without it one. My door in the for-
mer parts of my command was constantly
open to any one that wanted me, and shall be
open now. Insomuch that, when you are en-
joying plenty and abundance, you shall then
see my table too more plentifuliy provided.
But again, when you behold me enduring cold
and heat and want of sleep, remember that you
are bound in duty to endure them with me. I
would not subject you to any hardships of this
nature merely to give you pain, but in order to
put it in your power to reap a higher good.
The community of which we are members, my
fellow-soldiers, and a happy community it is,
hath attained, you well know, the large share of
happiness with which it is blessed, not by ha-
bitual sloth, but by an alacrity to endure every
toil and every danger for the public welfare.
You, I know it by long experience, were for-
merly good men: and now it behoves you to
approve yourselves better men than ever, that
Wwe may unite with pleasure in every toil, and
unite with pleasure too in the enjoyment of

πο i

AFFATRS OF GREECE.

every success. What thing on earth can be so
sweet, as to cajole no man, neither Greek nor
Barbarian, for a precarious pay, but to be able
to earn our own subsistence, and that too by
the most glorious methods? For in time of
war, affluence at the cost of our foes, be ye
well assured, is the finest provision men can
make for themselves, as it is the admiration of
all mankind.”

In this manner Teleutias spoke. The whole
assembly shouted aloud upon him to issue his
orders, since they were ready to obey. He
next performed the solemn sacrifice, and then
said to them—“ Depart now, my honest souls,
and eat your suppers as usual ; then prepare for
yourselves one day’s provision. This done,
repair hither immediately, that we may go
whither heaven invites us, and arrive in time.”
When they were all returned, he ordered them
on board, and set sail by night for the harbour
of Athens. Sometimes he slackened his course,
and ordered them to take a little rest, then he
advanced farther by plying the oars. But in
case any one blames him on this occasion, for
going out imprudently with only twelve ships
against a people possessed of such numerous
shipping, let such a one reflect on the judici-
ous motives on which he acted. He conclud-
ed, that as Gorgopas was killed, he should find
the Athenians keeping little or no guard at all
in the harbour; and though the ships of war
should be lying there at anchor, he thought it
safer to attack twenty of them in harbour than
ten of them out at seas When they were on a
cruise, he knew that the seamen lay constantly
on board the vessels ; but at Athens, he was
assured that the captains of the ships always
went home to bed, and the seamen too had
lodgings on shore. It was on these considera-
tions that he engaged in this attempt.

When he was advanced within five or six
stadia of the harbour, he made all stop quietly,
and rest themselves foratime. But at break
of day he led the way into the harbour, and the
rest followed. He would not suffer any of his
own ships to sink or to damage the trading ves-
sels ; but if theysawa ship of war any where at
anchor, he ordered them to disable her for sea,
and to fasten all the trading vessels and such
as had cargoes on board, and tow them out to
sea; to search also the larger ships, and make
all persons prisoners whom they found on
board. Nay, some of his people even leaped
on skore on the quay, and laying hold on some

ve

44]

merchants and masters of vessels, carryed them
on board their own ships.

In this manner Teleutias successfully con-
ducted the business. Such of the Athenians
as were within the houses ran out to learn the
meaning of the noise; such of them as were
out of doors ran home for their arms, whilst
some were posting up to the city with the
news. All Athenians, as well the heavy-
armed as the horsemen, were now marching
down in arms, as if the Pireus was taken,
But Teleutias sent away his prizes to Aégina,
and ordered three or four of his ships to ac.
company them thither. With the remainder
he proceeded along the Attic coast, and in
standing out of the harbour he took a great
number of fishing-boats, and the ferries full of
passengers coming in from the islands. When
he was got up to the cape of Sunium, he also
took some vessels laden with corn, and some
with merchandise. After these captures he
sailed back to Aigina; and disposing of his
spoils by public sale, he advanced a month’s
subsistence to his men. Nay, he afterwards
continued his cruises, and made prize of every
thing he could. By acting in this manner he
kept his ships full manned, and preserved the
cheerful and prompt obedience of all his people.

It was at this time that Antalcidas in the
company of Teribazus returned from the king.
He had so conducted his negotiations, as to be
assured of the king’s future concurrence with
the Lacedzemonians, if the Athenians and con-
federates did not acquiesce in the peace which
he himself had proposed. But when he heard
that Nicolochus with his squadron was blocked
up in Abydus by Iphicrates and Diotimus, he
went by landto Abydus. Resuming there the
command of the fleet, he went out to sea by night,
having scattered a report that he was sent for by
the Chalcedonians. But he went only into the
harbour of Percope, where quietly he stationed
his ships. His departure was perceived by
Dimenetus, Dionysius, Leontichus, and Pha-
nias, who immediately went in pursuit after
him towards Proconesus. And when they had
clearly passed beyond him, Antalcidas returned
and came again to Abydus. Jor he heard
that Polyxenus was coming thither with twenty
sail from Syracuse and Italy: and his design
was now to join them to his own.

After this Thrasybulus of Colyttus set sail
from Thrace with eight ships to join the rest
of the Athenian fleet. But Antalcidas, when

3K

442

the sentinel made a signal that eight ships were
in sight, sending the seamen on board twelve
of his prime sailers, and ordering their crews
to be completed out of the rest of the ships,
lay on the watch as much out of view as possi-
ble. When they had sailed by, he began a
pursuit; they saw him and fled. He soon
reached their slowest vessels with the swiftest
of his own; but he had ordered such as came
first up with them, not to meddle with the hin-
dermost vessels of the enemy, but to pursue
the foremost in flight. And so soon as he had
taken these, the hindermost seeing their leaders
taken, were so dispirited that they became easy
captures to the slower vessels of the enemy,
and every ship was taken.

Antalcidas, farther, when the twenty ships
from Syracuse came up to him, and all the
ships of which Teribazus was master had also
joined him from Ionia ;—the latter were man-
ned out of the dominions of Ariobarzanes ; for
Teribazus, by the ties of hospitality, had long
been connected with Ariobarzanes, and Phar-
nabazus was now by ’ avitation gone up to the
royal court, where he married the king’s daugh-
ter ;— Antalcidas, I say, by the junction of
these ships, which were more than eighty in
number, rode master of the sea ; insomuch that
he stopped the navigation of all vessels from

Pontus to Athens, and carried them off to the
᾿ confederates of the Lacedzmonians.

The Athenians now, who saw the enemy’s
ships so numerous, were highly alarmed, lest
they should be warred down as they were be-
fore, now that the king was become a confede-
rate with the Lacedemonians, and they were
blocked up at home by the plunderers from
/Egina. For these reasons they were sincere-
ly desirous of a peace.

On the other side the Lacedsemonians, who
Kept a brigade in garrison at Lecheum, and
another brigade at Orchomenus; who besides
were keeping a constant guard over the cities
firmly attached to them lest they should be
taken, and even such as they were diffident of
lest they should revolt ; who farther were ha-
rassed and harassing with successive hostilities
about Corinth, were sadly tired of the war.

The Argives, farther, who found that an ex-
pedition was proclaimed against them, and
were sensible that their insisting on the com-
putation of the months would avail them no-
thing, began also heartily to wish for a peace.

Hence it was, that when Teribazus issued

XENOPHON ON THE

[| BOOK V.

out the notification, that all states, who were
desirous of a peace on the terms which the
king prescribes, should assemble together, they
were all soon assembled. And now in the
presence of them ail, Teribazus, having first
showed the king’s signet, read aloud to them
the contents of his mandate, as followeth :

“ Artaxerxes the king thinks it just, that the
cities in Asia and the two isles of Clazomenze
and Cyprus should be his own; but, that all
the rest of the Grecian cities, both small and
great, should be left free and independent, ex-
cept Lemnos, Imbros, and Sciros; these, as
formerly, to continue in subjection to the
Athenians. And whatever people refuseth
this peace, I myself, with such as receive it,
shall make war against that people, both by

land and sea, both with ships and with money.” ©

The ambassadors from the several states
having heard this mandate, sent their report of
it to their constituents. All the rest swore
absolutely to the observance of it, but the The-
bans insisted upon taking the oath in the name
of all the Beeotians. Agesilaus positively re-
fused to admit their cath, unless they swore
according to the letter of the _king’s mandate,
that “every city small and great shall be left
free and independent.” The Theban ambas-
sadors urged in return, they were not empow-
ered to do it. “Go then,” said Agesilaus,
“and consult your principals. But tell them
at the same time from me, that if they do not
comply they shall be excluded the peace.”
Accordingly the ambassadors departed.

Agesilaus, because of his long inveteracy
against the Thebans, lost no time, but with
the approbation of the ephori sacrificed imme-
diately. And so soon as the victims had a fa-

vourable appearance, he passed the frontiers to

Tegea. He sent his horsemen to summon in
the neighbouring troops ; he sent commanders
round to the several states. But before he
could march from Tegea the Thebans were
with him, professing that they would leave the
cities free and independent. And thus the
Lacedemonians returned home, and the The-
bans were obliged to accept the peace and to
leave the cities of Bceotia in freedom and inde-
pendence.

On another side the Corinthians would not
dismiss the garrison of Argives. But Agesi-
laus sent a notification to the Corinthians,
‘that if they did not send away the Argives,”
and to the Argives “that if they did not eva-

1 re

a

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

cuate Corinth, he would make war upon
them.” This menace affrighted them both,
and the Argives accordingly marched out, and
Corinth became again the city of the Corinthi-
ans. The authors of the massacre, indeed, and
their accomplices, of their own accord with-
drew from the city: but the other citizens
readily gave a re-establishment to the former
exiles.

When these points were settled, and the
states had sworn to the peace which the king
prescribed, all the land armies were disbanded,
and all the naval forces were disbanded too.
And thus at length the first peace was ratified
in form between the Lacedemonians, Atheni-
ans, and confederates after the war between
them subsequent to the demolition of the walls
of Athens. But though through the whole
course of the war the scale had generally turn-
ed in favour of the Lacedemonians, yet they
made a greater figure than ever through this
peace, which took its name from Antalcidas.
For now, assuming the execution of the peace
prescribed by the king, and insisting that the
cities should be free, they recovered the alli.
ance of Corinth; they set the cities of Boeotia
at liberty from the Thebans, a point which
they had long desired ; they had put an end to
that appropriation which the Argives had made
of Corinth, by declaring war against them un-
less they evacuated that city. All these points
being accomplished to their wish, they now
came to a determination to chastise such of
their confederates as had been untractable dur-
ing the war, and manifested any good-will to
their enemies; and to order them so now, that
they should not dare to be refractory in time
to come.

II. In the first place, therefore, they sent to
the Mantineans, commanding them “ to demo-
lish their walls ;” affirming that “nothing less
could convince them they would not take side
with their enemies.” They added, that “they
well knew how they had supplied the Argives
with corn during the late war; and sometimes,
on pretext of truces, had refused to march with
them against the enemy; and, even when they
did march, were intent on doing them more
hurt than good.” They told them farther,
‘they were well convinced, how much they
envied them upon every incident of success,
and how heartily they rejoiced if any calamity
befell them.” A declaration was also made,
that “the truce with the Mantineans for thirty

443

years, agreed upon after the battle of Manti-
nea, expired this present year.” But as the
Mantineans refused to demolish their walls,
the Lacedzmonians proclaim an expedition
against them. —

Agesilaus on this occasion petitioned the
state to excuse his commanding the army ; al-
leging that ‘the Mantinean community had
done many good services to his father in the
war against Messene.” Agesipolis therefore
led out the army, notwithstanding that his fa-
ther Pausanias too had always been in high
friendship with the most popular men of Man-
tinea. So soon as he had entered the country,
in the first place he laid it waste. But as even
yet they refused to demolish their walls, he
dug a trench in circle quite round the city, one
moiety of the army sitting down before the
city with the arms of those who were digging,
whilst the other moiety carried on the work.
When the trench was finished, he also erected
without molestation a circular wall quite round
the city. But finding there was abundance of
corn within the place, as the last year had been
a season of great plenty ; and thinking it would
be judged a hardship to harass both the Lace-
demonians and the confederate troops with a
tedious siege, he dammed up the river, and a
very large one it is, that runs through the city.
The channel being thus dammed up, the water
swelled above the foundations of the houses
and the city walls. The lower brick-work was
soon rotted by the wet, and shrunk under the
upper buildings, by which means the city
walls cracked, and afterwards were ready to
tumble. For some time they under-propped
them with timber, and made use of all their
art to keep them from falling. But when they
found they must be overpowered by the water,
and were afraid lest a breach being made by
the tumbling of any part of the wall, they
should be taken sword in hand, they at length
offered to demolish their walls. The Lacede-
monians refused to accept this condition now,
unless they would also settle in villages, The
Mantineans, judging there was no avoiding it,
agreed to comply. But to such of them, as
from their long connection with the Argives
and their great influence over the people, fear-
ed they should be put to death, Agesipolis, at
the earnest request of his father, granted their
lives (and they were sixty in number), in case
they withdrew themselves from Mantinea. On
both sides of the road, beginning from the very

444

gates of Mantinea, the Lacedemonians ranged
themselves with their spears in their hands, to
take a view of such as were withdrawing ; and,
though they hated them, yet refrained them-
selves from any abuse much easier than did the
oligarchical party at Mantinea. But be this
only mentioned as a signal proof of their habi-
tual obedience to their commanders.

After this the walls were demolished, and
the Mantinean country was now settled in four
villages, in the same manner as it had been
formerly inhabited. At first, it is true, the
Mantineans were highly dissatisfied, when
thus obliged to pull down the houses they had
built for their own convenience, and to erect
new ones. But when the wealthier of them
were settled on their estates which lay round
the villages, when they were ruled by an aris-
tocracy, and rid of their turbulent demagogues,
they grew delighted with the change. And the
Lacedemonians sent them, not indeed one
person to command the troops of the four, but
a separate commander to every village. They
afterwards marched upon summons from the
villages with more cheerfulness than they had
ever done when under a democratical govern-
ment. And inthis manner were things brought
about in regard to Mantinea ; mankind having
learned one piece of wisdom by it, never to let
a river run through their walls.

The exiles from Phlius, perceiving the La-
cedzmonians were now examining into the be-
haviour of their several confederates during the
war, thought it the proper season to apply for
themselves. ‘They went to Lacedemon, and
represented there, that so long as they were in
Phlius, the citizens received the Lacedeemonians
within their wa!ls, and marched in their com-
pany wherever they led them. But no sooner
had the people of Phlius ejected them, than
they absolutely denied to march at the sum-
mons, and refused to the Lacedzemonians alone,
of all men living, admittance into their city.
When the ephori had heard this representa-
tion, they judged it deserving of their attention.
They sent therefore to the state of Phlius,
remonstrating that ‘ the exiles were friends to
the Lacedemonian community, and for no
offence at all had been exiled their country.”
They insisted upon it therefore “asa point of
justice, that without compulsion and by mere
voluntary act they should grant the restoration
ef these exiles.” The Phliasians, having heard

XENOPHON ON THE

SS ee

[Book V.

their own citizens might open the gates, should
the Lacedemonians march against them. For
many relations of these exiles were now in the
city, who, besides their natural good-will to-
ward them, were desirous (as is generally the
case in most communities) to work some
change in the society, and were very eager for
the recall of the exiles. Moved therefore by
such apprehensions, they passed a decree for
the re-admission of the exiles—“all their real

estates to be immediately restored, and the |

value of such as had been sold to be returned
to the purchasers out of the public treasure :
and, in case any dispute arose, the point to be
determined by due course of law.” These
resolutions were carried at this time in favour
of the exiles from Phlius.

Ambassadors were now arrived at Lacede-—
mon from Acanthus and Apollonia, which are
the largest cities in the neighbourhood of Olyn-
thus. The ephori, having been informed of the
reason of their coming, introduced them into a
grand assembly of themselves and the con-
federates, where Cligenes the Acanthian spoke
as followeth :

ἐς Lacedemonians and ye their confederates,
an event of vast importance hath lately taken
place in Greece, of which we suppose you are
quite unapprized. There can, however, be
very few amongst you, who know not that
Olynthus is the greatest city on the coast of
Thrace. These Olynthians therefore have pre-
vailed with some other cities to unite with them
in point of laws and political administration :
and then they took into their union some larger
cities. After this they endeavoured to free the
cities of Macedonia from their subjection to
Amyntas king of the Macedonians. Having
succeeded with the nearest of these cities, they _
proceeded with rapidity to-do the same by the
more distant and the larger. And when we
came away, they were masters of a great num-
ber of them, and even of Pella the capital of
Macedonia. We have moreover intelligence,
that Amyntas hath been forced successively to
quit his cities, and is only not driven out from
the whole of Macedonia.

«“ To us Acanthians also and to the Agak:
lonians these Olynthians have likewise notified
their pleasure, that unless we engage to act
in confederacy with them, they will make war
upon us. But for our parts, Lacedemonians,
we ἃ ire still to live under our own estab-

all this, conceived a suspicion, that some of | lished laws, and to persevere as free as we

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

have hitherto been. And yet, unless somebody
condescends to assist us, we must of necessity
submit to their will and pleasure. They are
possessed at this very time of a body of heavy-
armed not less than eight hundred, and of a
body of targeteers in a much larger number;
and their cavalry, if we should be obliged to
join them, will amount to more than a thou-
sand.

«“ We, farther, left behind us at Olynthus
ambassadors from the Athenians and Beeotians :
and we hear that the Olynthians are come to a
resolution to send back with them ambassadors
to these several states, to perfect an alliance of-
fensive and defensive. If therefore so great
an accession be made to the present strength
of the Athenians and the Thebans, consider,
Lacedemonians, whether you will find them
for the future so tractable as they ought to be.

«ς Since, farther, they are already masters of
Potidza on the isthmus of Pallene, you must
take it for granted, that all the cities within
that isthmus must of course submit to the
Olynthians. But one particular and unques-
tionable proof may be given you, that these
cities already are most grievously alarmed; for
though they bear an irreconcileable hatred to
the Olynthians, yet they durst not send ambas-
sadors along with us to join in representing
these things to you.

“4 Consider again of how much inconsistence
you must be guilty, if you, whose chief study it
is to prevent the union of Beeotia, should slight
the conjunction of so great a power: a power
that will show itself considerable indeed not
only at land, but even at sea: for what can
hinder the men from becoming so, who have
timber of their own growth for the building of
ships, who receive tribute from abundance of
sea-ports and from abundance of trading towns,
and who, from the fertility of their country,
abound in people? And more than this, the
Thracians who haye no king are their nearest
neighbours, and have already begun to pay
great court to these Olyntbians: and should
they submit to receive their law, the latter will
acquire a vast accession of power by it. And
by necessary consequence it must follow, that
they then will seize for their own the gold
mines in the mountains of Pangzus.

“ς We tell you nothing here but what hath
been talked of a thousand times by the people
of Olynthus. And what need is there to add
how highly they are elevated upon it? The

445

author of our nature hath perhaps so framed
mankind, that their ambition must keep increas-
ing with their power.

“ We are only, Lacedemonians and confede-
rates, to make you a just report of the present
state of affairs. It behoveth you to consider
whether or no they deserve your attention. We
are bound, however, to assure you of one import-
ant truth, that the power of the Olynthians, be
it actually as great as we have represented, is
not yet too mighty for resistance: for even the
cities, which, against their inclinations, are
at present with them, will revolt the very mo-
ment an army taketh the field against them.
But if they enter into closer connections with
them by intermarriages and reciprocal acqui-
sitions, which are at present the points in agita-
tion ; and then grow convinced that it is most
for their interest to adhere to the strongest party
(as for instance the Arcadians, when they
march with you, preserve what is their own, and
plunder every body else,) then perhaps it may
be impossible to reduce within due bounds this
growing power.”

These things being said, the Lacedzemonians
referred the consideration of them to the con-
federates, and ordered them to consult and re-
port what they thought most conducive to the
interest of Peloponnesus and the whole con-
federacy. And now a majority of them voted
for the march of an army, those especially
who had a mind to ingratiate themselves with
the Lacedemonians. It was at length decreed
‘¢to demand their quotas from the several states
to form a body of ten thousand men.” Clauses
were inserted in the decree, that, “instead of
men, any state might be at liberty to advance a
sum of money, three oboles! of AXgina instead of
a man ; and if any furnished horse, the expense
of every horseman should be deemed equivalent
to the pay of four of the heavy-armed. But
if any refused to concur in the service, the
Lacedzmonians are empowered to lay a fine of
a stater® a-day upon them for every man.”
After these points were decreed, the Acan-
thians rose up again and declared, that “ these
indeed were very fine decrees, but could not
soon be carried into execution.” They said,
therefore, “ it would be highly expedient, whilst
this force was assembling, to send away im-
mediately some proper person to command, at
the head of what troops could march at once

1 About sixperce English. 2 £1 9d. sterling.

446

from Lacedemon and any of the other states.
For if this were done, the cities not yet
gore over would stand their ground, and
those already under compulsion would readi-
ly revolt.” This proposal being also ap-
proved, the’Lacedzmonians send away Euda-
midas, and with him the Spartans newly enfran-
chised, the troops of the neighbourhood, and
the Scirite, about two thousand in all. Euda-
inidas, however, at his departure begged of the
ephori, that Pheebidas his brother might as.- |
semble the rest of the army destined for this
service, and bring them up after him. As to
himself, so soon as he arrived in Thrace, he
sent garrisons round to such of the cities as
petitioned for them, and by a voluntary sur-
render recovered Potidza, which had been for
a time confederate with the Olynthians. He
afterwards marched from Potidza to commence
hostilities, which he conducted in the manner
suitable to a commander who had the inferior
force. .

So soon as the troops destined to follow
Eudamidas were assembled in a body, Phe-
bidas put himself at their head, and began the
march. On their arrival at Thebes, they en-
camped without the city near the Gymnasium.
The Thebans were now in sedition, and Is-
menias and Leontiades were generals of the
state. These two were enemies to one another,
and each was at the head of his own faction.
Ismenias, who hated the Lacedzemonians, never
once came near Pheebidas. But Leontiades
abundantly caressed him: and, when he had
got his heart, addressed him thus :

“ You have it, Pheebidas, this very day in
your power to do the highest service to your
country. If you will only follow me with your
heavy-armed, 1 will introduce you into the cita-
del of Thebes: and the citadel once secured,
assure yourself that Thebes will be entirely
in the power of the Lacedemonians and of us
your friends. A proclamation is already gone
out, you know it well, that no Theban shall
march with you against the Olynthians. But
do you only execute what 1 advise, and we will
immediately send away with you a numerous

body of heavy-armed, and a numerous body of
cavalry too. And thus with a formidable army
you will march up to reinforce your brother ;
and before he can reduce Olynthus, you your.
self shall have reduced Thebes, a city of far
more importance than Olynthus.”

Phebidas, having listened to him, was quite

~

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book v.

in arapture. He was fonder of distinguishing
himself by some grand exploit than of life it-
self. But then he was not a man that could
reason far, nor remarkable for any depth of
thought. He soon assented to the proposal,
and Leontiades bade him have his troops in
motion, as if he had decamped and was for
continuing his march. “I will be with you
again,” said Leontiades, “at the proper time,
and will conduct you myself.” Whilst there-
fore the senate was sitting in consultation in
the portico of the forum, because the women
were celebrating in the Cadmea the rites of

| Ceres, and scarce a creature could be seen in

the streets; since it was about noon in the
heat of summer, Leontiades returneth on horse-
back, makes Pheebidas file off secretly, and
introduceth him into the citadel. Having thus:
put Phcebidas and his party in possession of
the place, given him the key of the gates, and
enjoined him to give no person atlmittance
without a pass from him, he went his way di-
rectly to the senate. He entered it and said—

“ The Lacedemonians, gentlemen, are in
possession of the citadel, but let not that alarm
you. ‘They profess themselves enemies to no
man who is not fond of war. But as general
of the state, and by virtue of the power lodged
in me by the laws to apprehend all traitors, I
now apprehend this Ismenias, as a public ene-
my. And you, who are officers in the army,
and all of you whose duty it is, I order to se-
cure him and convey him you know whither.”

The conspirators were ready at hand, and
obeyed it, and took Ismenias into their cus-
tody. But such as knew nothing of the plot,
and were of the opposite party to Leontiades,
fled some of them immediately out of the city,
being afraid for their lives ; whilst others with-
drew at first to their own homes ; but hearing
afterwards that Ismenias was made prisoner in
the Cadmea, all those who were of the same
party with Androclides and Ismenias, to the
number of four hundred persons, made the best
of their way to Athens.

When these things were done, they chose
another general in the room of Ismenias. But
Leontiades set out immediately for Lacedzemon.
He found there the ephori and every citizen
of Sparta in high indignation against Phcebidas
for having presumed to act in this manner with-
out consulting the state. Agesilaus, it is true.
represented that “if he had acted to-the public
detriment, he ought to be punished; but if he

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

had served the public, it was an old established
law, that his own good intentions sufficiently
authorised him. We should therefore consi-
der first,” said he, “whether what hath been
done hath been serviceable to the state or not.”
Leontiades, however, being introduced, on his
arrival to the council of state, spoke thus :

“Your ownselves, Lacedemonians, have for
ever. been declaring that the Thebans were
your constant enemies, even before the last
transactions. You have for ever seen thein
exerting their friendship towards your foes,
and exerting their enmity against your friends.
Did they not refuse to march with you against
the Athenian people, your implacable enemy,
when they had seized the Pireus? and did they
not make war against the Phocians, merely
because the latter were benevolently inclined
to you? Nay, no sooner had they learned that
you were going to make war upon the Olyn-
thians, than they struck up a confederacy with
them. Time was, you were attentive to all
their motions, and alarmed at hearing they
were extending their power in Beotia. But
all alarms are now at an end; you no longer
have.any reason to fear the Thebans. Hence-
forth a small scytale will suffice to keep every
thing there in all regular and needful obedience
to yourselves, provided you show the same
zeal for us as we have manifested for you.”

After hearing him, the Lacedemonians de-
creed “ to keep fast possession of the citadel, now
that it was seized, and to proceed to the trial
of Ismenias.” Their next step was, to send
judges to try him, three from Lacedemon, and
one from every state, as well small as great, in
the Lacedemonian league. When these judges
were assembled, and had taken their seats in
court, an accusation was preferred against Is-
menias, that “he was in the interest of Bar-
barians, and: had entered into the hospitable
ties with the Persian with no good design in
regard to Greece ; that he had received a share
of the money from the king; and that he and
Androclides were principal authors of all the
confusion in Greece.” He made his defence
against every part of the accusation, but could
not convince his judges, that he had not been
a very intriguing and mischievous man. He
was accordingly condemned to die, and suffered
death. The faction of Leontiades continued
now to be masters of Thebes, and outstripped
command in the officiousness of their zeal to
serve the Lacedemouians.

447

After these things were brought about, the
Lacedemonians, with much more alacrity than
ever, sent away the army against Olynthus.
They give the command of this army to Te-
leutias, and all the states furnished their quotas
towards ten thousand men to march away with
him, and scytales were circulated to the con-
federate cities, ordering them to obey Teleu-
tias according to the decree of the confederates.
Each separate people in the league with cheer-
fulness accompanied Teleutias. _ They were
sure Teleutias would never be ungrateful to
those who did him any service. And the
Theban state, as he was the brother of Agesi-
laus, sent away with him heavy-armed and
horsemen. Though in a hurry to reach his
post, yet he marched but slowly, always care-
ful not to hurt any friends in his march and to
enlarge his numbers as much as possible. He
sent messengers before him to Amyntas, and
desired him to hire a body of mercenaries, and
to lay out his money among the neighbouring
kings to purchase their aid, if he really had a
mind to recover his dominions. __He sent also
to Derdas, king of Elyma, admonishing him
that the Olynthians had demolished the greater
power of Macedonia, and will not refrain from
doing the same by a lesser power, unless a stop
be put to their insolence. Acting in this man-
ner, he arrived at length with a very numerous
army on the lands of the confederacy. And
when he had made his entry into Potida, he
there marshalled his troops, and then took the
field. But, during his approach to Olynthus,
he set nothing on fire, he committed no ravage;
judging, that if he did such things, he should
embarrass both his own approach and retreat.
When he should be marching back, he judged
it would be the proper time to cut down the
trees and block up the roads against the enemy
that might follow his rear. When he was
advanced within ‘ten stadia of Olynthus, he
made the army halt. He was himself on the
left; and thus it happened that he appeared
before the gates through which the enemy
sallied. The rest of the confederate troops
were drawn up on the right. He also posted
on the right the Lacedemonian and Theban
horse, and what Macedonian cavalry was at
hand. He kept Derdas and his four hundred
horse on his own flank, because he admired
this body of horse, and had a mind to compli-

1 About a mile,

448

ment Derdas for joining him with so much
alacrity. When the enemy was come out of
Olynthus, and had formed into order of battle
under the wall, their cavalry closed firm to-
gether, and rode down on the Lacedemonian
and Beeotian horse. They dismounted Poly-
charmus, the Lacedemonian officer, gave him
several wounds as he lay on the ground, and
slew others ; and at length compel the horse
in the right wing to fly. The horse being thus
first in flight, the foot also, drawn up nearest
to them, began to give way. The whole army
Was now in great danger of defeat, had not
Derdas, with his own cavalry, rode up directly
to the gates of Olynthus ; and Teleutias with

the left wing marched after him in excellent’

order. The Olynthian horse had no sooner
perceived these motions, than they were afraid
of being shut out of the town. They wheeied
about, therefore, with all speed, and came on a
gallop towards the gates. And now Derdas
slew a vast number of these horsemen as they
were gallopping by him. The infantry of the
Olynthians retired into the city; and very few
of them were killed, since they were so near
the walls. But after a trophy was erected, and
the victory remained with Teleutias, he re-
treated and cut down the trees.

III. When the campaign was over for the
summer, he dismissed the troops of Macedonia
aud those of Derdas. The Olynthians, how-
ever, were making frequent excursions against
the cities confederate with the Lacedzmonians,
carrying off much plunder and slaughtering the
people. And very early inthe succeeding spring,
the Olynthian horse, to the number of six hun-
dred, had made an excursion against Apollonia
about noon, and were dispersed plundering about
the country. That very morning Derdas, with his
own horse, had marched into Apollonia, where
he stopped to refresh himself and his men.
When he beheld the enemy’s incursion, he
made no bustle at all. His horses were ready ;
the riders were armed and mounted: and so
soon as the Olynthians, in a contemptuous
manner, entered the suburb, and rode up to the
very gates of the town, he then sallied out in
excellent order. The Olynthians no sooner
saw him than they fled. And Derdas, when
once at their backs, continued the pursuit and
slaughter of them for ninety stadia, till he
had chased them to the very walls of Olynthus.

1 About nine miles.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK V.

Derdas was said this day to have slain eighty
of their horsemen. From this time the enemy
were obliged to keep more within their walls,
and employ themselves entirely in cultivating
the small tract of country that was yet in their
power. :

Some time after, when Teleutias was again
in the field against the Olynthians, in order to
demolish any tree yet standing, and to complete
the ruin of their country, the Olynthian horse, |
who had sallied out and came marching quietly
forwards, passed the river that runs near the
city, and then again kept quietly advancing to-
wards the enemy’s army. When Teleutias
saw them, he was vexed at their assurance, and
ordered Tlemonides, who commanded the tar-
geteers, to march full speed against them. But
the Olynthians, when they saw the targeteers
running forwards, wheeled about, retreated
quietly, and repassed the river. The targeteers
kept following in a very courageous manner,
and, like men who were driving fugitives be-
fore them, passed the river too in pursuit.
But here the Olynthian horse, who judged
they had now got them fast, face about and
attack them, and slew Tlemonides himself
and more than a hundred of his men. Teleu-
tias no sooner saw this, than, quite mad with
anger, he caught up his arms, and led the
heavy-armed towards them, ordering the tar-
geteers and horsemen to continue the pursuit
and lose no ground. By this means many of
the army, having unadvisedly continued the
pursuit too near the walls, found a great diffi.
culty in retreating again. They were galled
with darts from the turrets; they were obliged
to move off in the most disorderly manner,
guarding themselves from the darts that came
pouring upon them. And now the Olynthians
ride down upon their horse, and their targe-
teers made what haste they could to assist
them. At length the heavy-armed sallied out,
and charge the main body of the enemy, who
were all in confusion. And here Teleutias is
killed fighting. He was no sooner dead, than
all about him gave way. No man any longer
stood his ground. ‘The whole army fled:
some towards Spartolus; some towards Acan-
thus ; some to Apollonia; but most of them
to Potidea. As thus they were fleeing dif-
ferent ways, the pursuit by as many different
ways was continued after them, in which a vast
number of men, and indeed the very flower of
this mighty army, perished. Such dreadful

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

calamitics as these should, in my judgment, be
a lesson to mankind to guard against anger,
nay, even when they are only to chastise their
own domestics. For it frequently happens,
that when masters are too angry, they do more
hurt to themselves than to those they want to
punish. But to attack an enemy in the heat of
anger, and not with judgment, is the saddest
fault of which we can be guilty: for anger
foreseeth no consequences at all; whereas,
judgment considereth as much its own preser-
vation as doing harm to an enemy. :

When the news of this defeat was brought
to the Lacedemonians, they determined, after
mature consultation, to march up a considerable
force, in order to damp the great exultation of
the enemy, and lest all hitherto done should
have been done in vain. Having thus deter-
mined, they send away Agesipolis the king, to
take upon him the command, attended, as Age-
silaus was in Asia, by thirty Spartans. Many
of the bravest soldiers in the neighbourhood of
Sparta went out with him volunteers, as did
those strangers distinguished by the title of
Tropbimi, and the bastards of the Spartans.
Volunteers farther from the confederates joined
in the expedition, and the horsemen of Thes.-
saly, who had a mind to recommend themselves
to the notice of Agesipolis. Amyntas also
and Derdas came in with more alacrity than
ever: and Agesipolis, thus executing his com-
mission, was marching against Olynthus.

The citizens of Phlius, who had been highly
commended by Agesipolis for their handsome
and prompt contribution towards his expedi-
tion, began now to imagine, that as Agesipolis
was gone abroad, Agesilaus would not take the
field against them, since it was not probable
that both kings could, at the same time, be
absent from Sparta; and therefore in a very
haughty manner they refused justice to the
exiles lately restored. In vain did these exiles
insist that all disputes should be determined
“before impartial judges, for they compelled
them to submit to the determinations of their
own judges at Phlius. And when the return-
ing exiles demanded, “what justice could be
expected when the very persons who had in-
jured them presided in the courts?” they gave
not the least attention to them. The persons
therefore thus aggrieved, go afterwards to La-
cedemon with accusations against the city of
Phlius. Some other Phliasians also came with
them, representing that many of the citizens

449

acknowledged the injustice of s behaviour.
The Phliasians were nettled at these proceed-
ings, and laid a fine upon all those who went
to Lacedemon without public authority. The
persons on whom these fines were laid were
afraid to return home. They continued at
Sparta, representing that “the authors of all
this violence were the same persons who had
driven them from their homes, and excluded
the Lacedemonians too. The very same per-
sons, who had bought their effects, and by
violence refused to restore them, had now ex-
erted their influence to have a fine laid upon
them for repairing to Lacedemon, that no one
for the future might presume-to go thither and
report what was doing at Phlius.” As this
behaviour of the Phliasians was not to he
justified, the ephori proclaim an expedition
against them: and Agesilaus was not at all
displeased with this resolution of the state,
since Podanemus, who, with his family, had
been the hospitable friend of his father Archi-
damus, was in the number of the exiles who
had returned, and Procles the son of Hipponi-
cus had likewise been his own. So soon
therefore as the sacrifices were auspicious, he
dallied not, but began his march. Many em-
bassies met him, and offered him money to
stop. His answer was, “‘he was now in the
command, not to commit injustice himself, but
to vindicate the oppressed.” The last embassy
of all declared “‘they would submit to any
conditions, provided he would not enter their
country.” He replied, that “ he could put no
confidence in mere speeches ; they had already
broken their words: he could trust to nothing
but a positive act.” Being now asked what
act he meant? he answered, “ the very same
you did once before, and received no damage at
all from us by doing it.” This was, to deliver
up their citadel. But as they refused to com-
ply, he marched into their territory, and throw-
ing up a circumvallation, laid siege to their
city.

It was now frequently said by the Lacede-
monians, that “for the sake of a few of his
favourites, Agesilaus was going to ruin a city
that contained more than five thousand men :”
for to make them believe that this was so, the
Phliasians were ever declaiming it to them
from the walls. Agesilaus, however, contrived
a scheme to convince them it was false: for
whenever any of the Phliasians that were either
friends or relations to the exiles, escaped out
L

2

o

450

of the city to the camp, he ordered the Lace-
demonians to invite them to their tents, and
to furnish such of them as had a mind to go
through the exercises with them with all pro-
peraccommodations. He enjoined them farther
to provide them with arms, and without hesita-
tion to procure such arms upon credit. They
did all this, and furnished out above a thousand
Phliasians, whose bodies were in fine exercise,
who were perfectly well disciplined, and most
expert in the use of arms. At length the La-
cedemonians were obliged to confess, that “ it
was well worth their while to gain such brave
fellow-soldiers as these.” And Agesilaus was
thus employed.

In the meantime Agesipolis, having with all
expedition crossed Macedonia, showed himself
in battle-array before the walls of Olynthus.
And when nobody sallied out against him, he
laid waste all that territory which had hitherto
escaped devastation, and marching towards the
cities confederate with Olynthus, destroyed
their corn. He made also an assault upon
Torone, and took it by storm. ‘Thus busied
as he was in the heat of summer, he 15 attacked
by a burning fever. And as he had lately
visited the temple of Bacchus at Aphyte, he
conceived a violent longing after the shady
bowers and the clear and cooling streams. He
was therefore conveyed thither yet alive: but
on the seventh day after he was seized, he ex-
pired without the verge of the temple. His
body was preserved in honey and brought home
to Sparta, where it was interred with regal
pomp. Agesilaus, when he heard of his death,
was not, as some would imagine, secretly glad
at the death of a competitor, but he shed tears
abundantly, and sadly regretted the loss of his
companion. For, when they are at Sparta,
both kings are lodged in the same apartment.

And Agesipolis was qualified in all respects to |

entertain Agesilaus with his discourses about
youthful exercises, about hunting and riding,
or the more gay and lively topics. And what
is more, when they were thus lodged together,
he constantly paid high respect to Agesilaus,
as his senior, in the manner that became him.
The Lacedemonians send away Polybiades to
command in his stead against Olynthus.
Agesilaus had been a longer time before
Philius than it was said their provisions could
have lasted. But of such excellent use it is to
refrain from indulging the belly, that the Phii-
asians, who had made a decree that only half

XENOPHON ON THE

[ΒΟΟΚ v.

the usual allowance should be daily issued out,
and had observed this decree, were enabled to
hold out twice as long as had been expect-
ed. And a resolute spirit sometimes gains an
entire ascendent over despondency, insomuch
that one Delphio, a person who had made a
great figure at Phlius, being supported by a
party of three hundred Phlisians, was able at
any time to stop the mouths of such as cried
out for peace, was able farther to apprehend
and secure in safe custody such as were not to
be trusted. He could also force the multitude
to mount regularly upon guard, and by con-
stantly going the rounds kept them steady in
their posts. Nay, he frequently sallied out
with his select party, and drove such of the
enemy as were guarding the circumyallation
from their posts. But when at last this select:
party, after the strictest inquiry, found all the
corn in the city to be spent, they then sent to
Agesilaus desiring a truce for an embassy to
go to Lacedemon : adding, “ they had come to
a resolution to surrender the city on whatever
conditions the magistrates at Lacedemon should
prescribe.” Agesilaus was angry that they
should slight him in this manner. He there-
fore sent to his friends at Lacedemon, and by
them solicited so effectually, that the terms of
surrender for Phlius were left to his own de-
termination; he, however, granted a truce for
the embassy. He now kept a stricter guard
than ever upon the besieged, that none of them
might make their escape. But notwithstand..
ing all his vigilance, Delphio, accompanied by
a scoundrel fellow, a servant of his own, who
had frequently plundered the besiegers of their
arms, got away by night. When the messen-
gers arrived from Lacedemon, with a permis-
sion from the state to Agesilaus to settle the
terms as he thought most advisable, he declared
them thus ; that ‘fifty persons of the late ex-
iles, and fifty Phliasians who had not been ex-
iled, should first agree upon a report, what
persons deserved to be saved and what persons
ought to be put to death ; and then should draw
up a body of laws for their future observation.”
And whilst these things were settling he left a
garrison in Phlius, and had six months’ pay
secured to them. Having done this, he dis-
missed the confederates, and marched back
himself with the domestic troops to Sparta.
The whole time of these transactions about
Phlius was one year and eight months.
Polybiades now compelled the Olynthians,

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

who were grievously afflicted with famine,
since they could neither fetch in provisions by
land nor import them by sea, to send an em-
bassy to Lacedemon to sue for peace. The
ambassadors arrived there with full powers,
and agreed “to have the same friend and the
same foe with the Lacedemonians, to follow
them as their leaders, and be their confede-
rates.” And having sworn to observe these
articles, they retursed to Olynthus.

When every thing had thus succeeded with
the Lacedzmonians, so that now the Thebans
and the rest of the Beotians were entirely sub-
missive, the Corinthians adhered most faith-
fully to them, and the Argives were humbled,
as their plea about computing the months could
no longer avail them; asthe Athenians farther
were left quite by themselves, and they had
sufficiently chastised their own disaffected con-
federates, their empire over Greece seemed at
present to be established with lustre and se-
curity.

IV. Many instances however might be
brought from the histories both of Greeks and
Barbarians, that the gods neglect not the pun-
ishment of men who behave irreligiously, or
commit unrighteous acts: but at present I
shall stick close to my subject. For even
those Lacedzemonians, who had sworn to leave
the cities in freedom and independence, and
yet had seized the citadel of Thebes, were
chastised for their crime by the very people
they had injured, though hitherto superior to
all their enemies. And as to those very The-
bans, who had led them into the citadel and
taken it into their heads to betray the city to
the Lacedemonians, that under their protec-
tion they might play the tyrant, no more per-
sons than seven exiles were sufficient to wreak
ample vengeance upon them. 1 shall relate in
what manner it was done.

There was one Phyllidas, who served as se-
cretary to the generals of the state, in the in-
terest of Archias, and was highly esteemed for
the faithful execution of his office. This man
was by business carried to Athens, where
Mello, one of the Thebans who had refuged
himself at Athens, and was his old acquain-
tance, gets a conference with him. He asked
him abundance of questions, how Archias exe-
cuted his office ? and Philip continued to play
the tyrant ? and discovering that Phyllidas ab-
horred all the management at Thebes even
worse than himself, after proper pledges of

45)

fidelity to one another, they agreed about the
exact method of executing the plot. In con-
sequence of this, Mello, taking with him six !
of the properest persons amongst the exiles,
armed with daggers and no other weapon, go-
eth in the first place by night into the territory
of Thebes. In the next place, having passed
the day in some unfrequented spot, at evening
they came to the gates, as if returning amongst
the latest of those who had been working in
the fields. When they had thus got into the
city, they passed that night in the house of one
Charon, with whom also they continued the
following day. Phyllidas was now very busy
in making preparations for his masters the ge-
nerals of the state, that they might celebrate
the feast of Venus at the expiration of their
office. He had long before made them a pro-
mise to bring them some of the noblest and
most beautiful ladies in the city, and fixed this
night for the performance of it. 'The generals,
libertines as they were, reckoned they should
have a most joyous night. When supper was
over, and they had drunk largely, for Phyllidas
took care they should have plenty of wine,
they called upon him again and again to fetch
in the ladies. He went indeed, but fetched in
Mello and his companions. He had fine-
ly dressed up three of them as women of
quality, and the rest as their maids. He led
them first into the pantry of the public man-
sion ; and then, going himself into the room
where they were feasting, told them “the la-

dies positively refused to come in till all the

servants were withdrawn.” Upon this they
immediately ordered all servants to leave the
room. Phyllidas gave the servants wine, and
sent them out to drink it in the house of one
of the public officers. When this was done,
he introduced the ladies, and seated them each
to a man. ‘The signal was, that so soon as
they were seated, they should immediately dis-
cover themselves, and stab. It is thus that
some say they were put to death. But others
will have it, that Mello and his companions
came as a party of masquers, and so killed the
generals of the state. Ὁ

Phyllidas, however, taking with him three
of them, proceeded to the house of Leontiades ;
and after knocking at the door, said he had
some orders to deliver from the generals.
Leontiades had just thrown himself upon a

1 Pelopidas was one of the number.

452

couch after supper, and his wife was sitting by
him employed at her wheel. He looked upon
Phyllidas as a trusty person, and therefore or-
dered him to come in. They were no sooner
in the room, than after killing him ! and sadly
affrighting his wife, they enjoined her to be si-
lent. And now departing, they left an order,
“to keep the door fast. If they found it had
been opened,” they threatened ‘to put all the
people in the house to death.” Phayllidas, ac-
companied by two of the men, went away to
the public prison, and told the keeper, “ he had
a prisoner to deliver from a general of the
state, whom he must take care to secure.” So
soon as he opened the door, they immediately
killed him, and set all the prisoners at liberty.
They now ran and took arms out of the por-
tico, with which they armed the prisoners;
and then marching to the Amphieum, posted
them there on guard. And no sooner was this
done, than they proclaimed aloud, that “all the
horsemen and heavy-armed of Thebes should
come out since the tyrants were slain.” The
citizens, who in the night-time knew not what
to believe, kept quiet in their houses. But so
soon as it was day, and it was clearly seen what
had been done, the heavy-armed and horsemen
soon joined them in arms.* The exiles also,
who had now returned to Thebes, despatch
horsemen away to the rest of their associates,
who were waiting on the frontiers of Athens,
and two Athenian generals with them. These,
knowing well why they were sent for, put
themselves in march.

The Lacedemonian, who commanded in the
citadel, had no sooner heard of the proclama-
tion that was made in the night, than he sent
away to Platea and Thespie for aid. But the
Theban horsemen, who were aware of the ap-
proach of the Platzans, met them on the road,
and slew more than twenty of them. Coming
back into Thebes after this exploit, and the
party from the frontier of Athens was now
also arrived, they made an assault upon the
citadel. When those within the citadel, whose
number was but small, found what they were
about, and saw with how.much spirit each as-
sailant behaved, and heard large rewards offer-
ed by proclamation to such as should first scale
the wall, they were greatly intimidated, and
offered to evacuate the place, “would they

—— Θ:--ὅ.ὅ.

1 It was Pelopidas who killed him,
2 With Epaminondas at their head.

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK Vv.

give them leave to depart unmolested with
their arms.” They readily agreed to this de-
mand ; and then granting a truce and swearing
to an observance of the articles, they ordered
them to evacuate the citadel. However, as
they were marching out, they seized and mas-
sacred all such amongst them as they knew
were their enemies. And yet some persons
there were, as were secreted by such of the
Athenians who had marched up with the aid
from the frontier, and conveyed safely off. But —
the Thebans apprehended and butchered even
the children of those persons whom they had
massacred on this occasion.

When the Lacedemonians were informed of
these affairs, they put to death their command-
ant, for evacuating the citadel and not remain-
ing in it till aid came up. They also proclaim
an expedition against Thebes. But Agesilaus
alleged, that “‘ he had been in constant service
now forty years from his youth, and as the law
exempted all persons of that standing from
serving abroad in the army,” he averred that
“the king also was included in that exemp-
tion ; and having thus alleged a reasonable
excuse, he did not command in this expedition.
Yet this was a mere pretext to evade the ser-
vice, as he well knew, in case he took the com-
mand himself, that his countrymen would
murmur at him for giving them so much trou-
ble that he might succour tyrants. He suffer-
ed them therefore to determine every point re-
lating to it without interfering at all. The
ephori at length, at the desire of those who had
escaped from Thebes after the massacre, send
out Cleombrotus for the first time to command
the army, and in the very depth of winter.
Chabrias, at the head of the Athenian targe-
teers, was guarding the pass of Eleuthere; Cle-
ombrotus therefore marched up by the road that
leadeth to Platea. His targeteers, who led the
yan, fell in upon the mountain with a guard of
about one hundred and fifty persons, the very
same men who had been set at liberty out of
the prison. And all these, unless perhaps one
or two who might escape, the targeteers imme-
diately slew. He then marched down to Pla-
tea, which was yet in friendship with them.
But after he had been at Thespiz, he marched
from thence to Cynoscephale, which belonged
to the Thebans, and encamped his army. He
continued there about sixteen days, and then
retired again to Thespie. He left Sphedrias
to command in that place with a third part of

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

the confederate troops. He also gave him
what money he had brought from Sparta, and
ordered him to hire a body of auxiliaries. And
Sphodrias set about obeying his orders.

Cleombrotus led the rest of the army back by
the road of Crusis, his soldiers being yet very
much in doubt, whether there was a war or not
with the Thebans. He had entered with his
army, it is true, upon the dominions of Thebes,
but he was again withdrawing after doing
them as little damage as possible. Yet during
his retreat there happened a most violent tem-
pest of wind, which some interpreted as an
omen of what was soon to come to pass.
Amongst other prodigious effects of this tem-
pest, as Cleombrotus was crossing the moun-
tian in the road from Crusis to the sea, it
blew several asses loaded with baggage down
the precipices, and carried abundance of wea-
pons whirled out of the soldiers’ hands into the
sea. Inshort, many of them, unable to go on-with
their arms, left them behind here and there up-
on the top of the mountain, laying down their
shields with the wrong side uppermost.and fill-
ing them with stones. That night they refreshed
themselves as well as they could at AX.gosthenes
in the district of Megara, but next day they re-
turned and fetched off their arms. And from
hence each party made the best of their way to
their several homes, for Cleombrotus disbanded
the army.

The Athenians, who now saw what the
strength of the Lacedemonians was, that there
was war no longer at Corinth, and that the Lace-
dzmonians had even marched along by Attica
against Thebes, were so highly intimidated,
that they called down to a trial the two gene-
rals, who had been concerned in the conspiracy of
Mello against the faction of Leontiades, and
put one of them to death, and outlawed the
other who fled before his trial.

The Thebans farther, who were under full
as great apprehensions in case they should be
compelled singly to war with the Lacedzmo-
nians, have recourse to the following artifice.*
They persuade Sphodrias, who was left com-
mandant at Thespiz, and it was supected by
a handsome bribe, to make an incursion into
Attica, in order to force the Athenians to a
rupture with the Lacedzemonians. Sphodrias
undertook the business, and pretended he would

3 According to Piutareh, Pelopidas was chief agent
in and promoter of this «fisir.

453

seize the Piraeus, as it was not yet secured by
gates. He put his troops on the march soon
after supper, saying that before day he would
be at the Pireus. But day-light overtook him
at Thria, and he had not even the caution to con-
ceal his design. For when he was forced to
retreat, he drove off the cattle and gutted the
houses. Some persons, too, who had fallen in
with him on his march, flying with all speed in-
to the city, alarmed the Athenians with the
news that a very numerous army was approach-
ing. Their horsemen and heavy-armed were
soon accoutred, and posted themselves on the
guard of the city. Etymocles, and Aristolo-
chus, and Ocellus, the Lacedemonian ambas-
sadors, were now in residence at Athens, lodged
with Callias the public host of their state: and
no sooner was this news arrived, than the
Athenians arrested and secured these ambas-
sadors as privy to the scheme. They were
strangely surprised at this incident, and pleaded
in their own behalf that ‘they were not-such
fools as to have staid in the city in the power of
the Athenians, had they known of any design to
seize the Pirzeus, and least ofall in their public
lodgings, where they were sure to be met with.”
They said farther, “it should be cleared up to
the satisfaction of the Athenians, that the state
of Lacedemon was not privy to the design ;”
adding, “ they were well assured of hearing
soon that Sphodrias was put to death by his
country for it.” And thus, being clearly ad-
judged to have known nothing at all of the mat-
ter, they were set at liberty.

The ephori recalled Sphodrias, and prefer-
red a capital indictment against him. He
truly was affrighted, and would not undergo
a trial. But after all, though he refused to
stand his trial, he got himself acquitted.
This was thought by many the most iniqui-
tous sentence that ever was given by the
Lacedemonians. But the true history of it
was this:

Sphodrias had a son, by name Cleonymus,
of an age just beyond the class of boys, but the
handsomest and most accomplished youth ~
in Sparta; and Archidamus the son of Age-
silaus had a fondness for him. The friends
therefore of Cleombrotus, who were great inti-
mates with Sphodrias, were bent on getting
him acquitted, but yet were afraid of Age-
silaus and his friends, and indeed of all impar-..
tial persons, since beyond all doubt his offence
was enormous. But Sphodrias at length spoke

454

thus to Cleonymus: “ It is in your power, my
sun, to save your father’s life, would you
prevail with Archidamus to get Agesilaus
to favour me in court.” After hearing this, he
had the courage to go to Archidamus and beg
him to save his father. Archidamus truly,
seeing Cleonymus, in tears, stood all in sus-
pense, and wept along with him. And when
he had heard his request, he answered thus:
* But you must know, Cleonymus, that I never
am able to look my father in the face; and
whatever public point I want to carry, I solicit
all the world much sooner than my father.
However, since you request it, be assured I
will do all in my power to serve you.” And
then, leaving the public room of entertainment
where they were, he went home to bed. Next
morning he was up betimes, and took care his
father should not go out before he had seen
him. But when he saw him appear, in the
first place if any of the citizens came in, he
let them talk over their business with him ;
and then if there came any stranger ; and after-
wards, he gave way to such of the domestics
as had any thing tosay. Inshort, when Agesi-
laus was returned home again from the Euro-
tas, he retired without daring to approach him.
And the next day he behaved again exactly in
the same manner. Agesilaus however sus-
pected the true reason of his son’s behaviour,
but he asked no questions, and let him go on.
Archidamus, as is now likely, was longing for
a sight of Cleonymus, but durst not presume
to face him, as he had not opened his lips to
his father about his petition. And the friends
of Sphodrias, finding that Archidamus, who
used to be assiduous, came not near Cleonymus,
were persuaded he had been chidden by his
father. But, in short, Archidamus had at last
the courage to go up to him and say, “I am,
sir, desired by Cleonymus, to beg of you to
save his father; I earnestly entreat you there-
fore to do it if you can.” He answered, “I
forgive you, my son, for asking it; but I do
not see how I can be forgiven by my country,
if I do not condemn the man, who hath taken
a bribe to hurt my country.” Archidamus had
nothing to reply, but overpowered by a sense of
justice went hisway. Yet afterwards, whether
of his own thought or the suggestion of some-
body else, he came again and said, “ But I am
assured, my father, if Sphodrias had done no
wrong, you would readily acquit him; and
therefore, though he hath dore wrong, forgive

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book v.

him this once to gratify your son. Agesilaus
replied, “‘ Be it so, provided it can be done
with honour.” At this answer Archidamus
went his way quite despairing of success.

One of the friends of Sphodrias being after-
wards in discourse with Etymocles said to
him, ““ All you, I suppose, who are the friends
of Agesilaus, are for putting Sphodrias to
death.” Far from it,” replied Etymocles ;
should we not act in concert with him? And
Agesilaus, J assure you, says to all with whom
he talketh about him, that beyond all doubt
Sphodrias hath been to blame; but then it
would be a hardship indeed to put a man to
death, who in every stage of life had behaved
in the most honourable manner, for Sparta
standeth in need of such gallant men.” Hear-
ing this, he went and told it to Cleonymus.
Cleonymus, quite overjoyed, sought out Archi-
damus and said, “ Now we are convinced you
have a sincere regard for us ; and rest assured,
Archidamus, we shall always endeavour to
show so high a regard for you, that you shali
never blush you have been our friend.” He
made his words good, since quite through life
he nobly discharged all the duties of a Spartan,
and at Leuctra, fighting before the king in com-
pany with Dinon, a general-officer, he was the
first of the Spartans who dropped and died in
the midst of the enemy. His death gave the
heartiest concern to Archidamus, though ac-
cording to promise he never shamed, but on
the contrary gloriously adorned his benefactor.
And in this manner truly was Sphodrias ac-
quitted.

At Athens, however, such persons as were
in the Beeotian interest were representing to
the people, that “ the Lacedzemonians, far from
punishing, had even commended Sphodrias for
his treachery to them.” The consequence was,
that the Athenians made all fast about the
Pirseus, set ships on the stocks, and aided the
Beeotians with high alacrity. On the other
side, the Lacedemonians declared an expedition
against Thebes; and judging that Agesilaus
would command the army with more prudence
than Cleombrotus, they begged of him to un-
dertake the service. He replied that “he
could refuse no service for which the state
judged him to be qualified,” and began the pre-
parations to take the field. But sensible that
unless Cithzron was secured in time, it would
not be easy to get into the territory of Thebes;
and having learned that the Cletorians were at

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

war with the Orchomenians, and subsisted a
body of foreign troops, he treated with them
for the aid of those troops in case he should
want them. After the sacrifices for a success-
ful campaign were over, before he had reached
Tegea with his Lacedemonians, he despatched a
messenger to the commander of the troops in the
service of the Cletorians, with a month’s pay
advance for those troops, and an order to pos
sess themselves immediately of Cithzeron. He
sent also a notification to the Orchomenians
“to suspend their war during his present ex-
pedition. But if any state, whilst he was in
the field, presumed to make war upon any other
state, he threatened to make war upon the
state so offending, in pursuance of the stand-
ing decree of the confederates.” And now,
after passing Citheron and arriving at Thes-
piz, he resumed his march from thence, and
entered the dominions of Thebes. But find-
ing the plains and the richest parts of the coun-
try secured by ditches and ramparts, he shifted
his encampments from one spot to another, and
leading out his army in the afternoon laid all
the country waste that he found not covered
by ditches and ramparts. For the enemy,
whenever Agesilaus appeared in sight, formed
into order of battle behind their rampart as
ready to defend it. And once, when he was
returning to his camp, the Theban horse, who
had kept themselves concealed, ride out sud-
denly through the sally-ports contrived on pur-
pose in the rampart, and at the time the tar.
geteers were dispersed to their supper, and were
actually getting it ready, whilst the horsemen
were either dismounting or mounting again
upon their horses, gallop in amongst them.
They made a slaughter of the targeeters, and of
the horse slew Cleon and Epilytidas, both of
Sparta, and Eudicus who belonged to a city
in the neighbourhood of Sparta, and some
exiles from Athens, who had not been able to
remount their horses. But when Agesilaus
had faced about with the heavy-armed, and
was marching towards them, and the horse on
each side began to ride at one another, and the
first military class of Spartans ran out from the
heavy-armed to support the horse, then indeed
the horsemen of the Thebans resembled la-
bourers exhausted by the noon-day heat. They
kept their ground, it is true, against assailants,
and threw their spears, but then they never
‘threw them home. And at last, being obliged

to wheel about, twelve of them were slain. |

455

When Agesilaus was thus convinced that the
enemy were always in motion after dinner, he
sacrificed at early day; and then marching out his
army with all expedition, he entered their lines by
a quarter on which there was no guard at all.
And after this he put every thing within their
lines to fire and sword, quite up to the walls of
Thebes. But having done this, and retreated
again to Thespiz, he fortified that city: and
leaving Phcebidas behind to be commandant in
Thespiz, he repassed to Megara, dismissed
the confederates, and led back the domestic
troops to Sparta.

But after his departure, Phoebidas, by send-
ing out his parties, was continually fetching
in plunder from the Thebans, and by the in-
cursions he made gave sad annoyance to the
country. The Thebans on the other side, be-
ing eager for revenge, march with their whole
united force into the territory of the Thespians.
But though they had thus entered it, Phoebidas
lay so close upon them with his targeteers, that
none of the enemy durst on any occasion strag-
gle from the main body. In short the Thebans
were grievously disappointed in this fruitless
incursion, and were retreating with much pre.
cipitation. And even their muleteers, throw-
ing away what corn they had got, rode home-
wards as fast as possible: so great a panic had
seized the army. But Pheebidas with high
ardour kept plying in pursuit. He followedit
close with the targeteers, having left orders for
the heavy-armed to follow after in their regular
order. He was full of hope to make it end
in a general rout. He himself pressed with
great bravery on their rear; he encouraged
every person to keep up close at the enemy;
and he ordered the heavy-armed of Thespiz
to follow him. But the Theban horse were
now come in their retreat to a wood that was
impassable, at which they first drew close to-
gether, and in the next place they faced about,
since they were quite at a loss how to get any
farther. The targeteers, and the number of
them was but small, that first approached, were
terrified and took to flight. When the horsemen
saw this, the very fright of their own people
instructed them to fall on ; and here Pheebidas
with two or three more were slain fighting.
Perceiving Phcebidas was killed, all the mer-
cenaries to a man took to flight. When in
their flight they were come back to the heavy-
armed of Thespiz, these also, in spite of their
former boasts that they would never give way

456

before Thebans, fled too for company. They
saved themselves indeed from any warm pur-
suit, since it was now late in the day. Hence
it was that few of these Thespians lost their
lives. They fled, however, without once
looking behind them, till they were got within
their own walls.

The affairs of the Thebans took fresh life
again after this success, and they marched
against Thespie and the adjacent cities. The
party, it is true, for the Thebans, in each of
these cities had retired to Thebes, since their
governments had been lodged in the hands of a
few great men in the same manner as had been
done in Thebans. The friends therefore of
the Lacedemonians in all these cities were
petitioning for succour. And after the death
of Pheebidas the Lacedemonians sent by sea
a general officer and one brigade to lie in garri-
son at Thespie.

- But so soon as the spring came on, the La-
cedemonians again declared an expedition
against Thebes, and begged Agesilaus, as the
year before, to take upon him the command. He
was still in the same sentiments about the man-
ner of breaking into the country, so that before
the solemn sacrifices were performed, he des-
patched away a messenger to the commanding
officer at Thespiz, with an order to him to
possess himself immediately of the eminence
that commands the pass of Citheron, and
maintain it till he came up with the army.
When he himself had passed it and was got to
Platza, he again pretended to march to Thes-
pie. He sent his couriers thither to order a
market to be ready, and for all ambassadors to
wait for him there, insomuch that the Thebans
gathered all their strength together to stop his
march to Thespiz. But the day after, having
sacrificed at early dawn, he began his march
along the road of Erythra: and having made a
double march that day, he passed the lines of
the enemy at Scolus, before the Thebans cculd
atrive from the place where he had passed last
year, which they were intent on guarding.
Having thus passed the lines, he laid all the
country waste eastward of Thebes quite up to
Tanagra (for Tanagra was still in the possession
of Hypotadorus, who was a friend to the La-

XENOPHON ON THE

[| BOOK V.

themselves excellently well posted for hazard-
ing a battle : fur the ground here was sufficient-
ly narrow and very rugged. But Agesilaus,
seeing how they were posted, would not ad-
vance towards them; but making a sudden
turn to the left, he marched directly for the
city of Thebes. And now the Thebans,
trembling for the city, empty as it was of all
its people, started away from the post where
they were formed in order of battle, and ad-
vanced full speed towards the city along the
road of Potnia ; for this was in reality the se

curest way. And yet it was undoubtedly a
noble piece of conduct in Agesilaus, to retreat
to a great distance from the enemy, and oblige
them in the greatest hurry to quit their ground.
Some however of the general officers with their
own brigades ran at the Thebans, as they were -
rushing along full speed. But the Thebans
poured their darts and javelins upon them from
the eminences, and Halypetus, one of these
officers, lest. his life by a wound received from
a javelin thrown at him. The Thebans, how-
ever, were obliged to dislodge from that emi-
nence ; and the Scirite and the horsemen rode
up it, and kept striking at the rear of the ene-
my, whilst they were running towards the city.
But so soon as they were got near the walls,
the Thebans face about. The Scirite, seeing
this, retreated back faster than a foot pace, and
not one of them lost his life on this occasion.
The Thebans however erected a trophy, since
their assailants had thus retreated.

Agesilaus, as it was now high time, wheeled
off, and encamped his army on the very ground
where he had before seen the enemy posted in
order of battle, and on the next day led them
back to Thespie. The targeteers in the pay
of Thebes kept following close in his rear, and _
were calling out on Chabrias for not keeping
up with them, when the Olynthian horse (for
now pursuant to oath they were in the army)
wheeled about, forced them up an ascent by
the closeness of their pursuit, and put very
many of them to the sword: for foot-men,
when labouring up a smooth ascent, are quickly
overtaken by horse.

At his return to Thespie, Agesilaus found
the citizens of that place embroiled in sedition;

cedeemonians), and afterwards marched back | and, as the party attached to the Lacedemoni-
again, keeping the walls of Thebes on his left. | ans were for putting their adversaries to death.
The Thebans took the field, and were posted | amongst whom was Meno, he would not suffer

in order of battle at Graos-stethos, having in | it.

On the contrary, he reconciled them ; and

their rear the ditch and rampart, and judging | having obliged them to swear not to hurt one

»

4

another, he then repassed Citheron and got
back to Megara. At Megara he disbanded the
confederates, and led away himself the domes-
tic troops to Sparta.

The Thebans, who now were highly dis-
tressed by a scarcity of corn, since for the last
two years they had not reaped the produce of
their soil, send out proper persons on board
two triremes to purchase corn at Pagase, giv-
ing them ten! talents for the purpose. But
Alcetas the Lacedzemonian, who was now in
garrison at Oreus, whilst they were purchasing
and taking in their corn, manned out three tri-
remes, taking all possible care they should have
no intelligence of what he was about. And
when the corn was carrying off, Alcetas seizeth
it in all the triremes, and took prisoners all the
persons on board, who were not fewer than
three hundred. And these his prisoners he
conveyed for security into the citadel where he
was lodged himself. It was reported that a
youth of Oreus, remarkably handsome, follow-
ed after the crowd on this occasion, and Alce-
tas walked down from the citadel to have some
conversation with him. ‘The prisoners there-
fore, observing this negligence of his, seize the
citadel, and the town revolts ; and now, with-
out obstruction, the Thebans fetched away all
the corn.

When the ensuing spring approached, Age-
silaus was confined to his bed: for at Megara,
when he led the army back from Thebes, as
he was going up from the temple of Venus to
the hall of the magistrates, he burst a vein
somewhere in the inside of his body, and the
blood flowed down from it into his sound leg.
His ancle became excessively swelled, and the
pain was not to be borne. A physician there-
fore from Syracuse lays open the vein upon the
ancle-bone. The blood, having thus got a
vent, continued to issue fora whole day and
night, and in spite of all their arts, the flux
could not be stopped till he fainted away; then
indeed it ceased entirely. And being after-
wards conveyed to Lacedemon, he was very
ill all the rest of that summer, and all the next
winter too.

However, so soon as it was spring, the La-
cedemonians again declared an expedition
against the Thebans, and ordered Cleombrotus
to command the army. When in his march

1 One thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven pounds
ten shillings.

AFFAIRS OF GREECR. 457

he was near Citheron, the targeteers advanced
before him to secure the eminence above the
pass. Some of the Thebans and Athenians
had already possessed themselves of the sum-
mit of the mountain, and suffered them quietly
to mount the ascent. But so soon as they
were come within reach, they started up, pur-
sued, and slew about forty of them. And after
this repulse, Cleombrotus, judging it impossi-
ble to get over into the dominions of Thebes,
led back and disbanded the army.

An assembly of the confederates was held
afterwards at Lacedemon, where they remon-
strated at large, that “‘ they should be ruined by
such a sluggish conduct of the war. The La-
cedemonians, if they pleased, might man out
a much larger number of ships than the Athe-
nians, and might starve their city into a sur-
render. With the same ships they might also
transport the land-army against Thebes : or, if
they had rather, might march through Phocis ;
or, if they chose it, by the pass of Crusis.” In
pursuance of these remonstrances, they man-
ned out sixty triremes, and Pollis was ap-
pointed to be admiral. And indeed such as
recommended this conduct were not disap-
pointed, for by it the Athenians were blocked
up at sea. Their corn ships were come up as
far as Gerastus, but nota vessel durst stir from
thence, as the fleet of the Lacedzemonians was
on the stations of AXgina, and Ceos, and An-
dros. The Athenians, thus convinced they
must run all hazards, went on board their
ships; and, coming to an engagement with
Pollis, they gain a victory at sea under the
command of Chabrias: and then the corn was
brought in safety to Athens.

The Lacedzemonians preparing now to trans-
port the land-army against the Beeotians, the
Thebans requested the Athenians to appear
with their naval force on the coasts of Pelo-
ponnesus ; judging that, would the Athenians
comply, it would be impossible for the Lace-
dzmonians at one and the same time to guard
their own coast with all the confederate cities
that lie round their dominions, and to send
abroad an army large enough to make head
against them. The Athenians, still full of re-
sentment against the Lacedemonians for the
affair of Sphodrias, having manned out sixty
ships, and chosen Timotheus for commander,
despatched them with alacrity against Pelopon-
nesus. And now, as their enemy had made
no irruption into the territory of Thebes,

3M

458

XENOPHON.

[BOOK v.

either during the command of Cleombrotus, or | five against sixty under Timotheus, he engaged
whilst Timotheus was hovering round their | without any hesitation. He was indeed defeated

coasts, the Thebans boldly took the field against
their neighbouring cities, and retook them all.
Timotheus, also, after coasting round, reduced
Corcyra without loss of time. However he
reduced none to slavery, he drove none into
exile, he made no change in their laws ; and by
such moderation he procured the good-will of
all the neighbouring states. And now the
Lacedemonians manned out their ships to
check Timotheus, and sent them to sea under
the command of Nicolochus, a man of re-
markable bravery. He was no sooner within
sight of the ships of Timotheus, than, though
six ships from Ambracia had not yet joined
him, and he had under his command but fifty-

in the battle, and Timotheus erected a trophy
at Atlyzia. But whilst the ships of Timothe-
us were drawn ashore in order to be repaired,
and the six fresh ships from Ambracia had
joined Nicolochus, he sailed up to Aflyzia
where Timotheus was. But as the latter re-
fused to come out and fight, Nicolochus also
erected a trophy on the nearest island. Yet,
when Timotheus had refitted his own ships,

and manned out several more from Corcyra, ©

his total number amounting now to more than
seventy, he became far superior in strength at
sea. He sent away to Athens for money; and
much money he wanted, for he had many ships.

—

THE

AFFATRS OF GREECE.

BOOK VI.

CONTENTS or BOOK VL

Account of Jason.—The war at Corcyra.—A congress held at Sparta for a general peace. The exclusion of the
Thebans, and in consequence of it the battle of Leuctra.—History of Jason continued.—The Lacedemonians sue
at Athelis for aid against the Thebans,

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK VI.

Il. Tur Athenians and the Lacedemonians | notice in time of any difficulty that starts up
were thus employed. But the Thebans, after | and may prove prejudicial to you in Thessaly.
they had reduced the cities of Beeotia, marched | «“ You are no strangers, I am well assured,
into Phocis. The Phocians sent away am- | to the name of Jason; for he is a man of great
bassadors to Lacedemon, and represented | power, and in high reputation. This Jason,
there, that without a speedy aid they could not , having demanded a truce, hath had a conference
avoid submitting to the Thebans.” The con- | with me, in which he discoursed me thus :
sequence was, that the Lacedzemonians trans- | «“ You may judge, Polydamas, from the rea
ported by sea to aid them their king Cleom- | sons Iam going to lay before you, whether I
brotus, having under him four brigades and a 2m not able to reduce Pharsalus your city to
part of their confederates. my obedience in spite of all opposition. I
About the same time Polydamas the Phar- have (said he) now ready to act with me the
salian also arriveth at Lacedemon on business largest number of the most powerful cities in
to the state. Polydamas was in high esteem | Thessaly. Ihave reduced them into obedi-
all over Thessaly ; and in his own city of Phar. | ence to myself, though you united with them
salus was judged so honest and worthy a man, | in carrying on a war against me. You know,
that his fellow-citizens, who had been embroiled , further, that I have now a body of six thou-
in a sedition, had unanimously agreed as the sand foreigners in my pay; and, in my judg-
safest expedient: to entrust their citadel to his ; ment, no city in this part of the world can in
custody. They empowered him farther to re- | battle be a match for them. I can bring (said
ceive all the public revenue, and make such | he) full as many more into the field from other
Gisbursements for sacrifices and other points of | places in my own subjection. The troops -
the public administration as were according to that occasionally take the field from Thessalian
law. Thus provided with money, he procured | cities, have several persons amongst them ad-
an effectual guard for the citadel, and at every | vanced in years, and several not yet of age for
year’s end passed fair accounts of his adminis- | service ; and small is the number of those be-
tration. Nay, whenever the public money fell.) longing to any city whatever, who keep them-
short, he advanced his own for the necessary | selves in proper exercise for war. But nota
payments, and reimbursed himself again when | man receiveth my pay, who is not able to un-
the public money came in. And more than | dergo any toil as well as myself.”
all this, he lived in a course of great hospitality “ And Jason himself (for I must not sup-
and magnificence too, according to the modes | press the truth) is very strong by natural con-
of Thessaly. When Polydamas therefore was | stitution, and is beside habitually hardy. And
arrived at Lacedemon, he spoke as followeth: | hence it is, that not a day passeth, in which he
“‘ Not only my progenitors from time imme- | doth not put the hardiness of his men to trial.
morial, but I myself too, Lacedemonians, have | He is daily in armour, and daily at their head,
been your public host and constant benefactor, | either when they go out to exercise, or go out
Ihave therefore a right, when I want assist- | on actual service. Such of his mercena-
ance, to apply to you for it, and to give you | ries as he findeth unable to bear hardships, he

462

throweth aside; but such as he findeth are

eager to toil, and eager to face the dangers ΟΥ̓, stantly submit.

war, he distinguisheth by an assignment of pay
twice, thrice, nay four times as large as the
common, besides the additional presents he
maketh them, his great care to cure them when
they are sick, and the handsome funerals he
honoureth them with if they die. Thus it is,
that all the foreigners in Jason’s service are
perfectly assured, that military valour affordeth
all the honour and affluence of life.

** He then repeated to me what I well knew
before, that the Maracians, Dolopians, and
Alcetas, who govern in Epirus, were already
subject to his orders.— What reason therefore
(said he) have I to be frightened, or to think
I am not able to reduce you Pharsalians too ?
Yet some that know me not may here demand,
Why therefore do you dally? why do you not
march at once against the Pharsalians? My
answer is plain and honest truth, because I had
rather gain you by a willing than a compelled
submission. For should you act with me upon
compulsion, you will for ever be contriving to
do me mischief, and I shall for ever be con-
triving to weaken you as much as possibly I
can.
persuasion, it is plain we shall be ready on
both sides to do all the good we can for one
another. Iam very sensible, Polydamas, that
Pharsalus, your own native city, placeth all
confidence in you. If therefore you can bring
it into friendship with me, I give you my
honour (said he) I will make you next after
myself the greatest man in Greece. And hear
of how much good I offer you the second share ;
and believe nothing of what I am going to say,
unless your own reason, upon reflection, con-
vinceth you it is true. This therefore is cer-
tainly clear, that if Pharsalus and the cities
that depend upon you, will act in union with
me, I may easily get myself declared supreme
governor of all the Thessalians. It is equally
certain, that when Thessaly shall be united
under one head, the number of horsemen riseth
at once to six thousand, and the number of
their heavy-armed to more than ten thousand
men. And when I consider, how able-bodied
and how brave they are by nature, I am per-
suaded that, when they are properly disci-
plined, there is not a nation to whom the Thes-
salians would not disdain the thoughts of sub-
mitting. Andas Thessaly itself is a country
of vast extent, no sooner are they united under

But if you join me upon the motives of

XENOPHON ON THE

[BooK VI.

one head, than all the nations around must in-
These people are expert in
the use of missive weapons; and hence it may
be judged, that our armies will exceed all
others in the number of our targeteers. Be-
sides this, the Beeotians, and all other people
of Greece who are enemies to the Lacedemo-
nians, are confederates with me. They ever
profess themselves ready to act under my gui-
dance, provided I free them from the Lacede-
monians. The Athenians, farther, I am well
persnaded, would do any thing in the world to ©
be taken into our alliance. But I think it will
not be my choice to be at friendship with them ;
since 1 judge it much easier at present to esta-
blish an empire by sea than by land. Whether
I judge solidly or not, consider what I am
going to add— When we are masters of Mace-
donia, from whence the Athenians fetch their
timber, we shall be able to build a much larger
number of ships than they. And shall we not
be able to man these ships with much more
expedition than the Athenians, as we have so
many vassals amongst us capable of being made
good seamen? And again, shall we not be better
able to victual our fleets, we, who make large
exportations of our corn from the great plenty
we enjoy, than the Athenians can be, who have
not enough for their home consumption with-
out buying it at foreign markets? In money,
tco, we must certainly outdo them, since we
are not to squeeze it from a parcel of paltry
islands, but can collect it in most ample mea-
sure from whole nations on the continent;
and all the circumjacent nations are subject to
a tribute, when the government of Thessaly is
lodged in the hands of a supreme governor.
You yourself know, that the Persian monarch,
who collects his tributes not from islands but
the continent, is the richest man upon earth..
And this very monarch, I think, I could reduce
to my own subjection with more ease than
even Greece. For I am sensible, that in all
his dominions there is but one single person
who takes not more pains to be a slave than to
be free. And I am farther sensible, how that
monarch was reduced to the last extremity by
so small a force as marched up against him
under Cyrus, and by that afterwards under
Agesilaus.

« When Jason had run over all these points,
my answer was—There is weight assuredly in
all you have said. But for us, who are con-
federates with the Lacedemonians and without

AFFAIBS OF GREECE.

having any thing to lay to their charge, to re-
volt to their enemies, seems to me (said I) a
point that I shall not easily comply with. He
praised my ingenuity, and said I was so honest
a man that he would do all in his power to
gain my friendship. He hath therefore given
me leave to repair hither, and represent the
truth to you, that unless we readily join him,
he is fully determined to make war upon the
Pharsalians. He enjoined me, farther, to de-
mand assistance from you. If (said he) they
grant you an aid, and such as you can judge
sufficient to enable you to make head against
me, bring them into the field (said he) and let
us decide by battle what our future conduct
must be: but, in case they give you not a
sufficient aid, your country, which honoureth
you, and which you nobly serve, may possibly
have ample reason to censure your behavi-
our.

“ Tt is for these reasons, that I am come now
to Lacedemon, and have given an exact recital
of what I know myself, and what I have heard
Jason say. And, in my own opinion, Lacede-
monians, the point rests here ;—If actually you
can send an army thither, in aid not only of me
but of the rest of the Thessalians, sufficient to
maintain a war against Jason, the cities will
revolt from him. For they are all in great
fear, how the mighty power of this man will
end. But, if you judge that a body of new
enfranchised citizens and a private Spartan to
command will suffice, I then advise you not to
meddle at all. For rest thoroughly convinced,
it is a mighty strength you are to struggle
against. That strength will be under the con-
duct of an able commander; who, when the
point is either to conceal, or prevent, or to
push, will be generally successful. He know-
eth how to act as well by night as by day.
On an emergency he will take either dinner or
supper without abating his activity. He never
thinketh it time to take his repose, till he is
arrived at the place whither he resolved to go,
or hath completed the point he was determined
to complete. He hath made such practices
habitual to all his troops. He is skilful at
gratifying his soldiers, when by hardy perseve-
rance they have accomplished any point of
importance; so that all who serve under Jason
have learned this lesson, that pleasure is the
effect of toil; though as to sensual pleasures,
I know no person in the world more temperate

_than Jason They never break in upon his

463

time; they always leave him leisure to do
what must be done.

‘« Consider therefore these things; and tell
me, in the manner that becometh you, what
you shall be able to do, and what you will do
in this affair.”

Polydamas spoke thus, and the Lacedemo-
nians excused themselves from giving an im-
mediate answer. Next day and the day after,
they employed themselves in calculating how
many brigades they had already abroad in dif-
ferent quarters, and how many ships they must
keep at sea to make head against the fleet of
Athens, and what was requisite for the war
against their neighbouring enemies. And then
they made this answer to Polydamas, that “ αἵ
present they could not send him a competent
aid; it was therefore their advice, that he
should return, and accommodate both the
public and his own private affairs with Jason
in the best manner he was able.” And Poly-

damas, after highly commending the ingenuity

of the state, returned to Pharsalus.

He now made it his request to Jason, not to
compel him to surrender the citadel of the Phar-
salians, which he would fain preserve faithfully
for those who had made him the depositary of
it. But then he gave his own sons for hos-
tages, promising he would persuade his fellow-
citizens to act in hearty concert with him, and
would himself co-operate to get him declared
supreme governor of Thessaly. When there-
fore they had exchanged securities to one
another, the Pharsalians had a peace imme-
diately granted them, and Jason was soon with-
out opposition appointed supreme governor of all
Thessaly. When thus invested with authority,
he fixed the number of horsemen and number
of heavy-armed, that every city in proportion
to their ability should be obliged to maintain.
And the number of his horsemen now, includ-
ing his confederates, was more than eight
thousand, his heavy-armed were computed to
be twenty thousand at least. His targeteers
were numerous enough to fight all other tar-
geteers in the world: it would be a toil to
reckon up the names of the cities to which they
belonged. He also ordered the people that lay
round Thessaly to send in their tribute, in the
same manner it was paid during the supremacy
of Scopas. And in this manner were these
things brought about. I now return again
from whence I digressed to give this account
of Jason.

464

II. The troops of the LLacedemonians and
confederates were now assembled in Phocis ;
but the Thebans, after withdrawing into their
own territory, guarded all the passes. In the
meantime the Athenians, seeing how much
they had contributed towards the power of the
Thebans, who notwithstanding paid nothing in
return for the support of their fleet, and finding
themselves exhausted by the vast taxes they paid
and by the piratical cruizes from A¥gina, and
the guard of their lands, became highly desi-
rous of bringing the war to an end. Accord-
ingly they sent ambassadors to Lacedemon,
and made a peace. ‘Two of these ambassadors
set sail immediately from Lacedemon in pur-
suance of an order from Athens, and command-
ed Timotheus to return home with the fleet,
since now there was a peace. But in his home-
ward passage he landed all the exiles from Zacyn-
thus on their own isle. But no sooner had the
other Zacynthians sent notice to Lacedemon
of this action of Timotheus, than the Lace-
dzmonians resolved that “ the Athenians had
committed injustice,” prepared again to send
out a fleet, and ordered the equipment of sixty
ships from Lacedzmon itself, Corinth, Leucas,
Ambracia, Elis, Zacynthus, Achza, Epidau-
rus, Troezen, Hermione, and Haliz. Having
next declared Mnasippus admiral of this fleet,
they ordered him to take due care of every thing
within that sea, and to make an attempt upon
Coreyra. They sent also to Dionysius, repre-
senting to him, that it was by no means for his
interest, that Corcyra should remain in the
power of the Athenians.

And now when the whole fleet was got to-
gether, Mnasippus sailed for Corcyras He had
with him, besides the troops from Lacedzemon,
a body of mercenaries in number not less than
fifteen hundred. When he had landed in Cor-
cyra, he was master of all the country. He ruin-
ed their estates, so beautifully cultivated and so
finely planted. He demolished the magnificent
houses built upon them, in the cellars of which
their wines were lodged. His soldiers are report-
ed on this occasion to have grown so nice in pa-
late, that they would not drink any wine that
had not an odoriferous flavour. Slaves also and
cattle in vast abundance were taken in the ad-
jacent country. At length he had encamped
with his land-forces on a hill, which had the
country bebind it, about ' five stadia from the

1 About kalf a mile

XENOPHON ON THE

[ Book VI.

city, in order to intercept any aid from the
country | that might endeavour to enter the city ; ;
and had further stationed his fleet on either
side of the city, as he judged would best enable
them to discover and stop in time whatever ap-
proached by sea; and, beside all this, he kept
a guard at sea before the harbour, when the
weather was not too tempestuous.
manner he kept the city close blocked up.
And now the Corcyreans, who could receive
none of the produce of their lands, since they
were all in the enemy’s possession, who could

In this”

a

% y
92
t x

have nothing imported by sea, as their enemies -

were also masters there, were in great distress.
They sent to the Athenians, and requested
a speedy aid. ‘They remonstrated to them,
“« How vastly they needs must suffer, if they
were thus deprived of Corcyra, or resigned so
great a strength to their enemies! No state in

Greece, excepting Athens, had so much ship-

ping, or so much wealth. The city of Cor-
cyra was finely situated in respect to the bay of
Corinth, and the cities which stood upon that
bay ; finely situated too for annoying the coast
of Laconia ; and most finely indeed in respect
to the continent beyond it, and the passage
from Sicily to Peloponnesus.”

The Athenians, after listening to pre. re-
monstrances, agreed it was a point deserving
all their care, and despatch away Stesicles with
six hundred targeteers to take upon him the
command, and begged Alcetas to transport and
land them in Corcyra. Accordingly they were
landed by night somewhere upon that island,
and get into the city. They decreed far-
ther, to man out sixty ships; and, by a majo-
rity of hands, elected Timothcus to command
them. But, not being able to man them at
home, Timotheus sailed to the islands, and en-
deavoured there to complete his crews ; Judging
it no trifling matter to stand away hastily against
a fleet so well prepared as was that of the enemy.
But the Athenians, who now thought he was
wasting the precious time, and ought at once to
haye made his passage, grew out of all patience
with him, and suspending his command, choose
Iphicrates in his room. Iphicratas, so soon as
he was appointed to command, completed his

crews with high expedition, obliging all cap- _

tains of ships to exert themselves. He pres-
sed into the service, by public pernrission, what-
ever ships were found upon the Attic coasts,
nay even the Salaminian and the Parelus, say-
ing “if things succeeded well at Cereyra, he

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

would send them back plenty of ships.” And
the number of his ships amounted at last to
seventy.

In themeantime the Corcyreans were so sorely
pressed with famine that vast numbers of them
deserted to the enemy, insomuch that Mnasip-
pus at length made public proclamation, that
‘all deserters should be sold at public sale.”
But as this put no stop to their desertion,
he at last scourged them, and then drove them
back. Yet the besieged would not again re-
ceive any slaves into the town, so that many
of them perished without the walls. Mnasip-
pus, therefore, seeing these things, iinagined he
was already only not in possession of the city.
He therefore made new regulations in regard
to his mercenaries, and forced some of them
to leave the service without their pay. And
to those whom he still kept with him, he was
already two months in arrear, though, as was
said, he was in no want of money ; for several
of the cities sent money over to him instead of
troops, as the expedition was across the sea.
But now the besieged saw plainly from the
turrets, that the guards did their duty with
more negligence than before, and that the men
straggled in a careless manner about the coun-
try. They therefore sallied out upon them sud-
denly, and took some prisoners, and some tliey
slew. Mnasippus, perceiving this, caught up
his arms in an instant, and marched with all
the heavy-armed he had to their succour, and
gave orders to the superior and inferior officers
of the mercenaries to lead out their troops.
But some of these inferior officers having an-
swered, that “it would not be easy to bring
soldiers out in proper discipline who could get
no pay,” he struck one of them with his staff
and another with his spear. And thus at length
they all come out into the field, though without
any spirit at all, and with a hearty detestation
of Mnasippus, the worst temper in the world
for men going to fight. When he had drawn
them up in order of battle, he put the enemy
to flight that were drawn up between him and
the gates, and followed briskly in pursuit. But
the pursued, when they were near the wall,
made a wheel, and kept galling him from the
tombs with their darts and javelins. And an-
other party, sallying out at another gate, pour
down in great numbers on the extremity of his
line. The men posted there, as they were
drawn up but eight in file, judged the point of
their line to be quite too weak, and endeayour-

465

ed to make a wheel. But they bad no sooner
begun to fall back, than the enemy broke in
upon them as if they were flying, and they
made no attempt to recover their ranks. Such
too as were posted nearest to them took in-
stantly to flight. Mnasippus in the meantime
was not able to assist the routed part of his
line, as the enemy was lying hard upon him in
front ; he was every moment left with fewer and
fewer men. And at last the enemy, gathering
into a body, made a general attack upon those
remaining with Mnasippus, who were very few.
The heavy-armed of the enemy seeing how the
case stood, now made a sally ; and after killing
Mnasippus, the whole force of the enemy con-
tinued the pursuit. The whole camp and the
entrenchment were in great danger of being
taken, had not the pursuers judged it advisable
to retreat, when they saw the great crowd of
people got together within the camp, whom,
though servants and slaves, they judged might
be serviceable in its defence. And then the
Corcyreans erected a trophy, and restored the
dead under truce.

The besieged, after this, were in the highest
spirits, whilst the besiegers were in total de-
jection. For now it was reported, that Iphi-
crates was only not at hand, and the Corcy-
reans actually manned out their ships. But
Hypermenes, who was at present in the com-
mand, since he had been lieutenant to Mnasip-
pus, ordered every ship to be immediataly man-
ned, and standing round with them to the en-
trenchment of the camp, shipped all the slaves
and treasure on board, and sent them off. He
staid on shore, with the marines and such of the
soldiers as yet remained, to guard the entrench-
ments. And at last even these, though with the
utmost disorder, got on board the ships and put.
out to sea, leaving a great quantity of corn, and
a great quantity of wine, and many slaves and
sick persons behind them. ‘They were in a
terrible fright, lest they should be caught upon
the island by the Athenians. And in fact they
all got safe over to Leucas.

But Iphicrates, when once he had begun the
passage, kept at the same time advancing in his
course, and preparing his whole fleet for engage-
ment. He had left behind him the great masts
at setting out, as standing away for battle. He
also made very little use of his sails even when
the wind was favourable. He made the passage
by the oar ; and so kept the bodies of his men in
excellent order, and his ships in an even motion.

3N

466

Whenever the forces were to land for their
dinner or supper, he led the fleet in a line a-head
over-against the place ; then making a tack, and
bringing the heads of his vessels in a direct
line with the shore, he gave a signal for all to
make the best of their way to land. A great
advantage thence accrued to such as could first
take in their water or what else they wanted,
and first finish their meal. A great punish-
ment likewise fell upon such as were last on
these occasions, because they got a less quan-
tity of whatever they wanted, since they were
obliged to put out to sea again when the signal
was given. For it followed of course, that
such as landed first had leisure enough for all
their occasions, whilst the last were grievously
hurried. And whenever he landed at meal-
time on the shore of the enemy, he posted ad-
vanced guards, as was proper, at land: and
raising the masts in his ships, placed sentinels
on their tops. These latter therefore had gen-
erally a much more extensive view by being |
thus mounted aloft than men who stand upon
level ground. And wherever he supped or re-
freshed his men, he suffered no fire to be kin-
dled in the night-time within his encampment,
but fixed his lights in the front of his station,
that nobody might approach without being dis-
covered. Oftentimes, too, when the weather
was calm, he put out again to sea so soon as
supper was over ; and if a gale sprung up, the
men took some repose whilst the vessels kept
going before the wind. But if they were
obliged to row, he made them take rest by
turns. In the day-time, directing the course
by signals, he one while advanced in the line
a-head, and another while in the line a-breast.
By this means, and during the passage, having
acquired all needful skill for engaging, they ar-
rived in the sea of which they imagined the
enemy were masters. They frequently dined
and supped upon the enemy’s land; but as
Iphicrates was solely intent upon doing what
must needs be done, he prevented all attacks
by the suddenness with which he again put to
sea, and proceeded in his passage. About
the time that Mnasippus was killed he was
got to Sphagee of Laconia. Advancing from
thence to the coast of Elis, and passing by the
mouth of the Alpheus, he came, to an anchor
_near the place’called Icthys. The next day he
proceeded from thence to Cephallene, with his
fleet so ranged and proceeding in their course,
that every thing needful was ready for an en-

XENOGPHON ON THE

[BOOK VI.

gagement, if it should be necessary to engage.

He heard indeed of the death of Mnasippus,

yet from none that could attest its truth; he

suspected it was given out om purpose to de-

ceive him, and kept upon his guard. How-_
ever, when arrived at Cephallene, he was there

convinced of the truth, and stopped to refresh

his fleet.—I am sensible, indeed, that whenever

men expect an engagement, exercise and disci-

pline are constantly enforced. But I commend

Iphicrates for this, that as he was to advance
with the highest expedition to find his enemy

and engage them, he contrived so well, that

the expeditiousness of the voyage should not

hinder his men from acquiring skill for battle,

nor the methods of acquiring such skill should

retard the expeditiousness of the voyage.

When theretore he had reduced the cities of
Cephallene, he sailed to Coreyra. After his
arrival there, the first thing he heard was, that
ten ships were coming over from Dionysius as
a succour to the Lacedemonians. He went
therefore himself in person to look for proper
places on the coast, from whence the approach
of these ships might be descried, and the sig-
nals made to notify it might be seen in the
city ; and there he posted sentinels, instructed
by him in what manner to make their signals,
when the enemy approached or came to anchor.
He then ordered twenty captains of his own
fleet to be ready to follow him at the call of
the herald ; and gave out that such as were not
ready at the call must not complain at being
punished for their neglect. So soon as the
signal was made that these ships were ap-
proaching, and the herald had made the call,
such diligence ensued as caused a fine spectacle
indeed ; for not a man of those who were to
act upon this occasion, but ran full speed on
board his ship. Having now stood away to
the spot where the ships of the enemy were ar-
rived, he findeth that from the rest of the
squadron the men were already got on shore,
whilst Melanippus the Rhodian was calling
out upon them by no means to linger there,
and himself with all his crew on board was
getting out tosea. Melanippus by this means
escaped, though he met with the ships of Iphi-
crates: but all the Syracusan ships were taken
with their crews. And Iphicrates, after cut-
ting off the beaks of these ships, brought them
into the harbour of Corcyra. He then fixed a
certain sum which each of the prisoners must
pay for his ransom, except Anippus their com-

AFFAIRS OF GREECE

mander. Him he confined under a close guard,
as if he expected a vast sum for him, or other-
wise wuuld sell him. Anippus was so highly
chagrined at this usage, that he chose to die by
his own hand. And Iphicrates, taking secu-
rity from the Corcyreans for the payment of
their ransom, gave their liberty to the rest.

He after this subsisted his mariners by em-
ploying them in works of tillage for the Corcy-
reans, but with the targeteers and heavy-armed
of the fleet he passed over himself to Acarnania.
He there gave aid to all such of the cities in
friendship as needed it, and made war upon
the Thurians, a very warlike people, and pos-
sessed of a place strongly fortified. Then
fetching away the fleet from Corcyra, now
consisting of about ninety ships, he went first
to Cephallene to raise contributions, and ex-
acted them from all persons, whether willing
or unwilling. He then prepared to lay waste
the territory of the Lacedzemonians, and to re-
duce the other cities of the enemy in those
parts, if they desired it, by an accommodation ;
but if they stood out, by war. For my own
part, I have a deal of commendation to bestow
on Iphicrates for his conduct during this com.
mand, but above all for getting Callistratus the
popular haranguer, a man not easy to be ma-
naged, and Chabrias, who was reckoned an ex-
cellent general, associated with him in it. For
if he judged them men of sense, and therefore
desired to be assisted with their counsel, in my
opinion he acted the prudent part: or, in case
he regarded them as enemies, why then he
showed his noble spirit, in being thus confident
that they should discern no bad management
and no negligence in him. And these were
the acts of Iphicrates.

III. But the Athenians, who now saw their
friends the Platzans driven out of Beeotia,
and forced to take refuge at Athens, and the
inhabitants cf Thespie offering their petitions,
that “they (the Athenians) would not stand
quiet and let them be stripped of their city,”
could no longer approve the conduct of the
Thebans. They were restrained by shame
from an open rupture, and by the reflection too
that it would be prejudicial to their own in-
terest. Yet they positively refused to act any
inore in participation with them, when they

saw them invade the Phocians who had long |

been in friendship with the state of Athens,
and utterly destroying cities that had been
faithful in the war with the Barbarians, and

467

steadily attached to themselves. The people
of Athens were now persuaded to pass a de-
cree for negotiating a peace, and accordingly
sent in the first place ambassadors to Thebes,
with an invitation to go with them to Lacede-
mon, if it suited their own inclinations, about
a peace. And then they despatched away their
own ambassadors. The persons chosen for
this employ were Callias the son of Hippont-
cus, Autocles the son of Strombichides, De-
mostratus the son of Aristophon, Aristocles,
Cephisodotus, Melanopus, Lycanthus. When
they were admitted to audience before the
council of state at Lacedemon and the con-
federates, Callistratus the popular haranguer
was with them. He had promised Iphicrates,
if he would give him his dismission, either to
procure him money for his fleet, or to make a
peace ; he accordingly had been at Athens, and
solicited a peace. But when they were intro-
duced to the council of state at Lacedemon
and the confederates, Callias, whose office it
was to bear the torch in the Hleusinian mys-
teries, was the first that spoke. He was a man
that took as much delight in praising himself
as in being praised by others. He began on
this occasion, and spoke to this effect :

“1 am not, Lacedemonians, the only person
of my family, who hath been the public host
of your community. My father and his father
too were so before me, and delivered the ho-
nour down to me as the privilege of my birth.
I am desirous too to. persuade you ail, that
Athens hath continually persisted in showing
favour to us. For, whenever there is war, our
Athens, our own community, chooseth us to
command their armies; and when peace is
again desired, sendeth us to negotiate a peace.
Nay, twice already have I been at Lacedemon
to negotiate accommodations; both times so
successfully, that I made peace between us and
you. lam nowa third time employed, and
think I have more abundant reason than ever
to depend on a mutual reconciliation. For
now I see clearly, that you are not intent upon
one system and we upon another; but both of
us are united in indignation for the ruin of
Platea and Thespie. What therefore can
hinder men, whose sentiments are exactly the
same, from choosing to be friends rather than
enemies to one another ?

‘It is indeed the part of wise men, not
hastily to have recourse to arms, even though
considerable dissentions arise. But when their

468

sentiments of things exactly coincide, will it not
be wonderful indeed, if such persons cannot
agree about a peace ὃ Common justice, it is
true, hath always laid it as a duty upon us,
never to make war upon one another. For it
is acknowledged by all the world, that our
progenitor Triptolemus communicated the in-
effable mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine to
Hercules your founder, and to the Dioscuri !
your countrymen, the first time he did it to
foreigners; and Peloponnesus was the first
foreign land on which he generally bestowed the
fruits of Ceres. How, therefore, could it be just,
that you should ever in a hostile manner enter
upon the lands and ravage the fruits of those
from whom you first received your seed? or,
that we ever should wish, that the very people
on whom we bestowed it, should not enjoy in
highest plenty the needful sustenance of life ?
But if the fates decree that war must take place
amongst mankind, it is our part to begin it on
all occasions with the utmost reluctance ; and,
when onee begun, to bring it to an end with
our utmost expedition.”

After him Autocles, who was looked upon
as an orator of great art and address, harangued
them thus ;

** Tam going to say some things, Lacedemo-
nians, which I am verysensible you will not hear
with pleasure. But I am well persuaded, that
ren who are desirous of peace, and to settle that
peace in such a manner that it may be of last-
ing continuance, should not be shy in putting
one another in remembrance of the reasons of
the previous wars. You, Lacedemonians, are
ever giving out, that the cities of Greece ought
to be free and independent ; whilst after all,
yourselves are the greatest hinderers of that
freedom and independence. The very first
condition you make with all the cities that en-
ter into your confederacy is, that they shall march
along with you wheresoever you lead them.
Aud can this in any shape be consistent with
freedom and independence? You declare ene-
mies what people you please, without any pre-
vious consultation of your confederates ; and
then lead on the latter to make war upon them;
insomuch that these free and independent peo-
ple, as they are called, are often obliged to take
the field against men to whom they bear the
most benevolent affection.

1 Castor and Pollux.

X ENOPHON ON THE

“ Again, and what of all things is most re-
pugnant to a state of freedom and independence,
you establish in some cities the government of
ten, and in others of thirty persons. You take
no care at all that these governors should rule
according to laws, but merely that by oppres-
sive methods they keep the cities in fast sub-
jection to yourselves. In a word, you have con-
vinced mankind, that not a polity but a tyranny
is most agreeable to your own inclinations.

«© When, farther, the Persian monarch signf-
fied his pleasure that the cities should be free
and independent, you then made frank and
open declarations that the Thebans could in
no wise be judged to conform to the king’s in-
tention, unless they permitted each single city
to be master of itself, and to make use of laws
of their own proper choice. And yet, when
you had seized the citadel of Thebes, you
would not suffer even these Thebans to be free
and independent. ‘

“Men, let me add, who sincerely desire
peace, ought not to expect from others a
thorough compliance with their own demands,
whilst they manifest an ambition to engross all
power to themselves.”

When Autocles had spoken thus, the conse-
quence was, not only a general silence in the
assembly, but an inward pleasure in the hearts
of those who were displeased at the Lacedzenso-
nian conduct.

But after him Callistratus spoke :

“Far be it from me, Lacedemonians, to
think that I could truly aver, that nothing
wrong hath been done either by you or by us.
And I am as far from thinking, on the other
hand, that all intercourse must for ever be
stopped with men who once do wrong ; because
I cannot see any mortal alive who goeth through
life without committing some offence. It is
rather my opinion, that sometimes men who
have offended become afterwards more tract-
able and better tempered, especially if they have
been chastised for those offences, as we Athe-
nians have been. I see, JLacedemonians, in ~
your behaviour, too, some offences incurred for _
want of temper and reflection, for which you
have since been abundantly crossed. But I:
shall produce no other instance of this at pre--
sent than your seizure of the citadel of Thebes.
And henee it is, since this flagrant injury you
did the Thebans, that all the cities, in whose
favour you once so earnestly exerted yourselves
to restore them to freedom and independence,

q

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

have united with the Thebans against you.
I hope you are now convinced, how prejudi-
cial it is to grasp at too much power, and are
resolved for the future to use moderation,
and to be steady in reciprocal friendship with
others.

« There are people, I know, who, intending
to dissuade you from a peace with us, mis-
chievously insinuate, that we ask it not from
sincerity of heart, but are brought hither by
the fears we are under, lest Antalcidas may
return with a fresh supply of money from the
king of Persia. But consider, and be con-
vinced, that such people are arrant triflers.
The king, it is well known, hath told us in
writing, that all the cities in Greece should be
left free and independent. For our own parts,
we conform both in word and deed to the in-
tention of the king. What reason have we
therefore to apprehend any thing from him?
Is there a person so weak as to imagine, that
the king had rather subject himself to a vast
expense, and only to make other people great,
than to accomplish what he thinketh is best
for himself, without making any expense at
all? Beitso. For what reason then are we
‘come hither? Not because we are totally
distressed; yourselves may perceive the con-
trary, if you will survey the present situation
of our affairs at sea, and if you will survey the
situation of them too at land. But what then
is our meaning? It is plain to be discerned,
since there are several of the confederates who
behave in such a manner as can be pleasing
neither to us nor to you. Perhaps, after all,
our chief motive may be, to communicate our
own sentiments of things to you, in requital
for the kindness you did us in preserving
Athens.

“ But at present I shall only insist on the
point of reciprocal interest. It is true of all
the cities of Greece, that some by principle are
more attached to us, and some to you: it is
the case in eyery city, one party declares for
the Lacedemonian and another for the Athe-
nian interest. If we therefore unite in friend-
ship with one another, from what quarter can
we with reason expect any effectual opposition ?
For who in good truth is the person who,
when you are our friends, can presume at do-
ing us Athenians any harm by land? And
who will dare to annoy you Lacedemonians by
sea, when we are cheerful and warm in your
service? Wars, it must be granted, are for

469

ever breaking out between"us; and accommo.
dations, as we well know, are soon again
brought on. And, though it be not our case
at present, yet the case will happen again and
again, that we shall be desirous of a peace with
you. But what reason can there be to put off
our reconciliation to that distant day, when,
through the weight of distress, we may be
grown quite desperate, rather than to settle all
things by an immediate peace, before any irre-
mediable disaster hath taken place? For my
part, I ingenuously own it, I never could com-
mend those champions in the public games,
who, after a series of victory, and a large ac-
quisition of glory, are so litigiously ambitious
of more, that they can never stop, tlll they are
shamefully beaten, and compelled to forego the
lists for ever after. Nor can I commend those
gamesters who, after having gained the stake,
will suffer it to be doubled, and throw again.
Most of those who play with so much avidity,
T have seen reduced to utter beggary. We
ought therefore to catch instruction from such
examples, and not reduce our contest to that
state of desperation, that we must either win
all or lose all. But whilst we yet are vigorous,
whilst we yet are happy, let us become friends
to one another: for then we through you, and
you through us, may yet make a greater figure
than hitherto we have ever made in Greece.”
This speech met with general approbation,
and the Lacedemonians passed a decree to
sign a peace on the following terms :—“ To
withdraw their commanders out of the cities;
to disband all forces both by land and sea; and
to leave the cities in a state of freedom and
independence. And in case any of these com-
manders refuse to withdraw, any city that was
willing might assist the injured cities; but
such as were not willing might refuse to aet in
defence of the injured, without being guilty of
a breach of faith.” On these conditions the
Lacedzemonians swore to a peace for them-
selves and their confederates; the Athenians
and their confederates swore severally in the
name of their principals. Even the Thebans
were entered down by name in the list of the
states that swore ; but their ambassadors” made
a fresh application the day after, and desired
that “the name of Beotians might be inserted
instead of Thebans.” Agesilaus answered,

2 Epaminondas was one of them, and spoke with so
much spirit on this occasion, that he sadly nettled
Agesilaus.

470

that “he would not alter a letter of what they
had already sworn to, and to which they had
set their name. If indeed they had no mind
to be comprehended in the peace (he said) he
would readily, at their own desire, expunge
their name.” And now, all others having
signed the peace, and the Thebans being singly
excluded, the Athenians were persuaded in
their own minds that the Thebans could no
longer save themselves, even, as is commonly
said, by a decimation. The Thebans also,
judging themselves in a desperate situation,
went their way.

IV. After this the Athenians withdrew
their garrisons out of the cities. They also
recalled Iphicrates and the fleet, whom they
obliged to restore all captures they had made
since the peace was sworn to at Lacedsmon.
In like manner, the Lacedemonians brought
away their commandants and garrisons from
the cities within their own dependence. Cle-
ombrotus was excepted, who being now at the
head of the troops in Phocis, sent to the ma-
gistracy of Lacedemon for orders how to act.
Prothous had already declared that in his sen-
timents, “ they ought according to oath to dis-
hand their troops, and circulate an order to the
cities to make the present of a sum of money,
but at their own discretion, to the temple of
Apollo; and then, if any restraint was laid on
the freedom and independence of those cities,
they ought to call their confederates together,
so many as should be willing to assert this
independence, and lead them out against the
authors of such restraint. For by such be-
haviour (he said) it was his opinion the gods
would become more propitious to them, and
the cities have the least ground for discontent.”
But the whole council of Lacedzemon, hearing
him talk in this manner, looked upon him as a

very trifler, (for already it should seem as if |

the wrath of heaven was driving them on,) and
despatched an order to Cleombrotus, not to
disband his troops, but to march immediately
against the Thebans, unless they set the cities
at liberty. Cleombrotus, I say, so soon as he
heard the peace was made, sent to the ephori
for instructions how to act, who ordered him
to march against the Thebans, unless they set
the cities of Beeotia at liberty. When there-
fore he was become assured, that so far from
setting those cities at liberty, they had not so
much as disbanded their army, but kept them
in readiness to make head against him, he

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK v1.

, marcheth his army into Beotia. He took not
the route which the Beeotians imagined he
would have taken out of Phocis, and had
posted themselves in a narrow pass to stop
him; but on a sudden crossing the mountains
by the pass of Thisbe he arriveth at Crusis,
taketh the fortress there, and seizeth twelve
triremes belonging to the Thebans. Having
done this, and marched upwards from the sea,
he encamped at Leuctra in the district of Thes-
pie. The Thebans! encamped their own —
troops on an opposite hill at no great distance
from the enemy, having none of their con-
federates with them but those of Beeotia.

The friends of Cleombrotus went to him
here and discoursed him thus ;—* If, Cleom-
brotus, you now suffer these Thebans to de-.
part without a battle, you will be in danger of
the severest punishment from the state. They
will then remember against you, how formerly
when you reached Cynoscephale you committed
no manner of devastation on the lands of the
Thebans; and that in the next campaign you
were not able so much as to enter their coun-
try, though Agesilaus always broke in by the
pass of Citheron. If then you regard your
own preservation, or have any value at all for
your country, you must give the enemy battle.”
His friends discoursed him thus. His enemies
said—‘ Now will this man convince the world,
whether or no he be a friend to the Thebans,
as some report him.” Cleombrotus of a truth,
hearing these insinuations, was provoked to
fight.

On the other side, the chief men amongst
the Thebans were reckoning, “ that if they did
not fight, the circumjacent cities would revolt
from them, and they must suffer a siege in
Thebes; and then, should the people of Thebes
be distressed for want of necessaries, an in-
surrection might be the consequence.” Many
of them knew by experience what exile was;
they determined, therefore, “it was better to
die in battle than to become exiles a second
time.” An oracle much talked of was also some
encouragement to them. It imported that |
“the Lacedemonians would be conquered on
that spot of ground where stood the monument
of the virgins,” who are reported to have killed
themselves, * because they had been violated

--

] Epaminondas was their commander-in-chief,,
2 Other writers differ in this circumstance. Plutarch
relateth the whole story thus: ‘* A poor man whuge

AFFAIRS

by some Lacedemonians. The Thebans there-
fore adorned this monument before the battle.
Intelligence was also brought them from
Thebes, that all the temples had opened of
their own accord, and the priestesses declared
that the gods awarded them a victory. All
the arms in the temple of Hercules were also
said to have disappeared, as if Hercules him-
self was sallied forth to battle. Some persons,
after all, pretend that these things were only
the artifices of the generals.

In regard to the battle, every thing turned
out cross on the side of the Lacedemonians,
whilst fortune smoothed every difficulty on the
side of the enemy. It was just after dinner
that Cleombrotus held the last council about a
battle. They had drunk briskly at noon, and
it was said that the wine also was a provoca-
tive to fight. But when each side was armed,

name was Scedasus, dwelt at Leuctra, a village in the
district of Thespiz. He had two daughters; their
names were Hippo and Militia, or (as some say) Theano
and Euxippe. Now Scedasus was a good man, and
though his substance was very small, exceedingly kind
to strangers. He received with cheerful hospitality two
young Spartans who came to his house; and they,
though enamoured with the daughters, were so awed
by Scedasus’ goodness, that they durst make no attempt
uponthem. And next day they continued their journey
to the Pythian oracle, whither they were going. But
after consulting the god about the points in which they
wanted his advice, they set out again for their own
homes’; and, after travelling through Beotia, stopped
again in their return at the house of Scedasus. It hap-
pened that Scedasus himself was absent at this time
from Leuctra, but his daughters received the strangers
and entertuined them with the usual hospitality, who,
finding them thus without protection or defence, commit
arape upon them. But perceiving thera full of indig-
nation for the violence they had suffered, they put them
to death, and then throwing their bodies into a well,
they went their way. Scedasus on his return could see
his daughters no where, and yet found every thing in
the house as safe as he had left it. He knew not what
to think, till a bitch whining at him, then several times
running up to him and away from him again to the well,
he guessed how it was, and at length drew up by
ropes the dead bodies of his daughters. Learning now
upon inquiry from his neighbours, that they had seen
the very Lacedemonians who had formerly lodged with
him go into his house again the day before, he concluded
them to be the murderers, since on their first visit they
had abundantly praised the young lasses, and affirmed
that their husbands would be very happy. He now set
out for Lacedemon, to beg justice from the ephori.
Night came upon him while he was in the territory of
Argos, and he turned into an inn tu lodge. There came
into the same inn another traveller, an old man of Oreus
a city of the Hestica. Scedasus hearing him often
groan and curse the Lacedzemonians, asked him what
hurt the Lacedzemonians had done him? The traveller
told him a dreadful story about the murder of his son by
a Lacedemonian commandant, and though he had been

OF GREECE.

A

471

and it was plain a battle would be fought,—
in the first place, the sellers of provisions and
some of the baggage-men, all such as had no
inclination to fight, were departing from the
camp of the Beeotians. But the mercenaries
with Hiero, the targeteers from Phocis, and
the horsemen from Heracleaand Phlius, fetch-
ed a compass, and meeting them full in their
departure, drove them back, and pursued them
to the Beeotian camp. The consequence was,
they made the Beeotian army stronger and
more numerous than it was before. In the
next place, as there was a plain between them,
the Lacedemonians drew up and posted their
horse before their phalanx ; the Thebans also
did the same. But then the horse of the The-
bans had been long in exercise because of the
war against the Orchomenians and the war
against the Thespians; whereas the Lacede-

with the ephori at Sparta, they would not at ail listen to
his complaints. Scedasus, having heard this story, was
all despondency. He suspected, the magistrates of
Sparta would listen as little to himself. Yet he related
some part of his calamity to the stranger, who advised
him not to have recourse to the ephori, but to return
into Beotia, and build a tomb for his daughters. Sce-
dasus however would not comply with his advice; but
going on to Sparta laid his complaint before the ephori.
As they gave him no attention, he presenteth himself
before the kings ; and going from them to all the men
in power, he let them know his deplorable case. But
obtaining no justice from them, he ran through the
midst of the city, now raising his hands towards the sun
and now dashing them against the ground, invoking the
furies to avenge him, and at length put an end to his
own life. Butin after times the Lacedemonians paid
dearly for it. For when they were masters over all the
Greeks, and had put garrisons into their cities, Epami-
nondas the Theban, to set a pattern to others, put their
garrison in Thebes to the sword. And the Lacedemo.
nians for this reason making war upon them, the The-
bans met them in the field at Leuctra. The very groune
was an omen to them of victory. On it formerly they
had recovered their liberty, when Amphicton, driven in-
to exile by Sthenelus, had refuged himself at Thebes,
and finding the Thebans tributary to the Chalcideans,
had put an end te the tribute by killing Chalcedon king
of the Eubceeans. And now on the same spot the Laee-
dzmonians were totally defeated at the very tomb of the
daughters of Scedasus. It is said, that before the battle
Pelopidas, one of the Theban generals, was highly
alarmed at some incidents that he thought boded him ill
success, till Scedasus appeared to him in a dream, and
inspired him with new confidence, since the Lacedemo

bians were now caught at Leuctra and must suffer ven-
geance for his daughters ; and the day before the battle
was fought, he ordered a white colt to be sacrificed at
the tomb of the virgins; nay, that whilst the Lacedx-
monians were encamped at Tegea, he sent persons to
find out this tomb; and when he had learned from the
people of the country where it stood, he marched his
troops with high confidence to the spot, where he drew
them up and gained a victory.’—Plutarch’s I ove-stories,

472

monian cavalry had never been in a worse con-
dition than at present. The horses were fur-
nished by the wealthiest persons of the state ;
and, when a foreign expedition was declared,
then came the appointed rider, who receiving
such a horse and such arms as they pleased to
give him went immediately on service. And
thus, the weakest in body and the worst spirit-
ed part of the soldiery were generally mounted
on horses. Such truly was the cavalry on both
sides.—JIn the Lacedemonian phalanx, it was
said, that every platoon was drawn up three in
front ; consequently in depth they could not be
more than twelve. But the Thebans were
drawn up firm together not less tnan fifty
shields in depth ; reckoning, that could they
break the body of the enemy posted around the
king, all the rest of the army would be an easy
conquest.

But so soon as Cleombrotus began to ad-
vance towards the enemy, and even before the
bulk of the army knew that he was in motion,
the horse had already engaged, and those of
_ the Lacedemonians were immediately defeat-
ed, and in their flight fell in amongst their own
heavy-armed: and at that instant, the heavy-
armed of the Thebans had made their attack.
However, that the body posted round Cleom-
brotus had at first the better in the fight, any
man may have clear and certain proof from
hence ; for they could not have taken him up
and carried him off yet alive, unless those who
fought before him had the better of it at that
instant of time. But when Cleombrotus was
dead, and Dinon a general-officer, and Spho-
drias of the king’s council of war, and his son
Cleonymus were also slain, then the horse-
guard, and the adjutants of the general-officer
and the rest, being quite overpowered by the
weight of the enemy, were forced to retire.
The Lacedemonians who composed the left,
when they saw the right thus driven from
their ground, quitted their own ground too.
Yet, after a terrible slaughter and a total de-
feat, so soon as they had repassed the trench
which was round their camp, they grounded
their arms on the very spot from whence they
had marched out to battle; for the ground of
their camp was not quite on a level, it was
rather an ascent. And now there were some
of the Lacedemonians, who, judging their de-
feat to be an insupportable disgrace, declared
against suffering the enemy to erect a trophy,
egainst fetching off their dead by truce, but ra-

XENOPHON

ON THE

ther to endeavour to recover them by another
battle. But the general officers, who saw that
in all near a thousand Lacedemonians were
slain; who saw that of seven hundred Spar-
tans belonging to their army, about four hun-
dred were killed ; who perceived, besides, that
all the confederates were averse to fighting
again, and some of them too not even sorry for
what had happened, calling a council of the
most proper persons, demanded their advice of
what ought to be done. And when it was —
unanimously agreed, that “ they ought to fetch
off the dead by truce,” they sent a herald to
beg the truce. And then truly the Thebans
erected a trophy, and delivered up the dead.

These things being done, a messenger sent
to Lacedemon with the news of this calamity
arriveth there on the last day of the naked
games, and when ‘the chorus of men had just
made their entry. The ephori, when they
heard of the calamity, were grievously concern-
ed, and in my opinion could not possibly avoid
it; but they ordered not the chorus to with-
draw, letting them finish the games. And
then they sent round the names of the dead to
the relations of each, with an order to the wo-
men to make no noise, and to bear the calamity
in silence. But the day after, such persons as
were related to any of the slain appeared in
public, and the signs of pleasure and joy were
visible in their faces ; whilst you could see but
few of those whose relations were reported to
be yet alive, and they too walked up and down
discontented and dejected.

In the next place, the ephori ordered the
two remaining brigades to march, not excepting
such persons as had been forty years in the
service. They ordered out also such of the
same standing as belonged to the brigades al-
ready abroad. For such as had been thirty-
five years in the service marched out before in
the army that- went against the Phocians.
They even enjoined the very persons who
were left at home to serve the offices of state
to march out on this occasion. Agesilaus
indeed was not yet recovered of his illness:
the state therefore ordered his son Archidamus
to take upon him the command. The Tegeate
with great cheerfulness took the field along
with Archidamus: for the party of Stasippus,
ever strongly attached to the Lacedzemonians,
were yet alive, and had a very great influence
at Tegea. The Mantineans too with all their
strength marched out of their villages and

[ BOoK yI.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

joined him, for they were under an aristocrati-
cal government. The Corinthians, Sicyonians,
Phliasians, and Achwans very cheerfully fol-
lowed him ; and other eities too sent out their
troops. The Lacedemonians immediately fit-
ted out their own triremes ; the Corinthians did
the same, and begged the Sicyonians to do so
too, as the Lacedwmonians had thoughts of
transporting the army by sea. And in the
meantime Archidamus was offering sacrifices
for a successful expedition.

The Thebans immediately after the battle
despatched a herald to Athens with a garland
on his head, whom they ordered at the same
time to notify the greatness of the victory and
to request their aid, saying that “ now it was
in their power to be revenged on the Lacede-
monians for all the evil they have ever done
them.” The senate of Athens happened to
be sitting in the citadel. And when they heard
the news, it was plain to all men that they
were heartily mortified at it. For they neither
invited the herald to take any refreshment, nor
made any reply to the request of aid. And in
this manner the herald returned from Athens.

The Thebans however sent in all haste to
Jason their ally, pressing him to come and join
them. Their thoughts were wholly intent on
what might be the consequence of this battle.
Jason at once manned out his triremes, as if he
would repair by sea to their assistance; but
then, taking with him his body of mercenaries
and his own horse, even though the Phocians
were in implacable hostility with him, he
marched by land into Beeotia; making his en-
try into several cities, before any news could
be brought that he was on the march. And
before any strength could be collected to stop
him, he was advanced quite beyond their reach ;
exhibiting a certain proof, that expedition car-
rieth ‘a point much better than strength. And
when he was gotten into Bwotia, the Thebans
declaring for an immediate attack on the Lace-
dzmonians, Jason to pour down from the hills
with his mercenaries, whilst themselves charg-
ed them full in front, he dissuaded them from
it, remonstrating to them that after so noble a
victory, it was not worth their while to run the
hazard of either gaining a greater or losing the
fruits of the victory already gained. Are you
not aware (said he) that you have just now

conquered, because you were necessitated to
fight 2? You should remember therefore, that
the Lacedzemonians, when necessitated too to

473.

fight for their very beings, will fight with the
utmost desperation. And God, it must be
owned, often taketh delight in making the
little great and the great littl.” By such re-
monstrances he dissuaded the Thebans from
running any fresh hazards. On the other side
he was teaching the Lacedzemonians what a
difference there was between a vanquished and
a victorious army. “If therefore (said he)
you are desirous to extinguish the memory of
your late calamity, I advise you to breathe a
while ; and when you are grown stronger, then
to fight again against these unconquered The-
bans. But at present (said he) you may rest
assured, that there are some even of your own
confederates, who are in treaty with your ene-
mies. By all means endeavour to obtain a
peace for yourselves. I will equally endeavour
to procure one for you, as I desire nothing for
your preservation, because of the friendship my
father had for you, and because I myself by
the laws of hospitality am connected with you.”
In this manner he talked ; and his motive pos-
sibly might be, that both these discordant
parties might be reduced to a dependence upon
himself. The Lacedemonians, therefore, hav-
ing hearkened to his advice, desired him to
procure them a peace. But so soon as word
was brought them that a. peace was granted,
the general officers issued out an order, for all
the troops to be ready immediately after sup-
per, since they should march off by night ; that
next morning by day-break they might pass
Mount Citheron. When supper was over,
before they could sleep, the order was issued
for a march, and immediately after the close of
evening their officers led them off by the road
of Crusis, confiding more in the secrecy of
their march than in the peace. And after a
very difficult march indeed, since it was by
night, in a very dejected mood, and through
very bad roads, they reach Aigosthena in the
territory of Megara. There they met witk
the army under the command of Archidamus.
He halted there with them till all the confed-
erates were come in, and then led them off in
one body to Corinth. At Corinth he dismis-
sed the confederates, and led home the domestic
troops to Lacedzemon. .

As to Jason, he returned back through
Phocis, where he took the suburbs of Hyam-
polis, laid the adjacent country waste, and slew
many persons ; and then continued his march
forwards through the rest of Phocis in an

30

474

orderly and quiet manner. But when he was
come to Heraclea, he demolished the fortifi-
cations of that place. It is plain he was under
no fear of opening a road to an enemy against
himself by laying open this important pass.
In fact, his true motive was, lest any should
seize Heraclea that is situated so commodious-
ly in the strait, and hinder him from marching
into Greece at his own pleasure. On his return
into Thessaly, he became great indeed, as well
because by law he was supreme governor of
the Thessalians, as because he kept constantly
about him a large body of merceuary troops,
both horse and foot, and these so finely disci-
plined as to excel all other troops in the world.
He was greater still through the large number
of confederates he already had, and the number
of those who were desirous of his alliance.
But he was greatest of all in his own personal
character, since no man could despise him.
The Pythian games were now approaching ;
he therefore circulated his orders to the cities
to fatten oxen, sheep, goats, and swine, and
prepare for the sacrifice. It was said, that
though a moderate number was demanded from
each separate city, yet the number of oxen
amounted to not less than a thousand, and all
other cattle together rose. in number to above
ten thousand. He also made public proclama-
tion, that whatever city fed the finest ox to lead
up the sacrifice to the god, should be rewarded
with a prize of a golden crown. He also is-
sued out his orders to the Thessalians to be
ready to take the field at the time of the Py-
thian games. For he intended, as was said, to
preside himself in the solemn assembly at the
gamnes in honour of the god. Whether indeed
he had any intention to meddle with the sacred
treasures remaineth yet uncertain. For it is
reported, that when the Delphians asked
‘‘ what must be done, in case Jason meddled
with the treasures of the god?” the answer of |
the god was “he himself would take care of
that.” Yet after all, this extraordinary man,
big with such great and splendid schemes,
when after reviewing and scrutinizing the con-
_ dition of the cavalry of Phere he had set
himself down, and was giving answers to such
as were offering petitions, is assassinated and
murdered by seven young men, who came up
to him with an air of having a dispute for him
to settle. His guards indeed who were at
hand bestirred themselves with spirit, and one
of the assassins whilst striking at Jason was

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book VI.

killed by the thrust of a spear; another was
stopped as he was getting on horseback, and
put to death by a great number of wounds;
but the rest mounted the horses, that were
ready prepared for them, and made their
escape; and in whatever cities of Greece they
afterwards appeared, were generally received
with honour. From whence it is plain, how
much the Grecians dreaded Jason, lest he
should turn out a tyrant.

After the murder of Jason, Polydorus his
brother and Polyphron were appointed su-
preme leaders of Thessaly. But as they were
going in company to Larissa, Polydorus dieth
suddenly in his bed by night, and as was judged
by the hands of his brother Polyphron. His
death certainly was very sudden, and there

was no other propable method of accounting

for it. Polyphron held the supremacy for a
year, and behaved in his office quite like a ty-
rant. For at Pharsalus he put to death Poly-
damas and eight more of the most illustrious
Pharsalians, and from Larissa drove several
persons into exile. For these outrageous acts
he too is killed by Alexander, who pretended
to be avenging the death of Polydorus and
demolishing the tyranny. But when he had
gotten the power in his own hands, he proved
a terrible governor indeed to the Thessalians,
terrible also to the Thebans, an enemy further
to the Athenians, and an arrant robber both by
land and sea. Such was his real character, and
as such he is put to death by the hands of his
wife’s brothers, but entirely by her contrivance.
For she told her brothers that Alexander had
a design upon their lives ; she concealed them
therefore a whole day in the house. She re-
ceived Alexander quite drunk into her cham-
ber at night ; and as soon as he was asleep she
left the lamp still burning, but carried out his
sword. And when she perceived that her
brothers were affaid of going into the chamber
co kill him, she told them if they boggled any
longer, she would go and awake him. Sosoon
as they were in it, she herself secured the door
and held the bolt in her hand till her husband
was despatched. , The reason of her enmity to
Alexander is supposed to be this, that Alexander
had imprisoned his page, a beautiful youth,
and when she begged hard for his liberty,
he brought him out and put him to death.
Others say, it was, because, having no chil-
dren by her, he had sent to Thebes and
entered into engagements to marry Jason’s

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

widow. The reasons of this plot against his
life by the lady are given in this manner. But
Tisiphonus, the eldest of the brothers who
were agents in his murder, succeeded to his
power, and hath continued in possession of it
till the time this history is writing. Aud thus
the affairs of Thessaly under the matiagement
of Jason, and down to the time of Tisiphonus,
have now been opened. I return to the place
from whence I digressed to give this recital.
V. When Archidamus, who had marched to
the relief of those at Leuctra, had brought the
army back, the Athenians began to reflect,
that the Peloponnesians would still reckon it
their duty to follow the Lacedemonians, who
were not yet reduced so low as they had re-
duced the Athenians. They summoned there-
fore the states, who were willing to be parties
in the peace prescribed by the king of Persia.
When all were assembled, they decreed, in

conjunction with those who were willing to.

be parties, that the following oath should be
taken,—‘ I will abide by the peace which the
king hath sent, and the decrees of the Athe-
nians and their confederates. And in case
any enemy maketh war upon any state that
hath taken this oath, I will assist that state
with all my strength.” All others present
were satisfied with this oath; but the Eleans
objected to it, “since they ought not thus to
make the Marganians, and Scilluntians, and Tri-
phyllians free and independent, all whose cities
belonged to them.” The Athenians however
and the rest, having ratified the decree accord-
ing to the king’s mandate, that “the cities
whether great or small should be left equally
free and independent,” sent out a deputation to
administer the oath, and ordered that “the
chief magistrates in every city should take it.”
And all took this oath except the Eleans.
The consequence was, that the Mantineans,
who now looked upon themselves as sovereign
masters of their own concerns, assembled to-
gether in a body, and resolved to settle again
in the city of Mantinea, and fortify it as their
own. But on the other hand, the Lacedemo-
nians judged, that if this was done without
their consent, they should be much aggrieved.
They send Agesilaus therefore ambassador to
the Mantineans, because he was esteemed their
hereditary friend. At his arrival, the men in
power would not grant him an audience of the
people, but ordered him to communicate his
business to them alone. He then made them

475.

a promise, that “if they would desist at present
from fortifying Mantinea, he would engage
that the state of Lacedemon should soon con-
sent to it, and ease them in the expense of
doing it.” But when they answered, that “it
was impossible to desist, since their whole
community had joined in the resolution for
doing it,” Agesilaus in great wrath departed.
It was not however judged possible to stop
them by force, since the grand article of peace
was freedom and independence. And now
some cities. of Arcadia sent in their people to
the Mantineans to assist them in carrying on
the fortification: and the Eleans presented
them with thirty talents’ of silver towards
defraying the expense of the work. And in
this manner were the Mantineans very busy. '

At Tegea, the party of Callibius and Prox-
enus were striving to get a general meeting
of the whole body of Arcadians, in which
whatever measures were voted by a majority
should have the force of laws to all their cities.
But the party of Stasippus was for leaving
each city in its present separation, and in the
enjoyment of their primitive constitutions.
The party of Proxenus and Callibius, who
were overpowered in all the sessions, imagin-
ing that in a general assembly of the people
they should quite outvote their opponents,
bring out their arms. The party of Stasippus,
perceiving this, armed also to oppose them,
and were not inferior to them in number. But
when they came to an engagement, they killed
Proxenus and a few more with him; and
though they put the others to flight, went not
after them in pursuit. For Stasippus was a
man of that temper, that he would not put
many of his fellow-citizens to death. But
those with Callibius, having retreated to the
part of the wall and the gates towards Man-
tinea, as their enemy gave them no farther
annoyance, posted themselves there in a body.
They had sent beforehand to the Mantineans
to beg assistance, and the party of Stasippus
now came to them with proposals of reconcili-
ation. But the Mantineans no sooner appeared
in sight, than some leaping upon the wall
pressed them to advance with their utmost ex-
pedition, shouting aloud at them to make all
possible haste, whilst others throw open the
gates for their entrance. When the party of
Stasippus found out what was done, they

—

1 5,932]. 10s

>

476 XENOPHON ON THE [ΒΟΟΚ VI.

make their escape through the gates that lead; In the meantime the Mantineans take the
to Palantium, and before their pursuers could | field against the Orchomenians. But after
overtake them, fly away in safety to the temple | showing themselves before the walls, they
of Diana, where they shut themselves up and |found it a work of toil to make good their
remained in quiet. But their enemies who | retreat, and some of them were slain on this
came up in pursuit, after climbing the temple | occasion. But when they had secured their
and stripping off the roof, pelted them with | retreat as far as to Elymia, and the heavy-
tiles. Conscious therefore of their own dis- | armed Orchomenians no longer pursued them,
tressful situation they begged them to stop | whilst the body under Polytropus kept plying
their hands and promised to come out. But | on their rear with great impetuosity, the Man-
their enemies, after thus getting them in their | tineans were now convinced that, unless they
power, bound them fast, and putting them in a | could beat them back, a great part of their own
carriage drove them back to Tegea: and there, | people would perish by the missive weapons,
supported by the Mantineans, they formally | upon which they suddenly faced about, and
put them to death. After this the Tegeatz, | advancing close up to them, gave the charge.
who were of the party of Stasippus, to the | And there Polytropus died fighting. The rest
number of about eight hundred, fled to Lace- | taking to flight, many of them had been slain,
* demon. had not the Phliasian horse come up that in-
The Lacedemonians now resolved it to be | stant, and by riding round to the rear of the
their duty to take the field with the utmost | Mantineans obliged them to stop all pursuit.
haste in the cause of the dead and the exiled | And after these transactions the Mantineans
Tegeate. Accordingly they make war upon departed to their own home.
the Mantineans, because contrary to their oaths| Agesilaus having heard these things, and
they had marched in a hostile manner against | judging now that the mercenaries from Orcho-
the Tegeatz. The ephori proclaimed a foreign | menus would not join him, set forwards from
expedition, and the state ordered Agesilaus to | Eutea. After the first day’s march he supped
take upon him the command. The rest οὐ his army in the district of Tegea; but in the
the Arcadians were by this time assembled at | second day’s march, he passeth over into the
_Asea; but, as the Orchomenians had declared | dominions of Mantinea, and encamped under
against all participation in the Arcadian league | the mountains of Mantinea which lay to the
because of their enmity to the Mantineans, | west; and from thence he ravaged the country,
and had even received into their city a body of | and laid waste all the cultivated ground. The
mercenaries commanded by Polytropus, which | Arcadians however who had assembled at
had been drawn together at Corinth, the Man-| Asea marched by night into Tegea. The
tineans staid at home to look after their own | next day Agesilaus encamped his army at the
concerns. But the Hereans and Lepreatz | distance of about ‘twenty stadia from Man-
joined with the Lacedemonians in marching | tinea. The Arcadians from Tegea were now
against the Mantineans. And Agesilaus, | approaching with a very numerous body of
when the sacrifices for a successful expedition | heavy-armed, marching between the mountains
were finished, marched without loss of time | of Mantinea and Tegea, and bent on complet-
into Arcadia. ing their junction with the Mantineans. The
He first took possession of Eutea, a town] Argives however had not yet joined them
on the frontier. He found in this place old | with all their force. Some persons therefore
men, women, and children, whilst all the fight- | advised Agesilaus to attack them before the
ing men were gone to join the Arcadic body. | Argives came up. But apprehensive, that
He did no harm at all to the city, but suffered | whilst he was advancing against them the
these people still to continue in their houses,| Mantineans might sally out of their city,
and his soldiers paid regularly for whatever | and then he might be attacked both in flank
they wanted. Or, if any thing had been taken | and rear; he judged it most prudent to let
by force when he entered the place, after ἃ them complete their junction; and then, if
proper search he caused it to be restored. He| they had a mind to fight, he could engage
also repaired such parts of the wall as needed | them upon fair and equal terms. But now
it, whilst he halted there in expectation of the
mercenaries under Polytropus.

1 About two miles.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

that the Arcadians had completed this junction,
when the targeteers from Orchomenus, accom-
panied by the horsemen from Phlius, after
marching by night under the walls of Manti-
nea, appear at break of day within the view of
Agesilaus, who was sacrificing in the front of
the camp, they made all others run to their
posts, and Agesilaus retire to his heavy-armed.
But when they were discovered to be friends,
and Agesilaus had sacrificed with favourable
omens, after dinner he led the army forwards ;
and at the approach of night he encamped, un-
observed by the enemy, in a valley behind but
very near Mantinea, and surrounded on all
sides by mountains. The next day, so soon as
it was light, he sacrificed in the front of his
camp: and discovering that the Mantineans
were come out of the city and gathering to-
gether on the mountains in the rear of his
camp, he found the necessity of getting out of
this valley without loss of time. But now in
case he led the way in the van, he was appre-
hensive the enemy might attack his rear. He
therefore stood to his post, and making the
heavy-armed face towards the enemy, he or-
dered those in the rear to make a wheel to the
right and march behind the phalanx on towards
-him. In this manner he got them out of this
narrow ground, and was continually adding
strength to the phalanx. _And when once it
was doubled, he advanced into the plain with
his heavy-armed in this arrangement, and
then opened the whole army again into files of
nine or ten shields indepth. 'The Mantineans,
however, gave him no opposition. For the
Eleans, who now had joined them, persuaded
them by no means to give him battle till the
Thebans were come up. ‘They said “they
were well assured the Thebans would soon be
with them, since themselves had lent them ten
talents! to forward their march.” And the
Arcadians, hearing this account, rested quietly
in Mantinea.

' But Agesilaus, though vastly desirous to
march the army off, for it was now the middle
of winter, yet continued three days longer in
his post, at no great distance from the city of
Mantinea, that he might not seem to be too
such in a hurry to be gone. Yet on the
fourth day, after dinner, he led them off with
a design to encamp on the ground he had en-
camped on before, after the first day’s march

——_

1 1,977. 10s,

477

from Eutea. But as none of the Arcadians
appeared in sight, he marched with all speed
quite as far as Eutea, though it was exceed-
ingly late before he reached it, desirous to carry
off the heavy-armed before they could see the
enemy’s fires, that no one might say his de-
parture was a flight. He judged that he had
done enough to raise the spirits of his country-
men after the late dejection with which they
had been oppressed, since he had broken into
Arcadia, and no one durst give him battle
whilst he was laying the country waste. And
so soon as he was returned into Laconia, he
sent the Spartans home, and dismissed the
neighbouring people to their respective cities.
The Arcadians, now that Agesilaus was
gone, and as they heard had disbanded the
army, since they were all assembled in a body,
march against the Hereans, because they would
not be associated in the Arcadian league, and
had joined the Lacedemonians in the invasion
of Arcadia. They broke into their country,
where they set the houses on fire and cut down
the trees. But as now they received intelli-
gence that the Theban aid was come to Man-
tinea, they evacuate Herea and join the The-
bans, When they were thus all together, the
Thebans thought they had done enough for their
honour, since they had marched to the aid of their
friends, and found the enemy had. quite evacu-
ated their country, and therefore they were pre-
paring to return home. But the Arcadians,
Argives, and Eleans persuaded them to march
without loss of time into Laconia, expatiating
much on their own numbers, and crying up to
the skies this Theban army ;* for, in fact, the
Beeotians had kept to the constant exercise of
arms ever since they had been elated with their
victory at Leuctra.s They were now attended
by the Phocians, whom they had reduced to
subjection ; by the people of every city in Eu-
beea; by both the Locrians, Acarnanians, He-
racleots, and the Maliensians, They had also
with them some horsemen and targeteers from
Thessaly. Delighted with so fine an army,
and insisting on the desolate condition of La-
cedemon, they earnestly entreated them “ not
to go home again without making any irruption
into the dominions of the Lacedemonians.”
The Thebans, after giving them the hearing,
alleged on the other side, that “to break into
Laconia was a very difficult undertaking at

2 Epaminondas and Pelopidas were chief commanders
of it.

478

best, and they took it for granted that proper
guards were posted at the places that were
easiest of access.” For in fact Ischolaus kept
guard at Jum in the Skiritis with a party of
four hundred men, consisting of Spartans newly
enfranchised, and the most active exiles from
Tegea. There was also another guard posted
at Leuctra in the Maleatis. The Thebans
reckoned besides, that the whole strength of
the Lacedemonians would soon be drawn to-
gether, and would never fight better than_on
their own ground. All these things occurred
to their reflection, and they showed no eager-
ness to march against Lacedemon. But when
some persons came from Carye, who con-
firmed the account of their desolate state, and
even undertook to be the guides of their
march, with a frank desire “ to be put to death
if they deceived them in any point ;” and some
people also of the neighbourhood of Sparta ar-
rived with an invitation for them to come on,
and a promise to revolt if they would only
show themselves in the country ; adding, that
“some of those people distinguished by the
title of their neighbours, would not give the
Spartans the least assistance ;” hearing all this,
and from all persons, too, the Thebans were at
length persuaded. They broke in with their
own army by way of Carye, and the Arcadians
by the pass of the Skiritis. But if Ischolaus
had posted himself on their route on the most
difficult part of the ascent, they said nota single
person could have entered by that pass. Yet,
willing now to have the joint aid of the
people of Ium, he had continued in that vil-
lage. The Arcadians mounted the ascent in
very numerous bodies. And here the soldiers
under Ischolaus, so long as they had the enemy
only in their front, had greatly the superiority
over them, but when they were gotten in their
rear and on their flanks, and climbing up to the
tops of houses, were galling and pouring their
javelins upon them, then Ischolaus himself and
all his people were slain, except a person or
two of no note who might possibly escape.
And the Arcadians, having thus successfully
cairied their point, marched on and joined the
Thebans at Caryz.'

1 The army now under Epaminondas consisted of not
fewer than forty thousand heavy-armed. The light-
urmed were also very numerous ; and numbers without
any arms at all were following for plunder; so that the
number of enemies which now invaded Laconia was not

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book VI.

The Thebans, when they knew what had
been done by the Arcadians, marched down
into the country with much more spirit than
before. They immediately put Sellasia to fire
and sword; and, when they were gotten inte
the plains, encamped themselves within the
verge of the temple of Apollo: but next day
they continued their march. They made no
attempt however to pass the bridge towards
Sparta, for the heavy-armed were seen posted
in the temple at Alea; but keeping the
EKurotas on their right they continued their
march, setting on fire and demolishing the
houses, with all their grand and costly furni-
ture. ‘The women at Sparta had not spirits
enough to look at the smoke, since never be-
fore had they seen an enemy. The citizens of
Sparta, whose city had no wall round it, were
stationed in different posts. Their number at
each guard was thin in fact, and appeared so
too: But the magistrates thought proper to
acquaint the Helots by proclamation, that “ if

less than seventy thousand men. It was seven hundred
years since the Dorians had settled in Lacedzemon ; and
during this long period of time no enemy had ever be-
fore been seen in Laconia, none had ever dared to invade
the Spartans. Yet now an enemy was laying waste with
fire and sword, and without any resistance too, a coun-
try that never before had suffered devastation. Agesilaus
would not suffer the Lacedemonians to expose them-
selves against so impetuous a flood and torrent of war;
but, having secured all the passes and eminences about
Sparta with the heavy-armed, he heard with patience the
threats and bravadoes of the enemy, who called out up-
on him by name, and bade him come out and fight fur
his country, since he was the author of all her distresses
and had raised this war. Nor was his patience Jess se-
verely tried by the tumultuous, clamorous, and disorder-
ly behaviour of the elder Spartans who were all rage
and vexation, whilst the women too could not contain,
but were quite mad and frantic at the shouts and fires
of the enemy. He was sadly alarmed about his own
reputation, since, though Sparta had never been so great
and powerful as when he succeeded to the government,
he now saw her glory in grievous diminution, and his
own big speeches proved insolent and vain; for it had
been his frequent boast, that “‘no woman at Sparta had
ever seen an enemy’s smoke.” It is said too that An-
talcidas, when once disputing with an Athenian about
the bravery of their countrymen, and the latter saying,
‘© We have often drove you from the Cephissus,” replied
briskly, ‘‘ But we never drove you from the Eurotas.”
An answer of.the spirited kind is also ascribed to a more
obscure Spartan as made to an Argive: ** Many of your
countrymen,” said the latter, ‘are interred in Argoli-
ca.”” © True,” cried the Spartan, “ but not one of yours
in Laconia.” And yet some affirm that Antalcidas,
though at this very time one of the ephori, was under
such a consternation, that he conveyed away his chil-
dren to the island of Cythera.—Plutarch’s life of Age-
tilaus. i

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

any of them were willing to take up arms and
go into the ranks, the public faith was pledged,
that all who assisted in this war should hence-
forth be free.” It was said that more than six
thousand of them immediately gave in their
names ; so that, when formed into ranks, they
struck a terror, and seemed to be quite too
many. But when the mercenaries from Orcho-
menus agreed to stay with them, and the Phli-
asians, Corinthians, Epidaurians, Pellenians,
and the troops of some other cities, were come
up to the aid of the Lacedemonians, they be-
gan to be less in fear about the number of He-
lots who gave in their names. —

When the army of the enemy was advanced
to Amycl, they there passed the Eurotas.?
As for the Thebans, whenever they encamped,
they immediately cut down the trees, and piled
up as many of them as they could before their
lines, and so kept upon their guard. But the
Arcadians scorned all such precautions: they
left their arms, and minded nothing but break-
ing and plundering of houses. The third or
fourth day after, the horse advanced in regular
array to the Hippodrome and temple of Nep-
tune, all the horse of the Thebans and Eleans,
and so many of the Phocian and Thessalian
horse as were at hand. The Lacedemonian
horse, whose numbers appeared very thin in.
deed, were drawn up to oppose them. But as
they had placed an ambuscade of about three
hundred men of their younger heavy-armed
near the temple of the Tyndaride, these started
up against, and the horse at the same mo-
ment of time rode down on the enemy. The
enemy stood not the charge, but turned their
backs ; and many of their infantry too seeing
this took immediately to flight. However, as
the pursuit was soon discontinued, and the
Theban army stood firm to their ground, they
all returned to their camp. But after this
they thought it would be too desperate an un-
dertaking to make any fresh attempts upon the
city: the whole army therefore filed off to-
wards Elis and Gytheum. They set all the
unwalled cities in flames, and for three days
successively made an assault on Gytheum,
where were the docks of the Lacedzmonians.
There were some too of the, neighbouring peo-

2 Epaminondas, as he was marching at the head of
his troops, was pointed out to Agesilaus, who, looking
steadfastly at him for a time, and sending his eyes after
him as he passed on, dropped only these words :—** Oh!
that glorious man!”

479

ple, who acted against them, and joined the
Thebans. .

The Athenians, hearing this, were highly
embarrassed about the conduct they ought to
observe in regard to the Lacedwemonians, and
pursuant to a decree of their senate held an as-
sembly of the people. The ambassadors of
the Lacedzemonians, and of the confederates
who yet adhered to them, were introduced into
this assembly. The Lacedemonians, Aracus,
Ocyllus, Pharax, Etymocles, and Olontheus,
all spoke, and pretty much in the same strain,
that, “from time immemorial the states of
Athens and Lacedemon had readily assisted
one another in their most pressing necessities.
Themselves,” they said, “‘ had co-operated to
drive the tyrants out of Athens; and the
Athenians had marched to their assistance,
when they were besieged by the Messenians.”
They proceeded to recite all the signal ser-
vices they had done one another ; putting them
in mind, “ how they had fought in conjunction
against the Barbarian ;” recalling to their re-
membrance, that ‘the Athenians were chosen
by the body of Greece to command at sea, and
to be treasurers of Greece, the Lacedzmonians
advising it to be so; and themselves were
unanimously appointed by all the Grecians to
be their leaders at iand, the Athenians advising
it might be 50. One of them, however, made
use of the following expression: “If you,
Athenians, act unanimously with us, there will
be hope again, according to the old saying, of
decimating the Thebans.”

The Athenians did not entirely relish what
they said, since a murmur ran round the as-
sembly, ‘* This is their language at present ;
yet, whilst they were in prosperity, they proved
bitter enemies to us.” But the argument of
greatest weight alleged by the Lacedemonians
was this, that “‘when they had warred the
Athenians down, and the Thebans insisted
upon their utter ruin, the Lacedemonians had
refused to comply :” though the point chiefly
insisted upon was this, that “in conformity to
their oaths they ought to send them aid; they
(Lacedemonians) had been guilty of no man-
ner of injustice, when they were invaded by
the Arcadians and their confederates; they
had only assisted the Tegeatze, upon whom the
Mantineans had made war in direct contrariety
to their oaths.” At these words a great cla-
mour arose in the assembly : for some persons
averred that “with justice the Mantineans

480

had assisted the party of Proxenus, some of
whom had been put to death by the party of
Stasippus ;” whilst others maintained, that
“they had unjustly made war upon the Te-
geate.” These points having raised a debate
in the assembly, at last Cliteles the Corinthian
rose up, and spoke as followeth :

“ The point at present in debate, Athenians,
is this, who were the first aggressors? Yet in
regard to us, after the peace was settled, who
can accuse us of taking up arms against any
state, or of taking any money from others, or
of laying waste the lands of any people what-
ever? But the Thebans it is certain have
marched into our territories, have cut down
our trees, have set our houses in flames, and
made plunder of our effects and our cattle.
How, therefore, unless you give assistance to
us who have been beyond all denial most inju-
riously treated, how can you avoid a breach of
oaths? oaths, too, which you yourselves took
the care of administering, that all of us might
faithfully swear to all of you.”

that Cliteles spoke the words of truth and jus-
tice. And then Patrocles the Phliasian rose
up, and made the following speech :

« When the Lacedemonians are once out of
their way, that you Athenians will be the first

people the Thebans will attack, is a truth in

which all the world will agree: since you they
regard as the only people who will then be left
to hinder them from obtaining the empire of
Greece. And if this be so, I must give it as
my opinion, that you are as strongly obliged to
take up arms and assist the Lacedemonians,
as if the distress was yourown. That The-
bans, your inveterate enemies and your nearest
neighbours too, should become the sovereigns
of Greece, will, in my judgment, be a point of
much harder digestion to you, than when you
had your rivals for empire seated more remote-
ly from you. And with a much finer prospect
of success will you now aid the latter in your
own behalf, whilst yet they have some confe-
derates left, than if looking on till they are
quite destroyed, you are then compelled to
fight it out alone against the Thebans.

“But if any be apprehensive that if the
Lacedemonians are now rescued from destruc-
tion, they may hereafter prove very trouble-
some to you; remember, Athenians, that none
ought to be alarmed at the reviving power of
men to whom you have done good, but of men

XENOPHON ON THE

| manifest any regard for them?
Here indeed the Athenians shouted aloud, |

[BOOK VI.

to whom you have done eyil. You should
farther recollect, that it ought to be the princi-
pal care both of individuals and public com-
munities, when they are in their most flourish-
ing state, to secure themselves a future’ sup-
port, that in case they are afterwards reduced,
they may be sure of a ready redress in requital
for former services. An opportunity is now
offered to you by some one of the celestial
powers, if you will hearken to their request
and succour the Lacedemonians, of gaining ©
their eternal and sincerest friendship. You
will do them a great kindness indeed, and nu-
merous witnesses will be ever ready to attest it.
For the powers above, who see all things both
now and for ever, will know it; your friends
and your foes will be equally conscious of it;
to which must be added, all the Grecian, and
all the Barbarian world. No act of yours on
this occasion can be lost in oblivion; insomuch
that should they ever prove ungrateful to you,
what state in the world will for the future
But we are
bound to hope, that gratitude and not ingrati-
tude will always be the practice of the Lace-
demonians. For if ever people did, they may
certainly be allowed to have persisted in the
love of everything praiseworthy, and to have
refrained from everything that is base.

“ Let me suggest one point more to your
reflection, that should Greece be ever again
endangered by Barbarians, in whom could you
confide more strongly than in Lacedzemonians ὃ
whom could you see with so much delight in
the same lines of battle with yourselves, as the
men who once posted at Thermopyle chose
rather to fight and die to a man, than to save
their lives and let the Barbarian into Greece ?
With what justice therefore can you or can we
refuse to show all alacrity in the behalf of men,
who have acted such noble parts in company
with yourselves, and who it is hoped would be
ready to act them again? But it is well worthy
of you to show alacrity in their behalf, though
merely because so many of your confede-
rates are present to be eye-witnesses of it.
For you may rest assured, that all such as re-
main faithful to the Lacedemonians in their
present distress, will hereafter scorn them
should they prove ungrateful to you.

«If again we, who are ready to share the
danger with you, should seem but petty in-
considerable states, reflect, Athenians, that
when Athens hath put itself at our head, we

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

shall march to the aid of the Lacedzmonians
in numbers well worthy to be respected.

“(1 have long ago, Athenians, been stricken
with admiration of this your community, when
I heard that all men who suffered under injus-
tice, or were afraid of suffering, betook them-
selves to you for redress, and always obtained
it. But now I rely ne longer on my ears; Iam
here present among you ; and see with my own
eyes the most famous Lacedemonians, accom-
panied by their own most faithful friends, at-
tending upon you and imploring your succour.
I see even Thebans, too, who once in vain so-
licited the Lacedzemonians to enslave you all,
now promoting the request, that you would not
look quietly at the destruction of men who
have been your preservers. It is handed down
in honour of your progenitors, that they would
not suffer the dead bodies of the Argives, who
perished at the Cadmea, to remain uninterred.
But it would be much more honourable for
you, if you would not suffer such of the Lace-
demonians as are yet alive to be injuriously
treated or utterly destroyed. There is too
another glorious piece of behaviour, that when
you had put a stop to the insolence of Eurys-
theus, you took all possible care to save the
children of Hercules. But would it not be
much more glorious, if you, who saved the
founders, would proceed to save the whole
community? And it would be most glorious
of all, if, as once these Lacedemonians saved
you by a vote that cost them nothing, you
would now with arms and through a series of
dangers go to their relief. The case will then
be, that whilst we are exulting for joy, we who
have prevailed upon you by our exhortation to
succour such worthy men, upon you, I say, who
are able effectually to succour them, the credit
of such high generosity wil] be all your own,
who, after having been oftentimes friends and
oftentimes enemies to the Lacedzemonians,
forgot all the mischief, remembered only the
good they had done you, and abundantly re-
quited them, not merely in your own, but in
behaif of Greece your common country, in
whose cause they have ever bravely distinguish-
ed themselves.”

After this the Athenians went to consulta-
tion, but would not hear with patience such as
spoke against the aid. They passed a decree
**to march to their aid with the whole strength

481

But when the sacrifices were auspicious, and

‘| he had issued out his orders, that “they should

all take their suppers in the academy,” it was
said that numbers of them marched out of the
city before Iphicrates. At length he put him-
self at their head; they followed their com-
mander, imagining he was conducting them to
some noble achievement. But when upon
reaching Corinth he dallied away some days
in that city, this gave them the first occasion to
censure him forlossof time. Yet again, when
he led them out of Corinth, they followed with
alacrity wheresoever he led them, and with
alacrity assaulted the fortress he pointed out
to them. Of the enemies indeed at Lacede-
mon, the Arcadians, and Argives, and Eleans
were mostly departed, since they dwelt on
the borders, driving before them and carrying
off the booty they had taken. The Thebans
and the rest had also a mind to be going, as
from day to day they saw the army was lessen-
ing; partly, because provisions were grown
more scarce, owing to the quantities that had
been consumed, ravaged, wasted, or burnt.
Beside this, it was winter, so that all persons
were desirous to be at home. And when the
enemy were thus retreated from Lacedemon,
Iphicrates too led the Athenians back out of
Arcadia to Corinth.

In regard to any instances of fine conduct
during his other commands, I have nothing to
object against Iphicrates. But on the present
occasion I find the whole of his conduct not
only unavailing but even prejudicial. He en-
deavoured to post himself so at Oneum, that
the Beeotians might not be able to go that
way back, but he left the finest pass of all,
that by Cenchrea, unguarded. Being farther
desirous to know whether the Thebans took
the route of Oneum, he sent out all the Athe-
nian and Corinthian horse to observe their mo-
tions. A few horsemen might have performed

this service full as well as larger numbers ; and

in case they were obliged to retire, a few with
much more ease than a larger number might
have found out a commodious road, and securely
retreated. But to carry out large numbers,
and after all inferior in number to the enemy,
how can such a conduct escape the imputation
of folly? For this body of horse, when drawn -
up in lines, were compelled by their very num-
ver to cover a large tract of ground ; and, when

of Athens,” and chose Iphicrates to command. | obliged to retire, made their retreat through

3P

482

several and all of them difficult roads; inso-
much that not fewer than twenty of them were

.

1 No sooner were they returned to Thebes, than,
through the envy and malevolence of some of their own
community, an attempt was made upon the lives of the
commanders. A capital accusation was preferred
against them for having continued in the command four
months longer than their legal appointment. Epami-
nondas persuaded his colleagues to exculpate themselves
by throwing all the blame upon him. His own plea
was, that “if what he had done could not justify itself,
all that he could say would stand him in little stead. He
should therefore trouble his judges on this occasion only
with this small request, that if he must suffer death, the
sentence to be inscribed ona pillar might be so drawn

X ENOPHON.

[BOOK VI.

slain. And then the Thebans had all the
roads open to march home as they pleased. !

up, that the Grecians might know that Epaminondas
had forced the Thebans against their will to lay Laconia
waste with fire and sword, which for five hundred years’
had been free from any devastation ; that he had restored
the city of Messene two hundred and thirty years after
its demolition ; had united the Arcadians amongst them-
selves, and in firm friendship with the Thebans: and had
recovered the liberty and independence of Greece, since
all these things were done in his last expedition.” His
judges immediately quitted the bench with a laugh, nor
would suffer any vote to be taken about him.—Plutarch’s
Apophthegms.

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK VII.

CONTENTS or BOOK VII.

A league between the Athenians and Lacedemonians.—Continuation of the war.—Account of Lycomedes and
the war in Arcadia.—The victory gained by Archidamus.—The Theban negotiations in Persia.—History of
the Phliasians.—Account of Euphron.—The battle of Mantinea, in which Epaminondas is slain.

THE

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

BOOK VII.

1. Next year ambassadors from the Lacede-
monians and confederates arrived at Athens,
fully empowered to settle the conditions of an
alliance offensive and defensive between the
Lacedemonians and the Athenians. After
many of the foreign ministers and many of the
Athenians too had given their opinions that
the alliance ought to be made upon fair and
equal terms, Patrocles the Phliasian made the
following speech : ἘΣ

ἐς Since, Athenians, you are come to a reso-
lution to make a league with the Lacedemoni-
ans, it is my opinion that one point yet remain.
eth to be considered—by what method the
friendship between. you may be rendered as
lasting as possible. If therefore we can settle
the terms in such a manner as may be highly
for the advantage of either party, then in all
probability we may most firmly continue
friends. Other points are already well nigh
agreed on both sides ; what at present remaineth
to be considered is the point of command. Τὸ
hath already been resolved by your senate, that
it shall be yours at sea, and the Lacedemoni-
ans shall have it by land. An adjustment
this, which in my opinion is marked out for
you by the constitution and determinaton both
of earth and heaven. For, in the first place,
your own situation is most finely adapted by
nature to this very purpose. A very great
number of states who want the sea for their
support are seated round about your Athens,
and all these states are weaker than your own.
Besides this you have harbours, without which
it is not possible to exert a naval power. You
are moreover possessed of a great number of
triremes, and the enlargement of your navy
hath been from every generation your principal,
study. Nay, what is more, the arts needful

for these purposes are all your own, and you
far excel the rest of the world in naval skill:
for most persons in your community earn their
livelihood at sea ; so that, whilst employed in
your own personal concerns, you grow expe~
rienced in all the important points which are to
be decided on the sea. Add to this, that such
numerous fleets have never Sailed out from any
harbours as from your own ; and hence accrues
the strongest reason why you should have the
command at sea. For all men flock with the
most prompt alacrity to what hath been ever-
more invested with strength. And the gods,
it must be added, have granted you a high
measure of success in this respect. For in the
very many and most important struggles you
| have undergone at sea, you have incurred the
fewest losses, you have in general been re-
markably successful. It standeth therefore to
| reason, that the confederates, with the most
| prompt alacrity, will take a share in all your
dangers.
« But convince yourselves from what I am
| going to say, how indispensably needful to you
it is to take all possible care of the sea. The
Lacedzemonians made war upon you formerly
for many years together, and though they
became masters of your territory, yet were
nothing nearer their grand scheme of demolish-
ing your power. But no sooner had God given
them a victory over you at sea, than instantly
you became their vassals. Hence therefore it
is clear beyond a scruple, that your own pre-
servation is entirely connected with the sea.
And if this is the true state of things, how can
it be for your interest to suffer the Lacede-
monians to have the command at sea? In the
first place, they own themselves that their skill
on this element is inferior to yours. In the next

486

place, you do not encounter dangers at sea upon
equal terms ; since they hazard only the men
who serve on board their ships, but you your
children, and your wives, and your whole com-
munity. This isthe state of the point on your
side, but it is very different on that of the La-
cedemonians. For, in the first place, they
dwell within the land; insomuch that so long
as they are masters at land, though they are
hindered from putting out to sea, they can live
in peace and affluence. Ever mindful there-
_fore of this their situation, they train up their
people from their infancy in that discipline of
war which is suitable to the land ; and especially,
which is worth all the rest, in obedience to
those who command them. They truly are
strongest at land, and you are the strongest at
sea. And in the next place, as you are soon-
est out at sea, so they draw out most expedi-
tiously and in the greatest numbers at land : and
likely it is, for this very reason, that the con-
federates with the greatest confidence will
ever join them there. Nay, what is more, even
God hath granted them very signal successes
upon the land, in the same measure as he hath
granted them to you at sea. For in the very
many most important struggles they have under-
gone at land, they have received the fewest de-
feats, and have in general been remarkably
successful. And hence, that to take care at
land is no less necessary to them than to you
at sea, you may readily learn from fact itself.
For when for many years together you were at
war with them, and oftentimes fought at sea
successfully against them, yet you made no
progress at all in warring them down. But no
sooner were they once defeated at land, than the
loss of their children, and their wives, and their
whole community became instantly endanger-
ed. How therefore can it be but dreadful to
them to suffer any other state to take command
by land over them who have most bravely
achieved the pre-eminence there !

«So much, in pursuance of the resolution
of the senate, I have said on this occasion, and
think I have advised the best for both. But
may your determinations prove the best for all
of us: and may success attend all your under-
takings !”

In this manner Patrocles spoke; and the
Athenians in general, and such Lacedemonians
as were present, heartily agreed in commending
his advice. But Cephisodotus stood up and
spoke as followeth :

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VII.

*«* You perceive not, Athenians, how sadly you
are going to be over-reached ; but if you will
give me attention, I will immediately show you.
You yourselves, forsooth, are to command at sea.
But it is clear, that if the Lacedzemonians act in
confederacy with you, they will send you La-
cedemonian captains to command the vessels,
and perhaps Lacedemonian marines, but the
seamen of a truth will be only Helots or hire-
lings ; and then over such as these you will be in-
vested with the command. But whenever the |
Lacedemonians issue out their mandate for an
expedition by land, you will for certain send to
them your own cavalry and your heavy-armed.
And thus beyond all dispute, they become the
rulers of your very ownselves, whilst you can
be such only over slaves and the very dregs of
mankind. But (said he) answer me one ques-
tion, you Timocrates of Lacedemon: did you
not say just now, that you come hither to make
an alliance upon fair and equal terms?” I
said so. “Can any thing therefore be more
reasonable (said Cephisodotus) than that each
should command alternately at sea, alternately
too at land; and if there be any pre-eminent
advantage at sea, that you should come in for
your share of it ; and we the same by land?”

The Athenians, upon hearing this, quite
changed their sentiments, and drew up a decree,
that, “each side should command alternately
for the space of five days.”

Both parties with their confederates now
taking the field for Corinth, it was resolved to
guard Oneum in conjunction. And when the
Thebans and confederates | approached, the dif-
ferent parties of the enemy drew up on their
several guards, the Lacedemonians and Pelle-
nians being posted in that quarter which was
most likely to be attacked. But the Thebans
and confederates, after advancing within * thirty
stadia of the guard, encamped in the plain.
Having then allowed a proper interval of time,
which they thought they should spend in com-
pletely marching up, they advanced at twilight
towards the guard of the Lacedemonians.
And they were not deceived in their allowance .
of time, but rush in upon the Lacedemonians
and Pellenians, when the nightly watch was al-
ready dismissed, and the others were rising
up from the straw where they had taken their
repose. At this very time the Thebans fall

1 Under the command of Epaminondas.
2 About three miles.

AFFAIRS

in amongst them, prepared for action against
men unprepared, and in regular order against
men in total disorder. But when such as
could save themselves from the danger had
fled to the nearest eminence, and the comman-~
der of the Lacedemonians had it still in his
power to take to his aid as many heavy-armed
and as many targeteers from the confederates
as he pleased, and keep possession of Oneum,
(since all necessary provisions might have been
safely brought them from Cenchrea,) he did
it not; but on the contrary, when the Thebans
were in great perplexity how to get down by
the pass towards Sicyon, or about returning
the same way they came, he clapped up a truce
(as most people thought) more for the advan-
tage of the Thebans than of his own party,
and in pursuance of it retreated, and marched
off his troops. In consequence of this, the
Thebans having marched down in safety, and
joined their own confederates the Arcadians,

-Argives, and Eleans, carried on their assaults |

without loss of time against Sicyon and Pel-
lene. They marched also against Epidaurus,
and laid waste all their territory. And retreat-
ing from thence in a manner that showed the
utmost contempt of all their enemies, when
they came near the city of Corinth, they ran
full speed towards the gates that. look towards
Phlius, with a design if they were open to
rush in at once. But a party of light-armed
sallied out of the city, and met the chosen
party of the Thebans at a distance not of four
plethra from the wall. These mounted im-
mediately on the monuments and eminences
that were near, and pouring in their darts and
javelins kill a great many of this foremost
body, and having put them to flight pursued
them three or four stadia. And when this
was done, the Corinthians having dragged the
bodies of the slain to the wall, and restored
them afterwards by truce, erected a trophy.
And by this turn of fortune the confederates
of the Lacedemonians were restored to better
spirits.

These incidents had scarcely taken place,
when the aid to the Lacedemonians from
Dionysius arrived, consisting of more than
twenty triremes. They brought Celtze and
Iberians, and about fifty horsemen. But next
day the Thebans and confederates having
formed into order of battle, and filled all the
plain quite down to the sea and quite up to
the eminences which are near the city, de-

OF GREECE.

487

stroyed every thing in the plain that could be
of use to the enemy. The horse cf the Athe-
nians and Corinthians never advanced within
any nearness of the enemy, perceiving how
very strong and numerous they were. But the
horsemen of Dionysius, however inconsiderable
in their number, straggled from one another
and were scouring all over the plain; now
riding up, they threw their javelins at the
enemy ; and so soon as the enemy rushed for-
wards they again rode off; and presently, wheel-
ing about, they kept pouring in their javelins ;
and in the midst of these feats dismounted
from their horses and rested. But in case any
of the enemy rode at them whilst thus dis-
mounted, they were again in their seats with
great agility, and rode off safe. Nay, if pursued
to any considerable distance from the army, no
sooner were the pursuers on retreat, than close
behind them and plying at them with their
javelins, they made havoc, and merely of them-
selves obliged the whole army of the enemy
alternately to advance and retire. And after
this the Thebans making only a few day’s stay
went off for Thebes, and the rest of the con-
federates dispersed to their several homes.

But the aid from Dionysius march after-
wards against Sicyon, and beat the Sicyonians
in a battle on the plain, and slew about seventy
of them. They also take by storm the fort of
Dera. But after these exploits, this first aid
from Dionysius sailed away for Syracuse.

Hitherto the Thebans, and all such as had
revolted from the Lacedzemonians, had acted
and taken the field together with perfect una-
nimity, the Thebans being in the command.
But now one Lycomedes of Mantinea, a man
in birth inferior to none, but superior in wealth
and of extraordinary ambition, began to inter-
fere. This man quite filled the Arcadians
with notions of their own importance ; telling
them, “ Peloponnesus was a country exclu-
sively their own,” (for they alone were the
original inhabitants of it,) “the Arcadians
were the most numerous people in all Greece,
and had their persons most remarkably qualified
for action.” He then showed them to be the
most valiant people in Greece: producing in
proof, that “‘when other states had need of
auxiliaries, they evermore gave preference to
the Arcadians;” that, moreover, “ without
them the Lacedemonians had never dared to
invade the Athenians, and now without the
Arcadians the Thebans durst not take the

488

field against Lacedemon. If therefore you
can see your own interest, you will discontinue
- the custom of following whenever another state
may call for your attendance; since formerly,
by thus following the Lacedemonians, you
augmented their power; and now, if rashly
you follow the Thebans, and do not insist upon
your turn in the command, you may perhaps
find them in a little time to be second Lace-
dzmonians.”

The Arcadians by listening to these dis-
courses were highly puffed up, quite doated
on Lycomedes, and thought him the only man,
insomuch that they chose such persons to be
their magistrates, as he was pleased to point
out to them. Many things had also coincided
to give the Arcadians high notions of them-
selves. For when the Argives had invaded
Epidaurus, and their retreat was cut off by the
Athenians and Corinthians under Chabrias,
they went to their aid when almost reduced to
a surrender, and set the Argives at liberty,
though they had not only the disadvantage of
numbers, but even of situation to struggle
against. ‘Taking the field another time against
Asine in Laconia, they beat the Lacedemo-
nian garrison, they slew Geranor the Spartan
who commanded, and plundered the suburbs of
Asine. Nay, whenever they resolved to act,
neither night, nor winter, nor any length of
march, nor mountains difficult of passage could
stop them; insomuch that at the present junc-
ture of time they esteemed themselves as the
bravest of men. For these reasons truly the
Thebans beheld them with envy, and could no
longer manifest good-will to the Arcadians.
The Eleans also, when on re-demanding from
the Arcadians those cities which had been
taken from them by the Lacedemonians, they
found that the Arcadians wholly slighted every
thing they alleged, and even manifested high
regard to the Tryphyllians and other people
who had revolted from them, on the haughty
pretext that they too were Arcadians,—for
these reasons the Eleans were also bitterly in-
censed against them.

Whilst the states of the confederacy were
thus severally setting up for themselves, Phi-
liscus of Abydus arriveth from Ariobarzanes,
furnished with a large sum of money. In the
first place, therefore, he caused the Thebans
and confederates, and the Lacedemonians, to
meet together at Delphi to treat about a peace.
But when assembled there, they never re-

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book VII.

quested the advice of the god in relation to the
peace, but made it a subject merely for their
own consultations. And when the Thebans
positively refused to leave Messene in the
power of the Lacedemonians, Philiscus drew
together a large body of mercenaries to serve
as aids on the side of the Lacedemonians.
And whilst these things were doing, the second
aid arriveth from Dionysius. The Athenians
allege “these ought to be sent into Thessaly
to make head against the Thebans ;” the La-
cedemonians are “for landing them in Laco-
nia;” and the latter opinion carried it with the
allies. When therefore the aid from Dionysius
had sailed round to Lacedemon, Archidamus
taking them under his command marched out
with the domestic troops of that state. He
took Caryz by storm, and put all the persons
he found in it to the sword. . From thence
without loss of time he led them on against
Parrhasia of Arcadia, and laid waste the coun-
try. But so soon as the Arcadians and Ar-
gives were come out into the field he retreated,
and encamped on the high ground of Midea.
Whilst he was in this post, Cassidas who com-
manded the aid from Dionysius notified to
him, that “the time limited for his stay in
Greece is expired ;” and he had no sooner noti-
fied this, than he marched off for Sparta. But
when the Messenians had stopped him on his
route by besetting the narrow passes, he sent
back to Archidamus and begged his assistance ;
and Archidamus immediately-began his march.
When they were got as far as the turning in
the road that leadeth to Euctresii, the Arca-
dians and Argives were advancing into Laconia
to stop his proceeding farther on the road to
Sparta. Archidamus now turneth aside into
the plain near the spot where the roads to
Euctresii and Midea meet, and formeth into
order of battle, as resolved on an engagement.
It is said that he went up to the front of the
army, and animated the men by the followin
exhortation : ὃ
ἐς Countrymen and soldiers! Jet us now be
brave, and look our enemies directly in the
face. Let us bequeath our country to our
posterity as we received it from our fathers.
From this moment let us cease to make our
children, our wives, our elders, and our foreign
friends ashamed of the behaviour of men, who
in former days were the admiration of Greece.”
These words were no seoner uttered, than
(according to report) though the sky was clear

2 -ς“ρπ΄ῆ “-ς“-“-“

AFFAIRS

success. There happened also to be on his

right wing a grove and an image consecrated

to Hercules, from whom Archidamus is said
to be descended. The concurrence of such
auspicious signs inspired, as they say, such
vigour and spirit into his soldiers, that it was
difficult for the commander to restrain them
from rushing forwards towards the enemy.
And indeed no sooner did Archidamus lead
them to the charge, than those few of the ene-
my who had the courage to stand it were im-
mediately slain; the rest were all in flight,
and were slaughtered, many by the horse, and
many by the Celte. When the battle was
over and the trophy erected, Archidamus im-
mediately despatched Demoteles the herald to
Sparta, to notify there the greatness of the vic-
tory, since not one Lacedemonian was slain,
but a very great number indeed of the enemy.
It is reported, that the news was no sooner
heard at Sparta, than Agesilaus, the elders, and
the ephori, began setting the example, and at
length the whole community wept:! thus
common are tears both to sorrow and joy. Not
but that the Thebans and the Eleans were as
much rejoiced as the Lacedemonians them-
selves at this blow given to the Arcadians: so
highly did they resent their late assuming be-
haviour.

As the point at which the Thebans were
aiming was how to attain the sovereignty of
Greece, they now thought, that should they

1 Plutarch in the life of Agesilaus gives a fuller ac-
count of the rejoicing at Sparta on this occasion, which
he introduces with so pertinent but shrewd an observa-
tion, that the whole passage well deserves a notice :—
** Nothing (says he) so much betrayed the weakness of
the Spartan state as this victory. Ever before this time
they had looked upon themselves as so entitled by pre-
scription and by right to conquer in battle, that for the
greatest victories they sacrificed nothing but a cock, the
combatants never uttered any words of exultation, and
the news of them inspired no hearer with any extraor-
dinary joy. Even after the battle of Mantinea, which
Thucydides hath described, the magistrates sent a piece
of flesh from their own table as a reward to the person

_ Who brought them the news, and made him no other

present. But after this victory was published, and Ar-
chidamus in his return drew near to Sparta, not a soul
but was quite transported : his father Agesilaus cried for
joy and went out to meet him, attended with the whole
magistracy. The elders of the city and the women

flocked down to the river Eurotas, lifting up their

hands to heaven and giving thanks to the gods, as if

- Sparta now had cleared her reputation from all the late
_disgraces, and a3 bright a prospect as ever was opened

before her.” ἡ

OF GREECE.

‘it lightened and thundered, being omens of

489

send to the king of Persia, by his assistance
they might accomplish their scheme. With
this view they summoned their confederates
to a meeting; and, on the pretext that Eu-
thycles the Lacedzmonian was then with the
king, Pelopidas is sent up by the Thebans:
Antiochus the Pancratiast by the Arcadians ;
Archidamus by the Eleans; and an Argive
ambassador went also in their company. .The
Athenians hearing this sent Timagoras and
Leo to solicit against them. When they were
all arrived, Pelopidas had soon gained the
greatest interest-in the Persian monarch. He
could justly plead, that ‘of all the Grecians
the Thebans alone had joined the royal army
at Platea, and ever since that time had never
joined in any war against the king ;” and that
the Lacedzemonians had made war upon them
for this reason only, because they had refused
to act against him under the command of
Agesilaus, nor would permit the latter to sac-
rifice at Aulis, where Agamemnon had for-
merly sacrificed, and thence beginning his ex

pedition into Asia had taken Troy.” Other
circumstances also concurred to procure Pelo-
pidas more honourable treatment, such as that
the Thebans had been victorious in the battle
of Leuctra; and farther, quite masters of the
country, had laid waste the dominions of the
Lacedwmonians, Pelopidas moreover insinuat-
ed, that “the Argives and Arcadians had
been defeated in battle by the Lacedzemonians,
merely because the Thebans were not there.”
Timagoras the Athenian bore witness to him,
and vouched the truth of whatever Pelopidas
said; he therefore was honoured by the king,
in the next degree to Pelopidas. At length,
Pelopidas was asked by the king, “‘ what he
would have him insist upon in his letter?”
He answered, that ‘“ Messene should he left
free and independent by the Lacedzmonians,
and the Athenians should lay up their fleet.
And in case they refused to comply, war should
be declared against them. And if any state
refused to join in the war, that state should be
first invaded.” These points being committed
to writing, and then read aloud to the ambassa~-
dors, Leo cried out in the hearing of the king,
«In good truth, Athenians, it is high time for
you to look out another friend instead of the
king.” And when the secretary had interpret-
ed what the Athenian said, the king ordered
this qualifying article to be added; “ But in
case the Athenians are able to devise more

3 Q

490

effectual expedients, let them repair hither
and communicate them to the king.” No
sooner were these ambassadors returned to
their several homes than the Athenians put
Timagoras to death; since Leo preferred an
accusation against him, “ for refusing to lodge
in the same apartment with him, and for
bearing a share in all the schemes of Pelopi-
das.” As to the rest of the ambassadors,
Archidamus the Elean highly applauded the
king’s declaration, because he had given the
preference to the Eleans over the Arcadians.
But Antiochus, because the Arcadic body was
slighted by him, refused his presents, and told
the magistrates of Arcadia at his return, that
“the king, it is true, was master over an in-
finite number of bakers and cooks, butlers and
door-keepers, but though he had looked about
with his utmost diligence to discover the men,
who were able to fight with Grecians, he had
not been able to get the sight of any.” He
added, that “‘ in his opinion his vast quantity of
wealth was mere empty pageantry; since the
very plane-tree of gold, so much celebrated by
fame, was not large enough to afford shade toa
grasshopper.” But when the Thebans had
summoned deputations from all the states to
come and hear the king’s epistle ; and the Per-
sian, who brought it, after showing the royal
signet, had read aloud the contents, the The-
bans commanded all “who were desirous of
the king’s friendship and of theirs, to swear ob-
servance ;” but the deputies from the states
replied, that “their commission was not to
swear but to hear. And if oaths were neces-
sary, they bade the Thebans send round to the
several states.” Lycomedes the Arcadian added
farther, that “this congress ought not to have
been holden in Thebes, but in the seat of the
war.” The Thebans however resenting this,
and telling him “he was destroying the con-
federacy,” Lycomedes would no longer assist at
any consultation, but instantly quitted Thebes,
and went home accompanied by all the de-
puties from Arcadia. Yet as those remaining
at Thebes refused to take the oaths, the The-
bans sent ambassadors round to the several
states, commanding them “ to swear to the ob-
servance of what had been written by the
king ;” concluding that each state, thus singly
to be sworn, would be afraid of incurring the
resentments of themselves and the king by a
refusal. However, the first place to which
they repaired was Corinth. And the Corinth-

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VII.

ians standing out, and remonstrating that “ they
wanted no swearing to treaties with the king,”
many other states followed their example, and
answered to the same effect. And thus the
grand scheme of empire so long agitated by
Pelopidas and the Thebans was totally discon-
certed.

But now Epaminondas, being desirous ἕο.

begin again with the reduction of the Achzans,
in order to render the Arcadians and the rest
of the confederates more attentive to the friend-
ship of the Thebans, determined to make war
upon Achaia. He therefore persuadeth Pei-
sias the Argive, who commanded in Argos,
immediately to seize Oneum. Peisias, accord-
ingly, having made a discovery that the guard
of Oneum was neglected by Naucles, who

commanded the mercenary troops of the Lace- —

demonians, and by Timomachus the Athenian,
seizeth by night, with two thousand heavy-armed,
the eminence above Cenchrea, having with him
provisions for seven days. During this inter-
yal the Thebans begin their march, and com-
plete the passage of Oneum; and then the
confederates in one body invade Achaia, under
the command of Epaminondas. And as such
of the Achzans as were of the party of the
few went over to him, Epaminondas exerteth
his influence with so much weight, that after-
wards none of that party were sentenced to ex-
ile, nor any change made in the polity of the
state, but only security was given by the Achz-
ans, that they would be firm allies, and follow
the Thebans wheresoever they led them; and
so the latter returned again to Thebes.

The Arcadians and all discontented parties
now accusing Epaminondas for marching off so
soon as he had put Achaia in a proper dispo-

sition to serve the Lacedemonians, it was

judged expedient by the Thebans, to send away
governors into the cities of Achaia. The per-
sons thus exiled, concurring together in the
same measures, and being not few in number,
returned to their several cities, and recovered
the possession of them. And now, as they no
longer observed. any manage in their conduct,
but with high alacrity supported the Lacedz-
monian cause, the Arcadians were grievously
harassed on one side by the Lacedemonians,
and on the other by the Achzans.

At Sicyon down to this time the administra-
tion had been carried on according to the laws
of the Achzans. But Euphron, ambitious to
play a leading part amongst the enemies of the

AFFAIRS

OF GREECE.

Lacedemonians, though hitherto he had been |

regarded by the latter as their most steady
friend, insinuateth to the Argives and Ar-
cadians, that ‘‘ were the most wealthy members
of the community to be indisputable masters
of Sicyon, then beyond all doubt on every oc-
casion that city would act entirely in the Lace-
demonian interest ; whereas, if a democracy
be set up in it, you may depend upon it (said
he) that city will firmly adhere to you. If
therefore you will give me your aid, I will en-
gage to convene the people; and at the same
time I will give them this certain pledge of my
own sincerity, and will keep the city firm in
your alliance. My motives for acting, be you
well assured, are the same with your own, since
I have long suffered with regret the insolence
of the Lacedemonians, and would with the
highest pleasure escape from their bondage.”
The Arcadians and Argives, therefore, who
listened greedily to him, repaired to Sicyon to
support him. On their arrival he immediate-
ly convened the people in the forum, and pro-
posed a form of administration wherein each
might have a fair and equal share. And in
this very assembly he ordered them to choose
what persons they pleased to be their com-
manders. The people accordingly choose Eu-
phron himself and Hippodamus, Cleander, Acri-
sius, and Lysander. When these points were
settled, he appointed his own son Adeas to com-
mand the mercenary troops, having discharged
Lysimenes who commanded them before.
Euphron by his generosity had soon attached
many of the mercenaries firmly to his interest ;
he quickly made many more of them his friends,
sparing neither the public money nor the trea-
-sure in the temples in buying their service.
And he employed to the same use the wealth of
such persons as he drove into exile for being
friends to the Lacedemonians. Some also of
his colleagues in command he slew by treachery,
and some he banished ; insomuch that he grew
to be absolute master of Sicyon, and past all
doubt became a tyrant ; and he caused the con-
federates to connive at all his proceedings,
sometimes by supplying them with money, and
at other times by taking the field with his
mercenaries whenever they summoned him to
join them.

Tj. Affairs having so far succeeded, and the
Argives having fortitied Tricranum, situated
above the temple of Juno in Phlius, and the
Sicyonians at the same time fortifying Thyamia

nse cnr cn fs cists iil gia ai i EPC OCC OL LA AT ER CO AAC AAA ALIA

49]

on the frontier of the Phliasians, the latter
were grievously distressed, and reduced to the
want of necessaries: yet notwithstanding this, _
they persevered .in a most steadfast adherence
to their allies. When any grand point is ac.
complished by powerful states, all historians are
careful to propagate the remembrance of it.
But in my opinion, if any petty state can ac- -
complish aseries of numerousand great achieve-
ments, such a state hath a much better title
to have them honourably remembered.

The Phliasians, for instance, became friends
to the Lacedemonians, when the latter were
possessed of the most ample power. And yet,
after their overthrow at the battle of Leuctra,
after the revolt of many neighbouring cities,
and after the revolt of many of their Helots,
and of their old allies, very few excepted, all
Greece in a word being combined against them ;
the Phliasians persevered in the most faithful
attachment to them: nay, when even the Ar-
gives and Arcadians, the most powerful states
in Peloponnesus were become their enemies,
notwithstanding all this the Phliasians gave
them aid, even though it fell to their lot to be
the very last body of men of the whole confe-
deracy, that could march up to Prasiz to join
them. The Corinthians, Epidaurians, Tree-
zenians, Hermionians, Haliensians, Sicyonians,
and Pellenians, for these had not revolted,
were at Prasiz before them. Nay, when even
the Spartan general, who was sent to command,
would not wait for their arrival, but marched
off with those who were already come up, the
Phliasians notwithstanding scorned to turn
back, but hiring a guide to Prasiz, though the
enemy was now at Amycle, came forwards as
well as they could, and arrivedat Sparta. The
Lacedemonians, it is true, gave them all pos-
sible marks of their gratitude, and by way of
hospitality presented them with an ox.

When again, after the enemies’ retreat from
Lacedemon, the Argives, exasperated against
the Phliasians for their zealous attachment to
the Lacedemonians, invaded Phlius with their
whole united force, and laid all that country
waste, they would in no wise submit. And
after the enemy had completed their ravage,
and were again on their retreat, the horsemen
of Phiius sallied out in good order, and pressed
close on their rear; and, though the whole
Argive cavalry and some companies of heavy-
armed composed this rear, though but sixty in
number, they fell upon them, and put the whole

492

rear to fight. They slew some of them, and
even erected a trophy in the very sight of the
enemy, nor could they have done more, though
they had killed them to a man.

Again, when the Lacedemonians and con-
federates were posted on the guard of Oneum,
and the Thebans were approaching with a
design to force the passage, the Eleans and
Argives marching in the meantime by the
road of Nemea in order to join the Thebans,
some exiles from Phlius insinuated to the lat-
ter, that ‘if they would only show themselves
before Phlius, they might take it.” When
they had resolved on a trial, these exiles with
some auxiliaries, amounting in all to about six
hundred, posted themselves by night under the
wall of Phlius, having with them a number of
ladders. When therefore the sentinels had
given the signals that the enemy were march-
ing down from Tricranum, and all the inhabi-
tants of the city were thrown into alarm, that
very instant the traitors gave the signal to
those skulking under the wall to mount. Ac-
cordingly they mounted; and first seizing at
the stand the arms of the guard, they pursued
the sentinels who were left to watch them,
being ten in number: from every five one
person was left to watch the arms. But one
of these they murdered before he could wake
out of sleep, and another as he was flying for
shelter to the temple of Juno. As the senti-
nels had leaped from the walls down into the
city to flee from the enemy, the latter were now
masters of the citadel, and the former saw it
plainly with their own eyes. But when they
shouted for aid, and all the inhabitants came
running to assist them, the enemy sallied im-
mediately from the citadel, and engaged them
before the gate that openeth into the city. Yet
being afterwards surrounded by numbers of
such as had flocked together to assist, they
zgain retired into the citadel, and the heavy-arm-
ed rush in at the same time with them. The
area of the citadel was immediately cleared of
the enemy, who mounting the wall and the
turrets, threw down darts and javelins upon the
Phliasians below. They defended themselves,
and fought their way to the stairs that lead up
to the wall. And when the inhabitants had
. possessed themselves of the turrets on either
side of the enemy, they then advanced with
the utmust fury close up to them, who, unable
to withstand such a bold and desperate attack,
were all driven together on a heap. At this

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book vil.

very instant of time the Arcadians and Argives
invested the city, and were directly opening a
breach in the wall of the citadel. The Phli-
asians within it were levelling their blows fast ;
some of them, at the enemy on the wall;
some, at the enemy on the ladders endeayour-
ing to mount ; some also were fighting against
those who had scaled and were got upon the
turrets ; and, finding fire in the barracks, they
set the turrets in a flame by the help of faggots,
which had just happened to be cut dewn in the
citadel itself. And now, such as were upon
the turrets jumped off immediately for fear of
the flames; and such as were upon the walls
were forced by the blows of their antagonists to
leap over. And when onee they began to give
way, the whole citadel was soon cleared of the
enemy, and the horsemen of Phlius rode out of —
the city. The enemy retreated at the sight of
them, leaving behind their ladders and their

dead, nay, the living too who had been lamed

in the scuffle. The number of the slain, both

of such as had fought within and such as had

leaped down from the wall, was not less than

eighty. And now you might have seen the

men of Phlius shaking one another by the

hand in mutual congratulation, the women

bringing them refreshments of liquor, and at

the same time weeping for joy. Nay, there

was not a soul present on this occasion, whose

countenance did not show the tearful smile.

Next year the Argives and Arcadians with
their whole united force again invaded Phliasia.
The reasons of this continued enmity against
the Phliasians were, because they were very
angry at them, and because they were situated
between them, and they never ceased hoping
that. by reducing them to famine they might
starve them into obedience. But in this invya-
sion also the horsemen and chosen band of
Phlisians, with the aid of Athenian horse,
were at hand to attack the enemy as they are
passing the river. Having the better in the
action, they forced the enemy to retire for the
rest of the day under the craggy parts of a
mountain, since they avoided the plain, lest by
trampling over it they might damage the corn
of their friends.

Again, upon another occasion the com-
mandant at Sicyon marched an army against
Phlius. He had with him the Thebans and
his own garrison, the Sicyonians, and the Pel-

-lenians (for these now had accustomed them-

selves to follow the orders of the Thebans.)

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

Euphron also accompanied this expedition,
having with him about two thousand merce-
_naries. The rest of the army marched down by
way of Tricranum to the temple of Juno, with
a design to lay waste the plain. But the com-
mandant left the Sicyonians and Pellenians
behind, near the gates that open towards Co-
inth, that the Phliasians might not be able to
fetch a compass round the eminence, and get
above them whilst they were at the temple of
Juno. When the Phliasians in the city were
assured that the enemy were rushing down in-
to the plain, their horsemen and their chosen
band marched out in order of battle against
them, and charged them, and effectually pre-
vented their descent into the plain. Here
they spent the greatest part of the day in throw-
ing their darts and javelins at one another ;
the mercenaries of Euphron pursuing so far as
the ground was not good for horse, and the
Phliiasians of the city driving them back to the
temple of Juno. But when they judged it the
proper time, the enemy retreated by the pass
round about Tricranum, since the ditch before
the wall hindered their marching the shortest
road to the Pellenians. ‘The Phliasians, after
following close behind them till they came to
the ascents, turned off and made full speed
close under the wall towards the Pellenians
and the troops with them. The enemy under
the command of the Theban general, perceiy-
ing what a hurry the Phliasians were in, made
all possible haste to reach the Pellenians with
timely aid. But the horsemen of Phlius were
too speedy for them, and had already attacked
the Pellenians. The latter standing firm, the
Phliasians again retreated backwards, till they
had strengthened themselves by such of their
foot as were now come up, and then renewed
the attack, and closely engaged them. Now
the enemy gave way, and some of the Sicyoni-
ans are slain, as also were very many, and those
the flower too, of the Pellenians. These
things being done, the Phliasians erected a
splendid trophy and sung the pan of victory,
as they justly might ; whilst their enemies un-
der the Theban general and Euphron looked
calmly at them, as if they came hither only to
see a sight. And when the rejoicings were
over, the latter marched off to Sicyon, and the
Phliasians returned into their own city.

There is also another gallant action. which
the Phliasians performed. For, having taken
a Pellenian prisoner who had formerly been

493

their public host, they gave him nis liberty
without asking any ransom, though they were
then in want of the necessaries of life.

To these, who did such things, what person
can deny the praise of being generous and gal-
lant men? It is plain to all the world, how
steadily they persevered to the last in fidelity
to their friends, though deprived of all the pro-
duce of their own lands, though subsisting
merely on what they could plunder from the
lands of their enemies or purchase from Co-
rinth, when even to that market they could not
go but through a series of dangers, with diffi-
culty procuring money for the purpose, with
difficulty finding any to advance it for them,
and hardly able to find security for the loan of
beasts to carry their provisions home. At
length reduced to total distress, they prevailed
upon Chares to undertake the guard of a con-
voy for them. And when this guard was ar-
rived at Phlius, they persuaded Chares to take
all their useless mouths along with him as far
as Pellene, and there he left them. In the
next place, having purchased their provisions,
and laden as many beasts as they could possibly

‘procure, they began their march by night, not’

ignorant that the enemy had laid an ambush on
their road, but determined within themselves
that it was more eligible to fight than to want
necessary food. Accordingly, they set out on
their return in company with Chares, and were
no sooner got in with the enemy than they fell
to work with them, and loudly exhorting one
another fought with the utmost vigour, shouting
aloud on Chares to give them aid. Victorious
at length, and having cleared the road of their
enemies, they returned safe with their whole
convoy to Phlius. But as they had passed the
night without a wink of sleep, they slept in
the morning till the day was far advanced.
And yet Chares was no sooner up than the
horsemen and most active citizens of Phlius
went to him, and accosted him thus :

“Tt is in your power, Chares, to perform
this very day a most noble exploit. The Sicy-
onians are this moment busy in fortifying a
post on our frontier. They have assembled a
large number of mechanics for the purpose,
and yet but a small number of heavy-armed.
We ourselves with our horsemen and the most
gallant men of our city will march out first ;
and if you at the head of your mercenaries will
follow after us, perhaps you may find the busi-
ness completed on your arrival; or perhaps, by

4.94

barely showing yourself, you will put them all
to flight as you did at Pellene. Yet in case
you judge the proposal we make to be attended
with difficulties, go and consult the gods by
sacrifice. For we are fully persuaded, that
the gods will, more forcibly than we can, ex-
hort you to compliance. But, Chares, of this
you ought to be assured, that if you succeed in
this undertaking, you will have gained a high
ascendent over the foe, you will have indis-
putably preserved a friendly city, you will be-
come an Athenian of the highest esteem among
your own countrymen, and a man of the high-
est reputation both with friends and foes.”
Chares so far hearkened to what they said
as to set about the sacrifice. But the Phli-
asian horsemen. immediately put on their
breastplates and bridled their horses; the
heavy-armed too prepared to begin the march.
And when taking up their arms they were re-
pairing to the place of sacrifice, Chares and the
soothsayer advanced to meet them, and declared
that ‘the victims portended success. Halt a
little,” they added, “ and we march out in com-
pany with you.” Their herald called to arms
without loss of time ; and the mercenaries ran
into their ranks with an alacrity that seemed
inspired by heaven. Chares no sooner began
his march, than the Phliasian horsemen and
heavy-armed advanced and led the van. They
moved off briskly at first, and then set up a
trot ; the horsemen were at length on the gal-
lop; the heavy-armed ran after as fast as they
could without breaking their ranks; and
Chares followed the heavy-armed with all his
speed. It was now near sunset. When ar-
rived, therefore, at the fortification, they found
the enemy, some of them employed in bathing,
some dressing their meat, some kneading their
bread, and some preparing their beds ; who no
sooner saw the impetuosity with which their
enemy came on, than they took fright and fled,
leaving all their victuals behind for the use of
these gallant men. - The latter accordingly
made a hearty supper upon what was thus
ready dressed, and what they had brought along
with them from Phlius; and then, pouring
forth a libation in acknowledgment of success,
and singing their pean of victory, and placing
proper sentinels for the nightly guard, had a
sound repose. A messenger arrived in the night,
and told the Corinthians what had been done
at Thyamia, who in a very hearty manner or-
dered the herald to call for all the carriages and

XENOPHON ON THE

[ BOOK VII.

beasts of draught in the city, which they loaded
with provisions and drove away to Phlius.
And afterwards, till the fortification was com-
pletely finished, they continued daily to send
them in a conyoy of provisions. All these in-
cidents have been related, to show how faithful
to their confederates the Phliasians were, with
how much bravery they persisted in the war,
and, though reduced to extreme distress, would
still persevere in their alliance.

III. About the same space of time, Auneas

the Stymphalian, who had been made general
in chief of the Arcadians, judging what was
doing at Sicyon to be past all sufferance,
marched up with his forces into the citadel,
whither he conveneth the best men of Sicyon
resident in the city, and recalled such as had
been driven into exile without a legal process,
Euphron, alarmed at this, flies for refuge down
to the harbour of Sicyon ; and having sent for
Pasimelus from Corinth, delivered up the har-
bour to him for the use of the Lacedemoni-
ans ; and thus he went over again into their
alliance, averring that ‘“ whatever appearances
were against him, he had been faithfully at-
tached to the Lacedemonians. For when it
was publicly voted at Sicyon, whether or no
they should revolt,” he said, “he had given
his own vote with the minority; and after-
wards had set up the democracy only to exe-
cute his revenge upon such as had betrayed
him. And, even now, all those who had be-
trayed the Lacedemonians are driven into
exile by me. If, therefore, I had been able to
execute the whole of my design, I should have
revolted to you with the whole city in my own
disposal: but, as I was not able to accomplish
this, I have now delivered up the harbour to
you.” These words were spoken by him in
the hearing of many; but it did not appear
that many believed him sincere. Yet since I
have thus returned to the intrigues of Euphron,
I will proceed and finish all that relateth to
him.

A sedition happening afterwards between
the parties of the nobility and the people at
Sicyon, Euphron, at the head of some merce-
naries picked up at Aihens, returneth again
into that city. Here, aided by the people, he
became master of the whole place except the
citadel, which remained in possession of the
Theban commandant. But being clearly con-
vinced that he could not stay long in the place,
as the Thebans were masters of the citadel, he

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

collected together every thing of value he pos-
sibly could, and went away for Thebes, in-
tending to bribe the Thebans to eject the party
of the few, and leave him master once more of
the city of Sicyon. But the former exiles got
notice of his journey and his whole scheme,
and posted away after him to Thebes. And
when they saw him conversing familiarly with
the men in power at Thebes, and became ap-
prehensive that he would succeed in the whole
of his designs, some of them determine to run
all risks, and stab him in the very citadel
whilst the magistrates were sitting in council.
The magistrates immediately ordered the as-
sassins to be brought before the council, and
then spoke as followeth :

“¢ Citizens of Thebes! we accuse these per-
sons here who have assassinated Euphron as
guilty of a capital offence. We are convinced
by experience, that men of honour and worth
never commit such outrageous and impious
acts; wicked men indeed commit them, and
endeavour at the same time to remain undis-
covered. But these wretches have far exceed-
ed all mankind in a daring and abominable
crime ; for.erecting themselves into judges and
executioners too, they have murdered Euphron,
almost in the presence of the magistrates of
Thebes, and in the presence also of you, who
are solely invested with the power of life and
death. If these wretches therefore be suffered
to escape the punishment of death, what stran-
ger for the time forwards will dare to appear
in this city? or, what will become of Thebes,
if private persons may be permitted to murder
a stranger, before he hath notified the reasons
of his coming? We therefore accuse these
men as impious and execrable wretches, and
guilty of the highest contempt against the state.
And, after hearing what they have to say, judge
ye what punishment they best deserve, and
sentence them accordingly.”

In this manner the magistrates accused them ;
and each of the assassins pleaded in his own
behalf, that he was not the person who gave
the blow, till at length one of them boldly
avowed it, and began his defence as followeth ;

“ΝΟ man, ye Thebans, can possibly enter-
tain a contempt of you, who knoweth that you
are sovereign arbiters of life and death within
your own community. And you shall be
clearly informed on what I place my confidence,
when within your walls I gave Euphron the
mortal blow.

495

“ It was, in the first place, on my conviction
that what I did was right; and, secondly, on
my inward persuasion that you would judge
righteously of the fact. I knew, that in the
case of Archias and Hypates, whom you found
guilty of practices like those of Euphron, you
waited not for the legal decision, but wreaked
your vengeance upon them the first opportunity
that presented itself, convinced that the sen-
tence of death is already passed by all mankind
upon wretches openly abandoned, upon detect-
ed traitors, and ambitious tyrants. And Eu-
phron in each of these characters deserved his
fate. He had seized the temples of the gods,
and stripped them of all their gold and silver
oblations. And certainly no man was ever a
more notorious traitor than Euphron, who be-
ing in the closest friendship with the Lacede-
monians, deserted them for you; and after the
most solemn pledges of fidelity to you, again
betrayed you, and delivered up the harbour of
Sicyon to your enemies. And farther, how
incontestably doth it appear to all the world
that Euphron was a tyrant, who not only made
freemen of slaves, but even raised them to all
the privileges of citizens! He put to death, he
drove into banishment, he deprived of their
properties, not men who had acted unjustly,
but whom he did not like; and these were the
worthiest men of Sicyon. And, what is more,
returning to that city by the aid of the Athenians
your greatest enemies, he drew up his troops
in opposition to your own commandant. But
when he found himself unable to dislodge him
from his post, he collected every thing of value
he could, and even ventured hither. Now, had
he been marching against you in a hostile man-
ner, you would have bestowed your thanks up-
on me for taking his life. When therefore he
had amassed all the wealth he could, and came
hither to corrupt your members, and so per-
suade you to make him once more master of
Sicyon ; and at this very crisis I inflicted con-
dign punishment upon him ; with what justice
can I be put to death by you? Men over-
powered by arms are sufferers, it is true; yet
are not thereby proved unjust; but men, who
are corrupted to do iniquitous acts, are not only
hurt but are disgraced for ever. Yet, suppos-
ing Euphron to have been only an enemy to
me, but a friend to you, I then shall frankly
confess, that I am not to be justified for hav-
ing killed him. But who hath been a traitor
to you, can that man be a greater enemy to me

496

than he was to you? Good gods! it may be
said, Euphron came hither on his own free
accord. Granted. The person then who kill-
ed him out of your jurisdiction would have re-
ceived your commendations for it. And shall
any one deny that he was justly slain, because
he was gotten within your walls to accumulate
the mischiefs he hath done you? What proofs
can such a one bring, that Grecians are bound
to observe any terms with traitors, with habit-
ual deserters, or with tyrants? And after all

this remember, Thebans, that you yourselves |
have passed a decree which is yet in force, that

exiles upon record may be fetched away from
any of the confederate cities.
can deny the justice of putting that man to
death, who, though exiled, presumed to return
home without a previous decree from the con-
federate cities? I affirm, therefore, ye The-
bans, that if you take my life, you are only go-
ing to revenge the man who was the bitterest
enemy in the world to yourselves. But, should
you declare that I have acted with justice, you
will take revenge in behalf of yourselves and
all your confederates.”

The Thebans, after hearing this defence,
declared that Euphron was justly killed. The
Sicyonians however of his own faction carried
him home as a man of bravery and worth, buri-
ed him in the forum, and honour him as guar-
dian of their city. This, it seemeth, is the
practice of the world, that men generally pro-
nounce their own private benefactors to be per-
sons of honour and worth. The account of
Euphron is thus completed; I return to the
place from whence I digressed to give it.

IV. Whilst the Phliasians were yet em-
ployed in fortifying Thyamia, and Chares con-
tinued with them, Oropus was seized by the
exiles. The whole military force of Athens
took the field on this occasion ; and Chares be-
ing also sent for from Thyamia, the harbour
of the Sicyonians is again taken by the inhabi-
tants and the Arcadians. None of their con-
federates marched out to join the Athenians,
who retreated, leaving Oropus in the hands of
the Thebans, till the dispute should be judici-
ally determined. But Lycomedes, perceiving
the Athenians were displeased with their con-
federates, since, though involved in many trou-
bles in their behalf, yet, in time of need not
one would stir to their assistance, persuadeth
the ten thousand to treat with them for an of-
fensive and defensive alliance. Some of the

XENOPHON ON THE

Who therefore |

[ Book VIL.

Athenians were not at all satisfied with the
proposal, that they, who were in friendship
with the Lacedemonians, should enter into
such an alliance with the enemies of the latter.
But when, after serious consideration, they
found it might be as serviceable to the Lace-
dzemonians as to themselves, that the Arcadians
should stand in no need of the Thebans, they
at length accepted the alliance of the Arca~
dians. Lycomedes, who managed the negotia-
tion, in his return from Athens, lost his life in
a most wonderful manner. For, very many
ships being on their departure, he pitched on a-
particular one from amongst the number, and
having agreed with them to land him at what-
ever place he named, he chose to land in the
very place where the exiles were at that mo- _
ment assembled ; and thus he loseth his life.
The alliance between Arcadians and Athe-
nians was thus effectually settled. But De-
motion saying in the assembly of the people at
Athens, that “this alliance was in his judg-
ment an honourable measure,” he then added,
that “it ought to be particularly recommended
to the generals of the state, to take care that
Corinth be kept firm in its duty to the people
of Athens.” This was reported to the Corin-
thians, who sending without loss of time de-
tachments of their own people to all places
garrisoned by the Athenians, ordered the lat-
ter to march out, as they had no longer any
need of their service. Accordingly they eva-
cuated the garrisons ; and when they were all
afterwards arrived at Corinth, the Corinthians
made public proclamation, that “if any Athe-
nian thought himself aggrieved, he should pre-
fer his petition and have all equitable redress.”
But at this juncture Chares arrived at Cen-
chree with the fleet. And when he knew
what had lately been done, he gave out that
“ having heard of a design against the city, he
was come up with a timely aid.” The Corin-_
thians commended his alacrity in their service,
but however would not permit him to enter the
harbour, and ordered him to depart with the
fleet: and then, after doing them all kind of
justice, they sent away the heavy-armed. In
this manner were the Athenians dismissed
from Corinth. But in pursuance of the late
alliance they were obliged to send their cavalry
to the aid of the Arcadians, whenever any ene-
my invaded Arcadia; and yet, they never en-
tered Laconia in a hostile manner. In the
meantime the Corinthians were reflecting

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

much with themselves, how difficult it would
be to secure their own preservation, as they
had already been quite overpowered at land,
and the Athenians were now become intract-
able in regard to them. They determined,
therefore, to take into their pay bodies both
of foot and horse. And keeping these sub-
missive to their own orders, they at one and
the same time kept guard at Corinth, and
gave some annoyance to their enemies. They
sent however to Thebes to demand of the
Thebans, “whether, in case they requested
it in form, a peace would be granted them 2
And when the Thebans encouraged them to
come with their request, giving hopes of its
success, the Corinthians offered a fresh peti-
tion, that “ they would first permit them to go
and consult their confederates, that they might
associate such of them as were willing in this
peace, and leave such as preferred war to
the liberty of continuing it.” The Thebans
permitting them to take this step, the Co-
rinthians repaired to Lacedemon, and spoke as
followeth :

“ς We Corinthians, your old and approved
confederates, address ourselves to you, ye men
of Lacedemon. We solemnly conjure you, if
you know any certain expedient of securing
preservation for us in case we persevere along
with you in this war, that you would explicitly
inform us what it is. But if you are convinced
in yourselves, that your affairs are irrecoverably
distressed and no other resource remaineth, we
then conjure you to make a peace in conjunc-
tion with us, since united with you, rather than
with any other people in the world, we would
gladly earn our preservation. But in case you
judge it most advisable for yourselves to con-
tinue this war, we beg at least that you would
give us permission to make a peace. Let us
but save ourselves now, and the time again
may come when we may do you some signal
acts of friendship. But if now we must be
ruined, it is plain we never any more can do
you service.”

The Lacedemonians, after hearing this re-
quest, advised the Corinthians by all means to
make their peace ; and gave permission to any
other of their confederates, who were averse
from a longer continuance of the war, to give
it up. As to themselves, they said, “they
would fight it out, and would submit to the
will of God; but would never suffer them-
selyes to be deprived of Messene, which they

497

had received from their progenitors. The
Corinthians hearing this, went away to Thebes
to negotiate a peace. The Thebans insisted,
that “they should swear to an alliance offensive
and defensive.” The Corinthians answered,
that “such a settlement would be no peace,
but a mere change of the war,” adding that ‘the
Thebans should candidly remember, that they
came hither only to make an amicable peace.”
This struck the Thebans with high admiration
of them, since in whatever distress involved,
they would not be parties in a war against
their old benefactors. They therefore granted
a peace to them and to the Phiiasians, and to
others who now accompanied them at Thebes,
on the sole condition that “ each party should
respectively keep their own ;” and oaths were
sworn to the observance of it.

The Phliasians, when an accommodation
was thus ratified, honestly and without hesita-
tion departed from Thyamia. But the Ar-
gives, who had sworn to observe the peace on
the very same condition with the Phliasians,
when they could not prevail for the safe con-
tinuance of the Phliasian exiles at Tricranum,
on pretence that the place was their own,
seized it and kept a garrison in it; averring
the land on which it stood to he their own
property, though a little while ago they had
laid it waste in a hostile manner; and even
refused to submit to a judicial determination,
though the Phliasians summoned them to do it.

Almost at the same time Dionysius the
elder being lately dead, his son sendeth over
twelve ships under the command of Timocrates
to the aid of the Lacedemonians. Timocrates
on his arrival acteth in conjunction with them
at the siege and reduction of Sellasia, and after
that sailed back again to Syracuse.

No long time after this the Hleans seize
upon Lasion, a town formerly their own, but at
present comprehended in the Arcadian league.
The Arcadians would not calmly brook it, but
immediately took the field and marched. Four
hundred Eleans at first, who were soon after
joined by three hundred more, made head
against them. After facing one another a
whole day in very low ground belonging to the
Eleans, the Arcadians by night ascend the
summit of the hill above their enemies, and
early next morning rushed down upon them
The Eleans now perceiving an enemy far more
numerous than themselves pouring down upon
them from higher ground, were a long time

358

498

kept in their posts by mere vexation ; nay,
they even advanced to meet them, yet were no
sooner charged than they broke and fled.
They fled over rough and difficult ground, and
lost many of their men and many of their arms.
The Arcadians after so much success marched
against all the towns in the upper country, and
after taking all of them, except Thraustus,
arrive at Olympia. Here they threw up an
entrenchment round the temple of Saturn,
where they posted themselves, and were mas-
ters of the mountain of Olympia. They far-
ther took the city of the Marganians, which
was betrayed to them by some of the inhabi-
tants. Their enemies having had such a train
of success, the Eleans began utterly to de-
spond. And now the Arcadians march up to
Elis, and into it as far as to the forum. But
then the horsemen and some other of the in-
habitants fall upon them, drive them out, and
made some slaughter, and erected a trophy.
There had been now a dissension of long stand-
ing in Elis. The faction of Charopus, Thra-
sonides, and Argeus, were striving to set up
a democracy. The faction of Stalcas, Hippias,
and Stratolus struggled for the oligarchy. And
when the Arcadians with so much strength
seemed to come opportunely thither as in aid
of those who are inclined to a democracy, the
faction of Charopus became more daring, and
haying bargained with the Arcadians for sup-
port, they seized the citadel of Elis. The
horsemen and the three hundred, however, lost
no time, but march thither immediately and
drive them out, in consequence of which,
Argeus and Charopus, with about four hun-
dred Eleans more, were driven out into exile.
And no ‘long time after, these exiles, by the
aid of a party of Arcadians, possess themselves
of Pylus ; whither many of the popular faction
in Elis repaired afterwards to them, as the
place was spacious and of great strength, and
where they were certain of support from the
Arcadians. The Arcadians also, at the in-
stigation of these exiles, who assured them of
the quick surrender of Elis, march soon after
into the territory of the Hieans. But on this
occasion the Achzans, who were in friendship
with the Eleans, had securely garrisoned their
city, so that the Arcadians, unable to do any
thing more than lay waste the country, again
retreated. But no sooner had they marched
out of Elea, and discovered that the Pellenians
were in Elis, than they made an exceeding

XENOPHON ON THE

[Book vit.

long march in the night, and seized Olurus,
belonging to the latter. The Pellenians had
already returned into the alliance of the Lace-
dzemonians. And they no sooner heard of the
seizure of Olurus than, marching a round-
about way, the better to conceal their motion,
they entered their own city Pellene. And
after this, they continued a war against the
Arcadians in Olurus and all the people of
Arcadia, notwithstanding their own great in-
feriority in number; nay, never slackened in
their endeavours, till they had again recovered
Olurus by a siege.

The Arcadians once more repeat their ex-
pedition against Elis. But, as they lay en-
camped between Cyllene and Elis, the Eleans
make a sudden attack upon them; the Arca-
dians stood it out, and got the victory. And
Andromachus the Elean commander, who was
the principal adviser of this last attack, laid
violent hands upon himself; the rest of the
Eleans retired into their city. Soclidas, a
Spartan who was present in this battle, lost
his life in it, for the Lacedemonians were
once more allies to the Eleans. But the
Eleans, now distressed about their own de-
fence, despatched ambassadors, and begged the
Lacedemonians to make war upon the Arca-
dians ; judging there was no other method to
get clear of the Arcadians than to have them
warred upon on both sides. In consequence
of this, Archidamus taketh the field with the
domestic force of Sparta, and seizeth Cromuus. ~
Leaving three of the twelve battalions he had
with them to garrison Cromnus, he again
marched back to Sparta. The Arcadians,
however, whose forces were all assembled for
the expedition against Elis, hurried away to ©
recover Cromnus, and invested it round with a
double work of circumyallation; and having
thus secured their own camp, continued in the
siege of the place. The state of Lacedemon,
unable to brook this besieging of their own
citizens, order their troops to mareh; and on
this occasion also, Archidamus commanded.
Entering their country, he laid waste as much
of Arcadia and Skiritis as he possibly could,
and did every thing that could be done to force
them to raise the siege. Yet the Arcadians
persisted steadfastly in it, and made no manner
of account of all these devastations. Archi-
damus now took a view of an eminence, across
which the Arcadians had carried their outward
circumyallation. He thought he could secure

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

499

it, and in case he did, that the enemy below it , out of their city, first against Pylus, fall in

could not continue their siege. Whilst he
was marching his troops a round-about way
to seize this post, the targeteers of Archida-
mus advancing before the rest had a view of

the chosen body of the enemy without the |

works, and rush suddenly upon them; and the
horse at the same time endeavoured to charge.
The enemy scorned to retreat, but drew up
in regular order, and stood quiet. They then
rushed a second time upon them; and when
yet, so far from retiring, they actually advanced
to meet them ; every thing now being in hurry
and confusion, Archidamus himself, who had
made a turn into the cart-way that leadeth to
Cromnus, appeared in sight, his men marching
two by two in the order they had set out, and
himself at their head. When they were thus
come near the enemy, those under Archidamus,
with their flanks exposed in consequence of
the order of their march, but the Arcadians in
regular array for battle and their shields closed
firmly together, the Lacedsemonians were not
able to stand their ground against this body of
Arcadians, but on the contrary Archidamus
had soon received a wound quite through his
thigh, and the two Spartans who fought before
him were actually slain. These were Poly-
anidas and Chilon; the latter of whom had
married the sister of Archidamus. Nay, the
number of Spartans slain on this occasion was
not less than thirty. Yet when, after falling
back along the road, they were got into more
open ground, the Lacedzemonians then formed
again to receive the enemy. The Arcadians
stood firm together in regular order, inferior it
is true in numbers, but much higher in spirits,
since they had fallen upon their enemy whilst
retreating before them, and made some siaugh-
ter. The Lacedemonians were sadly dejected ;
they saw that Archidamus was wounded ; they
heard the names of those who were slain, brave
ynen, and almost the most illustrious of their
body. And now, the enemy approaching near-
er, one of the elder Spartans cried out aloud—
« Why fight any longer, my countrymen ? Why
not rather demand a truce? He was Heard
with pleasure by all, and a truce was made.
Accordingly, the Lacedemonians took up their
dead and marched away ; and the Arcadians,
returning to the spot from whence they first
advanced, erected a trophy.

Whilst the Arcadians were thus employed
in the siege of Cromnus, the Eleans marching

with the Pylians who were on their return after
their repulse from Thalami. The Elean horse-

[ΤᾺ ΘΠ, who rode in the van, had no sooner a

sight of them, than they seized the opportunity,
and immediately fall in amongst them. Some
of them they slaughter, whilst others of them
flee for safety to an eminence that was near ;
but when the foot came up, they entirely de-
feated those upon the eminence ; some of them
they killed, and some they took prisoners, to
the number of two hundred. So many of the
latter as were strangers they sold for slaves;
and so many as were exiles on record they put
to the sword. And after this, as nobody came
to the aid of the Pylians, they reduce them
town and all, and recover the Marganians.

But the Lacedemonians, some time after,
marching by night towards Cromnus, force
their way over the circumvallation, in the quar-
ter of the Argives, and called out such of the
Lacedemonians as were besieged in the place.
So many of them as happened to be near at
hand and lost no time, completed their escape ;
but the rest, being prevented by the Arcadians
who soon ran together in numbers to the place
of escape, were again shut up within; and
being afterwards taken prisoners were divided
amongst the captors : the Argives had one part
of them ; the Thebans another; the Arcadians
another; and the Messenians had a fourth.
The whole number of Spartans and neighbours
to Sparta taken prisoners on this occasion was
more than a hundred.

The Arcadians, who had now cleared their
hands of Cromnus, turned their attention again
towards the Eleans, and not only strengthened
their garrison at Olympia, but as it was the
Olympic year made all needful preparation to
celebrate the Olympic games in conjunction
with the Pisans, who aver themselves to have
been the original guardians of the temple. When
therefore the month was come in which the
Olympic games are celebrated; nay, on the very
days of the grand assembly, the Eleans, who
had made open preparations for the purpose,
and had sent for the Achzans to join them,
came marching along the road to Olympia,
The Arcadians had neyer imagined they would
dare to give them any interruption, and jointly
with the Pisans were conducting the order
of the festival. They had already finished the
race of chariots and the foot-race of the pen-
tathlum, and the wrestlers had just entered the

500

{sts, not indeed on the course, since on this oc-
casion they were to wrestle between the course
and the altar; for the Eleans in military array
were now come up to the sacred grove. The
Arcadians however made no advance towards
them, but stood drawn up by the river Cladaus,
which running along the Altis dischargeth it-
self into the Alpheus. Their confederates were
also at hand to the number of about two thou-
sand heavy-armed Argives and about four hun-
dred Athenian horse. The Eleans drew up
in order on the other side of the river, and
after asolemn sacrifice advanced to the charge.
And thus a people, who in preceding times
had been contemned by the Arcadians and Ar-
gives, contemned also by the Achzans and
Athenians for the want of martial spirit,
marched, however, that day at the head of their
confederates in the most gallant manner. The
Arcadians, for these were the first they charge,
they instantly put to flight; they then stood
the attack of the Argives who ran to aid the
Arcadians, and gave them a defeat. And after
they had pursued the fleets to the spot of
ground that lieth between the council-house
and the temple of Vesta and the adjacent
theatre, they still fought on and drove them to
the very altar. Here after being galled by
darts and javelins from the porticoes and the
council-house and the great temple, and fought
with again on the level ground, a number of
Eleans was slain, amongst whom was Stratolus
the commander of the three hundred; after
which they retreated to their own camp. The
Arcadians however, and their associates were in
so much dread of the ensuing day, that they busi-
ed themselves all that night in demolishing the
fine pavilions they had erected for the festival,
and throwing up a rampart for their better de-
fence. And next day when the Eleans per-
ceived that the work was strong, and that num-
bers had posted themselves upon the temples,
they marched back to Elis, after showing them-
selves such gallant men, as God by particular
inspiration can in one day enable men to be,
though all human endeavours could not have
made them such even in a long course of life.
The Arcadian commanders were now laying
hands on the sacred treasures, and diverting
them to the payment of their chosen bands,
which the Mantineans first resented, and sent
them an order “ not thus to embezzle the sacred
treasure.” Nay, they even raised in their own

XENOPHON ON THE

[Βσοκ vir.

and sent it to the Arcadian commanders. The
latter however alleged that “such behaviour
was an infraction of the Arcadian league,” and
appealed against it to the council of ten thou-
sand. But as the Mantineans slighted this ap-
peal, the other proceeded to a judgment against
them, and despatched the chosen bands to ap-
prehend such persons as they had condemned
by name. Upon this the Mantineans made
fast their gates, and refused them admittance —
into their city. The consequence was, that
even some of the other members of the council
of ten thousand began also to affirm, that, “it
was wrong to embezzle in this manner the
sacred treasures, and to fix an eternal stain on
their posterity by such sacrilege against the
gods.” At length it was voted in the council,
that “ these sacred treasures should not be em-
bezzled,” and then all such persons in the
chosen bands as could not subsist without im-
mediate pay slipped away from the service ; and
such as had a subsistence, after heartening up
one another, entered themselves in these chosen
bands, not indeed to be commanded, but to se-
cure to themselves the command over them.
Such also of the commanders as had dabbled
most in the sacred treasure, being aware that
their lives were in danger should they be called
to a strict account, send messengers to Thebes,
and give notice to the Thebans, that “unless
they march up an army, the danger is great that
the Arcadians will again go over to the Lace-
demonians.”” The Thebans accordingly were
getting all things in readiness to take the
field. Such persons, however, as were in their
hearts true friends to Peloponnesus, persuaded
the Arcadians state to despatch ambassadors to
the Thebans with a notification to them “by
no means to march with their forces into Ar-
cadia, till they were formally invited.” Nay,
they not only notified this to the Thebans, but
also came toa resolution amongst themselves,
that “ there was no need of war.” They were
now also convinced, that they had no manner
of pretence to invade the presidency over the
temple of Jove, but by restoring it to the
Eleans should act with more piety and justice,
and without doubt in a manner more accept-
able to the god.

The Eleans were willing to accommodate
affairs, and so both parties resolved upon a
peace. A truce immediately ensued. And
after the peace was sworn to, not only by ail

city what pay was due to those chosen bands, | the other parties, but by the Tegeate also, and

AFFAIRS

even by the Theban officer who was then in
Tegea commanding four hundred heavy-armed
Beeotians, such of the Arcadians as at that time
were resident in Tegea feasted one another and
were full of spirits, pouring forth their libations
and singing their peans as rejoicing for a
peace. The Thebans, however, and such of
the commanders as were apprehensive of being
called to account for the sacred treasures, assist-
ed by the Beotiansand theiraccomplices amongst
the chosen bands, shut fast the gates of the wall
round Tegea, and sending parties to their several
lodgings, seized all the men of consequence who
were not of their sentiments. As many people
were here from every city in Arcadia, all of
them highly delighted at the making of peace,
the number seized in this manner must needs
be very considerable. The public prison was
soon filled with them ; the town-house in like
manner was filled as soon. After many per-
sons were thus secured, and many had escaped
by leaping over the wall, others there were
who were let out through the gates, since no
one acted with fury’on this occasion that did
not think his own life in danger. But, after
all, the Theban officer and his accomplices
were soon reduced to the greatest perplexity,
when. they found they had gotten into their
hands but very few of those whom they chiefly
desired to secure, and especially of the Man.
tineans, since almost all the Mantineans, had
returned in good time to Mantinea, as it lay
at so little distance from Tegea.

Upon the return of day, the Mantineans no
sooner knew what had been doing, than they
despatched their messengers round to the cities
of Arcadia, with notice to them to take to
their arms and stand on the defence of their
cities. They themselves did so at Mantinea ;
and, sending at the same time to Tegea, de-
manded such of their citizens as were de-
tained in that city; insisting withal that
“no Arcadian whatsoever should be thrown
into prison or put to death, before he had un-
dergone a legal trial; and, in case any Man-
tineans were accused of a criminal behaviour,
let their names be sent hither, and the state of
Mantinea would pledge their faith to produce
such persons in the public council of Arcadia,
whenever they were called upon to do it.”
The Theban officer, hearing all this, was
grievously perplexed in what manner to act,
and in short delivereth up all the men. The
day after, he had a meeting with as many of the

OF GREECE.

501

Arcadians as were willing to meet him, and
said in his justification, that “he had been
sadly deluded.” He affirmed “ information
had been given him that the Lacedemonians
were assembled in arms upon the frontier, and
that some Arcadians had engaged to betray
Tegea to them.” They indeed gave him the
hearing, and though assured that all he said
was false, they let him depart. Yet they des-
patched ambassadors after him to Thebes, and
preferred such a charge against him as might
cost him his life. But they say that Epami-
nondas, who was then general of the state,
made this declaration to them, that “the The-
ban officer did his duty better when he seized
these persons than when he set them at liberty.
For we Thebans, said he, went into a war
purely on your account, whereas you have clap-
ped up a peace without consulting us at all;
may not any one therefore, consistently with
justice, charge all the treachery in this affair
upon you? But rest assured (he went on)
that we shall soon march our forces into Arca- °
dia, and will still continue the war with the
assistance of such as remain in the same sen-
timents with ourselves.”

V. No sooner was this declaration of Epa-
minondas reported to the general council of
Arcadia and to the several cities, than it struck
the reflection into the Mantineans, and such
other Arcadians as were friends to the true
welfare of Peloponnesus, as also into the
Eleans and Achzans, “that it was plainly the
design of the Thebans to reduce Peloponnesus
to so low a condition, that they might easily
enslave it. For what other view can they have
in desiring us to continue the war, than to
make us harass and distress one another, that
both parties may be obliged to court them for
assistance ? For what other reason can they
be preparing to march their army amongst us,
when we tell them plainly we want them not
at present? Is it not clear as the day that they
are preparing to take the field with full purpose
to do us mischief? They now sent away to
Athens to beg an aid. They sent to Lacede-
mon also an embassy consisting of persons enrol-
led in their chosen bands, with earnest entreaties
to the Lacedemonians, “ readily to join their
forces against such as are coming with a full
design to enslave Peloponnesus.” The point
of command was also finally adjusted, that
each people should command within their own
territory.

502

Whilst these points were in agitation, Epa-
minondas took the field, at the head of all the
Beeotians, and Eubceans, and numerous bodies
of Thessalians, either by Alexander or such
as were enemies tohim. The Phocians, how-
ever, marched not with him, pretending « they
were obliged by treaty only to give aid in case
an enemy invaded Thebes; to act offensively
with them against other states was no condi-
tion in the treaty.” Epaminondas reckoned,
that in Peloponnesus he should assuredly be
joined by the Argives and Messenians, and
such Arcadians as were in the interest of
Thebes, for instance, the Tegeate and Mega-
lapolitans, and Aseate and Palantians, and
some other cities which, because they were
surrounded by the greater states, would be
compelled to join them. Epaminondas ac-
cordingly advanced towards Peloponnesus with
the utmost expedition. But when he came up
to Nemea he halted there, hoping he might in-
tercept the Athenians in their march, and
reckoning that such an incident would have a
great effect in raising the spirits of his own
confederates, and would strike despondency in-
to his foes; at all events, that lessening the
Athenians in any degree would be so much
positive advantage to the Thebans. But dur-
ing his halt at Nemea, all the states of Pelo-
ponnesus that acted with unanimity on this oc-
casion assembled together at Mantinea. Epa-
minondas however had no sooner heard that
the Athenians had given up their design of
marching by land, and were preparing to pass
over by sea, that they might go through Lace-
dzmon to the aid of the Arcadians, than he
immediately decamped from Nemea, and ad-
vanceth to Tegea.

For my own part, I shall not take upon me
to say that this expedition proved a happy one
for him. But this I can affirm, that he was
not deficient in exhibiting every proof that
man can give of bravery and conduct. In the
first place, I highly applaud him for encamping
his troops within the walls of Tegea: for there
he was posted in much greater security than
he could have been on open ground, and all his
motions were, much better concealed from the
enemy; since within a city he could much
easier be supplied with any article he wanted :
and as his enemies lay in open ground, he had
a full view of what they were doing, and could
see when they were right and when they blun-
dered. And though he thought himself su-

XENOPHON ON THE

[ Book VII.

perior to the enemy, yet he never led out his
troops against them, so long as he judged they
had the advantage in ground. But finding at
length that not one city came over to him, and
that the time of his command was fast elapsing,
he judged it necessary to strike a blow ; since
otherwise he foresaw the loss of his former
glory. When therefore he was informed that
the enemy kept close at Mantinea, and had
sent for Agesilaus and all the Lacedemonians ;

and was even assured that Agesilaus was

marched out at their head, and was already ad-
vanced as far as Pellene ; he ordered his army
to take their repast, then gave the signal for a
march, and led them on directly against Spar-
ta. And had not a Cretan by an especial pro-
vidence made away in all haste to Agesilaus,
and told him of this march, he would have
taken Sparta like a bird’s nest quite destitute
of all defence. But as timely notice of his
march had been given to Agesilaus, he had
returned in time to the aid of the city, and
the Spartans, though exceeding few in num-
ber, had already posted themselves on its
guard. ‘The whole of their cavalry was absent
in Arcadia, as were all their auxiliaries, and
three out of their ten battalions of foot. When
therefore Epaminondas was come up to Sparta,
he made no attempt to enter the city, where
the enemy could have charged him on level
ground, or could annoy him with darts and
javelins from the tops of houses, or where
the ground might enable a few to be a match
for far superior numbers. But having seized
an eminence, which he judged would give him
great advantage, he from thence marched down,
instead of marching up into Sparta. The se-
quel was of so strange a nature, that we may
either ascribe it to the special will of God, or
confess that men reduced to a state of despeia-
tion are not to be resisted. For no sooner did
Archidamus lead on against him, though at-
tended by not one hundred persons ; no sooner,
I say, had Archidamus passed the river, which
in all probability must have greatly delayed
him, and advanced towards the enemy, than
these Thebans, who breathed out fire ae
flame, who had gained such victories over
Lacedzmonians, who were now so far superior
in numbers, and had all the advantage of higher
ground, durst not even stand the charge of
those under Archidamus, but wheel themselves
off from before him ; and the soldiers of Epa-
minondas, who formed the first ranks, are im

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

mediately slain. Exulting at so much success,
the victors pursued them farther than was pru-
dent, and are slaughtered in their turn. It
looked as if heaven had beforehand settled the
limits in which each party should be victorious.
Archidamus, however, erected a trophy on the
spot where he had gotten the better, and gave
up under truce the bodies of the enemy who
had fallen there.

Epaminondas now bethought himself, that,
as the Arcadians would come with all speed to
the aid of Sparta, it was not his business to
fight with them and the whole Lacedemonian
strength in conjunction ; especially as the ene-
my had hitherto been successful, and the con-
trary had happened to his own troops. He
therefore marched off, and returned again with
the utmost expedition to Tegea. He here or-
dered the heavy-armed to halt, but sent off the
horse to Mantinea ; begging them “ to perform
this service with their utmost perseverance ;”
and telling them, “ it was likely that all the
cattle of the Mantineans were out abroad in the
fields, and all the people too, especially in this
season of fetching in their harvest.” And ac-
cordingly they began.the march.

The Athenian horsemen, who had set out
from Eleusis, took their evening repast at the
isthmus. From thence continuing their march
through Cleone, they had just now reached
Mantinea, and were quartering themselves in
houses within the walls. So soon therefore
as the enemy was seen riding up, the Manti-
neans besought these Athenian horse to give
them all possible aid, “since all their flocks
and herds were abroad in the fie!ds, as were all
their labourers and most of the youths and old
men of the city.” The Athenians complied
and sally out immediately, though neither them-
selves nor their horses had yet tasted any food.
Who on this occasion-can help admiring the
generosity of these men; who, with an enemy
in sight much superior in number to their own,
and with the late blow given at Corinth to
their cavalry quite fresh in their remembrance,
were not however disheartened, no not even at
the thought that they were going to engage

ith Thebans and Thessalians, at that time
reckoned the best horsemen in the world; but
disdaining that their friends should suffer
through the want of any assistance that them-
selves could give them, they were no sooner in
sight of the enemy than they rode full speed

503

their hereditary glory? In this manner they
engaged; and by engaging preserved every
thing belonging to the Mantineans that was
abroad in the fields. But several gallant men
amongst them perished; and they killed as
many gallant men on the side of the enemy.
For not one person on either side had a weapon
so short but it was long enough to reach his
adversary. They took up the dead bodies of
their friends, and restored some dead bodies ot
their enemies by truce.

Epaminondas was thus reflecting, that “he
must needs be gone in afew days, since the
time limited for this expedition was just expir-
ing: and, in case he now abandoned his allies
whom he came to save, they would be besieged
and reduced by their adversaries, and he should
entirely blemish all his former glory; defeated
with his numerous heavy-armed as he had been
at Lacedzemon by a handful of men; defeated
also at Mantineain the engagement of the horse ;
and the author, as he had really proved by this
expedition into Peloponnesus, of a fresh coali-
tion of Lacedemonians, Arcadians, Achzans,
Eleans, and Athenians.” He therefore judged
it impossible for him to quit the country with-
out fighting a battle; concluding, “in case he
was victorious, he should prevent all the great
evils he foresaw ; or, in case he fell in the at-
tempt, his death would be honourable and
glorious, since he was endeavouring to gain for
his own country the sovereignty of Pelopon-
nesus.” It cannot appear in the least surpris-
ing to me, that Epaminondas should reason in
such a manner. Men greedy of honour are
aptest to encourage such thoughts as these.
But what excites my surprise and admiration
too is this; that he had so highly ingratiated
himself with the troops he commanded that no
toil whatever, either by day or by night, could at
all fatigue them; no danger whatever could
stop them ; and though straitened for want of
necessary provisions, that they should execute
all his orders with prompt alacrity. For at
last when he issued his final orders for all to get
ready, since he was determined to fight, the
horsemen at a word were cleaning up their hel-
mets. The heayy-armed Arcadians, who car-
ried clubs, were also enrolled and mustered as
Thebans ; and all they to a man were busied
in sharpening their spears and their swords and
brightening their shields.

But when they were all ready, and he was

upon them, desirous to preserve at all events | for leading them towards the enemy, it is worth

504

while to observe the particulars of his conduct.
In the first place, he made all the dispositions,
as one would expect Epaminondas should make
them ; and by his manner of doing it showed
plainly to every body that he was preparing in
earnest for a battle. And when his army was
completely formed to his own liking, he then
led on, not indeed directly towards the enemy,
but declining towards the mountains on the
west beyond the city of Tegea. By this he gave
his enemies reason to imagine, that he had no
design to fight that day. For when he came
near the mountain, after he had formed his
main army in a line of battle, he ordered them
to ground their arms under the shelter of the
eminence ; so that he yielded to his enemies
the appearance of a general who was for en-
caraping his army. But, by acting in this man-
ner, he caused the bulk of his enemies to relax
in the ardour they had conceived for engaging ;
he caused them even to quit the ranks in which
they were posted. Yet, no sooner had he
made some bands of heavy-armed in the wings
to march up and take post in the centre, by
which he made the part of the army where he
was posted himself as strong as the beak of a
ship, than he gave the word for recovering
their arms. He now again led on, and his
army wasin march. As for the enemy, who
quite unexpectedly saw them thus advancing,
they were at once all hurry and precipitation.
Some were running to fall into their ranks,
some were only forming; the horsemen were
bridling their horses and putting on their
breast-plates : and they all had the appearance
of men, who were rather to suffer from than
to hurt their foe.

Epaminondas was still advancing with his
troops, which resembled a ship of war bearing
down to the attack, assured that, on whatever
part of the enemy’s army he made his first ef-
fectual push, he must bear them down before
him, and throw the whole into utter disorder.
For his previous disposition was such, that he
must begin the charge with the prime strength
of his troops ;‘ the weakest of them he had
posted in the rear; knowing that even the
latter, if defeated, would strike terror into his
own people, and give additional spirit to the
enemy. The enemy on the other side had
drawn up their horse like a battalion of heavy-
armed, without giving them a proper depth
or lining them with foot; whereas Epami-

XENOPHON ON THE

[BOOK VII.

nondas had so formed his, that their attack.
must needs make the strongest impression ;
and he had lined their ranks with parties of
foot ; assured that, in whatever part they broke
through the enemy, their whole body must at
once be vanquished. For exceeding difficult
it is to preserve a willingness in any part of a
body to stand fast, when they see some of that
body in actual flight. And to prevent the
Athenians from stirring out of the left wing

to aid such as were near them, he had posted -

over-against them on the higher ground a party
of horse and heavy-armed; intending to
frighten them by this show of the danger they
must run of being attacked in their rear, if
they stirred to give aid to others.

In this manner he had made his dispositions
for the attack: and he was not disappointed
in the event he expected. For he made his
first charge with so much force, that he com-
pelled the whole body of the enemy to flee
before him. But after Epaminondas dropped,
there was no one left who could make a pro-
per use of the victory. For though the whole
of the enemy was in flight before them, his
heavy-armed made no slaughter not even of a
single foe, nor made any advance in the field
of battle beyond the spot where they first
attacked. And though the enemy’s horse
were also in open flight, his own horse slew
neither horsemen nor heavy-armed in their
pursuit; but like men who had been yan-
quished, slipped tremblingly out of the way of
their routed enemies. His foot indeed and
targeteers, who had engaged along with the
horse, advanced quite up to the left wing of
the enemy, as masters of the field of battle ;
and there most of them were put to the sword
by the Athenians.

Such was this battle; the event of which
was quite contrary to what all the world ex-
pected it must be. For as almost all Greece
was assembled together on this occasion to
fight a decisive action against one another,
there was no man but thought that, after such
a battle, the conquerors would remain for
ever masters, and the conquered must for ever
be subject to them; whereas God so orde
the event, that both parties erected trophies as
claiming the victory, and neither side could
hinder the erection of them. Both parties
again, as conquerors, restored the- dead under
truce ; both parties too, as conquered, request-

AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 505

ed a truce for the delivery of them. Nay, | trary, a greater confusion and a wilder hurry
though both parties gave out that the victory | arose in Greece after this battle than had been
was their own, it was manifest that neither of | known before it.
them had gained any more ground, any other; So far may suffice forme. Others perhaps
city, or any more dominion than they were | will take care to relate what happened after-
masters of before the battle. On the con-| wards in Greece.

4 : | 3.8

ἐνὸν fier salve
yO fe Beton lt 8 ἥ

XENOPHON'’S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

TRANSLATED BY

SARAH FIELDING.

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etree ohio θην ae alee
‘ y an =, aoe Bey Pare ae

i ik eas - Tae eu Ἂς ἡ ἢ wes ΩΝ kort:

ee

se

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i. Lapeer
ee ἧς ‘ are CAS

ΠΤ eam oie aabe

Pe, oe a oF ae >
SME AE ST Dae:
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o δα ᾿

PREFACE

TO

THE MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

AtTuouGi the translator of the following Memoirs was fully persuaded, that the far
greater number of those who favoured her with their names, and assisted her with their
interest, were influenced by much nobler motives, than the expectation of receiving
any thing very extraordinary from her hand; yet, so little did this appear to her any
reason for relaxing her endeavours, that on the contrary, she considered it as laying
her under an additional obligation to do all the justice she possibly could to her au-
thor. It was partly on that account ; partly from sickness ; and partly from some other
accidents, not more within her power to regulate, than the state of her own health,
that the publication of these Memoirs hath been deferred beyond the time first men-
tioned in the proposals: but if the task is, at last, discharged tolerably, the mind of the
translator will be set much at ease; and the reader find somewhat to repay him for his
waiting.

That the Memoirs of Socrates, with regard to the greatest part, are held in the high-
est estimation, is most certain ; and if there are some passages which seem obscure; and
of which the use doth not so plainly appear to us at this distance of time; and from
_ the dissimilarity of our customs and manners; yet, perhaps, we might not do amiss, in
taking Socrates himself for our example in this particular, as well as in many others;
who being presented by Euripides with the writings of Heraclitus, and afterwards asked
his opinion of their merit ;—“ What I understand,” said he, “ I find to be excellent ; and
therefore believe that to be of equal value, which I do not understand.”—*“ And, cer-
tainly,’ continues the admired modern writer, from whom the quotation above was
taken, “this candour is more particularly becoming us in the perusal of the works of
ancient authors ; of those works which have been preserved in the devastation of cities;
and snatched up in the wreck of nations: which have been the delight of ages; and
transmitted as the great inheritance of mankind, from one generation to another: and
we ought to take it for granted, that there is a justness in the connexion, which we
cannot trace; and a cogency in the reasoning, which we cannot understand.” The
translator of the following sheets would willingly bespeak the same candour, in reading
the translations of the ancient writers, which hath above been thought so necessary for
judging right of the originals. In the preface to the Life of Cicero, the celebrated writer
of it thus expresses himself :—“ Nor has that part of the task,” said he, (speaking of the
several passages he had translated from the writings of Cicero) “been the easiest to me;
as those will readily believe who have ever attempted to translate the classical writ-
ings of Greece and Rome.” It may, perhaps, be objected, “ That candour alone is not
sufficient for the present occasion:” to which it can only be answered, “ That something
was to be done: and, that no pains hath been spared, to do it as well as possible.”

510 PREFACE.

The translator is sorry to find, that the title affixed to this work hath not been ap-
proved of universally : and, in truth, that inundation of trifles, follies, and vices, lately
introduced into the world, under the general appellation of Memoirs, hath occasioned
such an unhappy association of ideas, as doth not well suit with a Xenophon’s giving a
relation of what a Socrates once said and did: but the translator takes shelter for her

self, under the respectable names of Mr Johnson and Mrs Carter; the one having, as she

thinks, explained the word Memoir in a manner consistent with the present application
of it; and the other actually made choice of it for the very same purpose as is here
done.

—

THE

DEFENCE OF SOCRATES

BEFORE

HIS JUDGES.

I HAVE always considered the manner in which
Socrates behaved after he had been summoned
to his trial, as most worthy of our remem-
brance ; and that, not only with respect to the
defence he made for himself, when standing
before his judges; but the sentiments he ex-
pressed. concerning his dissolution. For, al-
though there be many who have written on
this subject, and all concur in setting forth
the wonderful courage and intrepidity where-
with he spake to the assembly—so that it re-
maineth incontestable that Socrates did thus
speak—yet that it was his full persuasion, that
death was more eligible for him than life at
such a season, they have by no means so clearly
manifested ; whereby the loftiness of his style,
and the boldness of his speech, may wear at
least the appearance of being imprudent and
unbecoming.

But Hermogenes, the son of Hipponicus,
was his intimate friend ; and from him it is we
have heard those things of Socrates, as suf-
ficiently prove the sublimity of his language
was only conformable to the sentiments of his
mind. . For, having observed him, as he tells
us, Choosing rather to discourse on any other
ubject than the business of his trial; he asked
him, “ If it was not necessary to be preparing
for his defence?” And “ What!” said he,
“my Hermogenes, suppose you I have not
spent my whole life in preparing for this very
thing?” Hermogenes desiring he would ex-
plain himself: “41 have,” said he, “ steadily
persisted, throughout life, in a diligent endea-
vour to do nothing which is unjust; and this

I take to be the best and most honourable
preparation.”

“ But see you not,” said Hermogenes, “ that
ofttimes here in Athens, the judges, influenced
by the force of oratory, condemn those to death
who no way deserve it; and, not less fre-
quently, acquit the guilty, when softened into
compassion by the moving complaints, or the
insinuating eloquence of those who plead their
cause before them ?” ; :

“1 know it,” replied Socrates ; “and there-
fore, twice have I attempted to take the matter
of my defence under consideration: but the
Genius 1 always opposed me.”

1 Various have been the opinions concerning this
Genius, or Demon of Socrates; and too many for the
translator to enumerate. What seems the most proba-
ble and satisfactory is, that the Genius of Socrates, so
differently spoken of, was nothing more than an un-
common strength of judgment and justness of think-
ing; which, measuring events by the rules of prudence,
assisted by long experience and much observation, un-
clouded and unbiassed by any prejudices or passions,
rendered Socrates capable of looking as it were into
futurity, and foretelling what would be the success of
those affairs about which he had been consulted by
others, or was deliberating upon for himself. And, in
support of this. opinion, they urge his custom of send-
ing his friends—Xenophon, for example—to consult the
oracle when any thing too obscure for human reason
to penetrate was proposed to him: to which might be
added, as no mean testimony, his own practice on all
such occasions. But from whence this notion arose, of
his being thus uncommonly assisted, is not easy to deter-
mine. It might perhaps be from nothing more, as some
have imagined, than from his having casually said on
some occasion, “ My Genius would not suffer me;”
alluding to the notion which prevailed with many, that
every one had a Genius to watch over and direct him.

912

Hermogenes having expressed some asto-
nishment at these words, Socrates proceeded :
ἐς Doth it then appear marvellous to you, my
Hermogenes, that God should think this the
very best time for me to die? Know you not,
that hitherto I have yielded to no man that he
hath lived more uprightly or even more plea-
surably than myself; possessed, as I was, of
that well-grounded self-approbation, arising
from the consciousness of having done my
duty both to the gods and men: my friends
also bearing their testimony to the integrity of
my conversation! But now,—if my life is
prolonged, and I am spared even to old age,—
what can hinder, my Hermogenes, the infirmi-
ties of old age from falling upon me? My
sight will grow dim; my hearing, heavy; less
capable of learning, as more liable to forget
what I have already learned ; and if, to all this,
I become sensible of my decay, and bemoan
myself on the account of it; how can I say
that I still lived pleasantly? It may be too,”
continued Socrates, “that God, through his
goodness, hath appointed for me, not only that
my life should terminate at a time which seems
the most seasonable ; but the manner in which
it will be terminated shall also be the most
eligible: for, if my death is now resolved up-
on, it must needs be, that they who take
charge of this matter will permit me to choose
the means supposed the most easy; free too
from those lingering circumstances which keep
our friends in anxious suspense for us, and fill
the mind of the dying man with much pain
and perturbation. And when nothing offen-
sive, nothing unbecoming, is left on the me-
mory of those who are present, but the man
is dissolved while the body is yet sound, and
the mind still capable of exerting itself bene-
volently, who can say, my Hermogenes, that
eis not most desirable? And with
»’ continued Socrates, “did the
6 themselves at what time we took
fair of my escape under deliberation, and
determited, that every means should be dili-

And although nothing more was at the first either in-
tended or understood by it, than when we say, “My good
angel forbade me ;” or, said so and so to me ; yet, being
verified by the event, it came at length to be considered,
by a superstitious people, as something supernatural :
and, as it added much weight to his counsel and in-
structions, neither Socrates nor his friends were in
haste to discredit such an opinion; not looking upon
themselves as obliged to it by any one duty whatsoever.

DEFENCE OF SOCRATES.

gently sought after to effect it; since, if our

designs had been carried into execution, instead
of terminating my life in the manner I am
now going, I had only gained the unhappy
privilege of finding it put an end to by the tor-
ments of some disease, or the lingering decays
incident to old age, when all things painful
flow in upon us together, destitute of every
joy which might serve to soften and allay
them.

« Yet think not, my Hermogenes, the de-
sire of death shall influence me beyond what is
reasonable: I will not set out with asking it at
their hands: but if, when I speak my opinion
of myself, and declare what I think I have de-
served both of gods and men, my judges are
displeased, I will much sooner submit to it,

than meanly entreat the continuance of my

life, whereby I should only bring upon myself
many and far greater evils, than any I had
taken such unbecoming pains to deprecate.”

In this manner Socrates replied to Hermo-
genes and others: and his enemies having ac-
cused him of “ not believing in the gods whom
the city held sacred ; but as designing to intro-
duce other and new deities ; and, likewise, of
his having corrupted the youth :” Hermogenes
farther told me, that Socrates, advancing to-
wards the tribunal, thus spake :

“ What I chiefly marvel at, O ye judges! is
this; whence Melitus inferreth that I esteem
not those as gods whom the city hold sacred.
For that I sacrifice at the appointed festivals,
on our common altars, was evident to all
others ; and might have been to Melitus, had
Melitus been so minded. Neither yet doth it
seem to be asserted with greater reason, that
my design was to introduce new deities among
us, because I have often said, ‘ That it is the
voice of God which giveth me significations of
what is most expedient ;’ since they themselves,
who observe the chirping of birds, or those
ominous words spoken by men, ground their
conclusions on no other than voices. For
who among you doubteth whether thunder
sendeth forth a voice? or whether it be not
the very greatest of all auguries? The Py-
thian priestess herself; doth not she likewise,
from the tripod, declare, by a voice, the divine
oracles? And, truly, that God foreknoweth
the future, and also showeth it to whomsoever
he pleaseth, I am no way singular either in
believing or asserting ; since all mankind agree
with me herein ; this difference only excepted,

a

DEFENCE OF SOCRATES.

that whereas they say it is from auguries, !
omens, symbols, and diviners, whence they
have their notices of the future; I, on the
contrary, impute all those premonitions, where-
with I am favoured, to a genius; and I think,
that, in so doing, I have spoken not only more
truly, but more piously, than they who attri-
bute to birds the divine privilege of declaring
things to come: and that I lied not against
God, I have this indisputable proof, that
whereas I have often communicated to many
af my friends the divine counsels, yet hath no
man ever detected me of speaking falsely.”

No sooner was this heard, but a murmuring
arose among his judges ; some disbelieving the
. truth of what he had said, while others envied
him for being, as they thought, more highly
favoured of the gods than they. But Socrates,
still going ons “ Mark!” said he, “I pray;
and attend to what is yet more extraordinary,
that such of you as are willing, may still the
more disbelieve that I have been thus favoured
of the deity: Chzrephon, inquiring of the
oracle at Delphos concerning me, was answered
by Apollo himself, in the presence of many
people, “ That he knew no man more free,
more just, or more wise than J.”

On hearing this, the tumult among them
visibly increased ; but Socrates, still going on,
— And yet Lycurgus, the Lacedemonian
lawgiver, had still greater things declared of
him: for, on his entering into the temple, the
deity thus accosted him: “Iam considering,”
said he, “ whether I shall call thee a god, or a
man!” Now Apollo compared me not to a
god. This, indeed he said, “ That I by far
excelled man.” Howbeit, credit not too hastily
what ye have heard, though coming from an
oracle; but let us thoroughly examine those
things which the deity spake concerning me.

ἐς Say, then, where have you ever known any
one less enslaved to sensual appetite ; whom
more free than the man who submits not to
receive gift, or reward, from the hands of any
other? Whom can you deservedly esteem
more just, than he who can so well accommo-
date himself to what he hath already in his own
possession, as not even to desire what belong-
eth to another? Or how can he fail of being
accounted wise, who, from the time he first
began to comprehend what was spoken, never

1 See the learned Mr Harris’s notes on these several
particulars, infra, Ὁ, 1. p. 18.

513

ceased to seek, and search out, to the very best
of his power, whatever was virtuous and good
for man? And, as a proof that in so doing I
have not laboured in vain, ye yourselves know,
that many of our citizens, yea, and many fo-
reigners also, who made virtue their pursuit,
always preferred, as their chief pleasure, the
conversing with me. Whence was it, I pray
you, that when every one knew my want of
power to return any kind of pecuniary favour,
so many should be ambitious to bestow them
on me? Why doth no man call me his debtor,
yet many acknowledge they owe me much?
When the city is besieged, and every other
person bemoaning his loss, why do J appear
as in no respect the poorer than while it re-
mained in its most prosperous state? And
what is the cause, that when others are under
a necessity to procure their delicacies from
abroad, at an exorbitant rate, J can indulge in
pleasures far more exquisite, by recurring to
the reflections in my own mind? And now,
O ye judges ! if, in whatsoever I have declared
of myself, no one is able to confute me as a
false speaker, who will say I merit not appro-
bation, and that not only from the gods, but
men ?

ἐς Nevertheless, you, O Melitus, have as-
serted, that I,—diligently applying myself to
the contemplation and practice of whatever is
virtuous—‘ corrupt the youth :'—and, indeed,
we well know what it is to corrupt them. But
show us, if in your power, whom, of pious, I
have made impious ; of modest, shameless ; of
frugal, profuse? Who, from temperate is be-
come drunken; from laborious, idle, or effemi-
nate, by associating with me? Or, where is
the man who hath been enslaved, by my means,
to any vicious pleasure whatsoever ?”

«‘ Nay, verily !” said Melitus; “but I know
of many whom thou hast persuaded to obey
thee rather than their parents.”

« And with good reason,” replied Socrates,
ἐς when the point in question concerned educa-
tion; since no man but knows that I made
this my chief study: and which of you, if sick,
prefers not the advice of the physician to his
parents? Even the whole body of the Athen-
ian people,—when collected in the public as-
sembly,—do not they follow the opinion of
him whom they think the most able, though
he be not of their kindred? And in the choice
of a general, do you not to your fathers, bro-
thers, nay, even to yourselves, prefer the man

bab

514

whom ye think the best skilled in military dis-
cipline >”
“ Certainly,” returned Melitus; “neither

can any one doubt of its being most expedient.”

“ον then could it escape being regarded
even by you, Melitus, as a thing deserving the
highest admiration, that while in every other
instance the man who excels in any employ-
ment is supposed not only entitled to a com-
}mon regard, but receives many, and those very
‘distinguishing, marks of honour; J, on the
contrary, am persecuted even to death, because
Τ am thought by many to have excelled in that
employment which is the most noble, and
which hath for its aim the greatest good to
mankind ; by instructing our youth in the
knowledge of their duty, and planting in the
mind each virtuous principle !”

Now, doubtless, there were many other
things spoken at the trial, not only by Socrates,
but his friends, who were most zealous to sup-
port him; but I have not been careful to col-
lect all that was spoken, yet think I have done
enough to show, and that most plainly, that
the design of Socrates in speaking at this time,
was no other than to exculpate himself from
any thing that might have the least appearance
of impiety towards the gods, or of injustice to-
wards men. For, with regard to death, he was
no way solicitous to importune his judges, as
the custom was with others : on the contrary, he
thought it the best time for him to die. And,
that he had thus determined with himself, was
still the more evident after his condemnation :
for, when he was ordered to fix his own penal-
ty, ' he refused to do it, neither would he suffer
any other to do it for him; saying, that to fix
a penalty implied a confession of guilt. And,
afterwards, when his friends would have with-
drawn him privately, he would not consent ;
but asked them with a smile, “ If they knew of

1 In all cases where the laws had fixed the penalty,
one single verdict was thought sufficient; but where
the laws were silent, a second was necessary, to declare
the punishment the offender had incurred. Before this
second sentence was pronounced, the judges were or-
dered to value the crime, as Cicero calls it; and the of-
fender himself was asked, What penalty he thought due
to it? and the merits of the case being afterwards de-
bated, the valuation was admitted, or rejected, as the
judges saw reason : but Socrates incensed them so much
with the answer he made them, that they proceeded,
without any delay, to pass the second, or decretory sen-
tence against him, and he was immediatdy condemned
to suffer death.— Pott. Antig.

DEFENCE OF SOCRATES.

any place beyond the borders of Attica where
death could not approach him ?”

The trial being ended, Socrates, as it is re-
lated, spake to his judges in the following
manner :

ἐς Tt is necessary, O ye judges! that all they
who instructed the witnesses to bear, by per-
jury, false testimony against me, as well as 811
those who too readily obeyed their instructions,
should be conscious to themselves of much im-
piety and injustice: but that I, in any wise,
should be more troubled and cast down than
before my condemnation, I see not, since I
stand here unconvicted of any of the crimer
whereof I was accused : for no one hath proved
against me that I sacrificed to any new deity ;
or by oath appealed to, or even made mention
of the names of, any other than Jupiter, Juno,
and the rest of the deities, which, together with
these, our city holds sacred: neither have they
once shown what were the means I made use
of to corrupt the youth, at the very time that I
was inuring them to a life of patience and fru-
gality. As for those crimes to which our laws
have annexed death as the only proper punish-
ment,—sacrilege, man-stealing,? undermining
of walls, or betraying of the city,—my enemies
do not even say that any of these things were
ever once practised by me. Wherefore I the.
rather marvel that ye have now judged me
worthy to die.

«“ But it is not for me to be troubled on that
account: for, if I die unjustly, the shame must
be theirs who put me unjustly to death ; since,
if injustice is shameful, so likewise every act
of it; but no disgrace can it bring on me, that
others have not seen that I was innocent.
Palamedes likewise affords me this farther
consolation: for being, like me, condemned
undeservedly, he furnishes, to this very day,
more noble subjects for praise, than the man
who had iniquitously caused his destruction. °

2 It was the practice of many to steal slaves, or free-
men’s children in order to sell for slaves, which was
made capital at Athens.— Potter.

3 When the Grecian kings were to go to the siege of
Troy, Ulysses, to save himself from going, counterfeited
madness; which Palamedes suspecting, ordered they
should lay Ulysses’s son in the furrow where the
father was ploughing with an ox and an ass, and sowing
salt. Ulysses immediately stayed the plougk to save his
child ; by which being discovered, he was compelled to
gotothewars. For this, and for other reasons, Ulysses
hated Palamedes, and artfully contrived his death—See
infra, b. iv.

DEFENCE OF SOCRATES

And I am persuaded that J also shall have the
attestation of the time to come, as well as of
that which is past already, that I never wrong-
ed any man, or made him more depraved ;
but, contrariwise, have steadily endeavoured,
throughout life, to benefit those who conversed
with me; teaching them, to the very utmost
of my power, and that without reward, what-
ever could make them wise and happy.”

Saying this, he departed; the cheerfulness
of his countenance, his gesture, and whole de-
portment, bearing testimony to. the truth of
what he had just declared. And seeing some
of those who accompanied him weeping, he
asked what it meant. And why they were now
afflicted. ‘ For, knew ye not,” said he, “ long
ago, even by that whereof I was produced,
that I was born mortal ? If, indeed, I had been
taken away when the things which are most
desirable flowed in upon me abundantly, with
good reason it might have been lamented, and
by myself, as well as others; but if I am only
to be removed when difficulties of every kind
are ready to break in upon me, we ought rather
to rejoice, as though my affairs went on the
most prosperously.”

Apollodorus being present,—one who loved
Socrates extremely, though otherwise a weak
man,—he said to him, “ But it grieveth me,
my Socrates! to have you die so unjustly |”
Socrates, with much tenderness, laying his
hand upon his head, answered, smiling, “ And
what, my much-loved Apollodorus! wouldst
thou rather they had condemned me justly ?”

It is likewise related, that on seeing Anytus
pass by, ““ There goes a man,” said he, “not a
little vain-glorious, on supposing he shall have
achieved something great and noble, in putting
me to death, because I once said, ‘that since
he himself had been dignified with some of the
chief offices in the city, it was wrong in him to
breed up his son to the trade of a tanner.’ But
he must be a fool,” continued Socrates, ‘“‘ who
seeth not that he who at all times performs
things useful and excellent, is alone the hero.
And, truly,” added Socrates, “as Homer
makes some, who were near the time of their
dissolution, look forward into futurity ; I, like-
wise, have a mind to speak somewhat oracu-
lously. Now it happened I was once, for a
short time, with this same son of Anytus; and
pluinly perceiving he neither wanted talents

δ15

nor activity, therefore I said; it was not fitting
that the young man should continue in such a
station: but continuing, as he still doth, desti-
tute at the same time of any virtuous instruc-
tor, to guide and restrain him within the
bounds of duty, he must soon fall a prey to
some evil inclination, that will hurry him head-
long into vice and ruin.”

And, in thus speaking, Socrates prophesied
not untruly ; for the young man delighted so
much in wine, that he ceased not drinking,
whether night or day ; whereby he became per--
fectly useless to his country, to his friends, and
even to himself. The memory of Anytus was
likewise held in the highest detestation ; 4 and
that not only on the account of his other
crimes, but for the scandalous manner in which
he had educated his son.

Now, it cannot be doubted but Socrates, by
speaking thus highly of himself, incurred the
more envy, and made his judges still the more
eager to condemn him; yet I think, indeed,
he only obtained that fate which the gods de-
cree to those they most love ;—a discharge
from life, when life is become a burthen ; and
that by a means, of all others, the most easy.
Yet here, as well as on every other occasion,
Socrates demonstrated the firmness of his soul.
For, although he was fully persuaded that to
die would be the best for him, yet did he not
discover any anxious solicitude, any womanish
longings for the hour of his dissolution; but
waited its approach with the same steady tran-
quillity,and unaffected complacency, with which
he afterwards went out of life. And, truly,
when I consider the wisdom and greatness of
soul, so essential to this man, 1 find it not more
out of my power to forget him, than to remem-
ber and not praise him. And if, among those
who are most studious to excel in virtue, there
be any who hath found a person to conyerse
with, more proper than Socrates for promoting
his design,—verily, we may well pronounce
him the most fortunate of all mankind.

4 The Athenians soon became sensible of the mis-
chief they had done in putting Socrates to death; andso
hated the authors of it, that they would not suffer any
of them to light fire at their hearths: they would not
answer them a question: they would not bathe with
them: and if they were seen to touch ever so large a
vessel of water, they threw it away as impure: till, at
last, these men, unable to bear this usage any longer,
hanged themselyes.—Pla, in Phed.

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XENOPHON’S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BOOK I.

CONTENTS or BOOK I.

I, Xenophon vindicates Socrates from the calumnies of his accusers.—Socrates’ reverence to the gods.—II. Cleared
from the accusation of being a corrupter of youth—Prohibited from discoursing with young men.—III. He
strictly follows the customs of his country.—IV. His powerful mode of reasoning—Discourses with Aristodemus
concerning the Deity.—V. His manner of exciting his followers to the practice‘of temperance.—VIL. His conver-
sation with Antipho the sophist regarding philosophy.—VIL, By dissuading his friends from vanity and arro-
gaunce, he excited them to the practice of virtue.

XENOPHON’S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BO OK I.

1. I HAvE often wondered by what arguments
the accusers of Socrates could persuade the
Athenians that he had behaved in such a man-
ner towards the republic as to deserve death ;
for the accusation proferred against him was to
this effect :

“ Socrates is criminal ; inasmuch as he ac-
knowledgeth not the gods whom the republic
holds sacred, but introduceth other and new
deities. — He is likewise criminal, because he
corrupteth the youth.”

Now, as to the first of these, that he ac-
knowledged not the gods whom the republic
held sacred,—what proof could they bring of
this, since it was manifest that he often sacri-
ficed both at home and on the common altars ?
Neither was it in secret that he made use of
divination ; it being a thing well known among
the people, that Socrates should declare his
genius gave him frequent intimations of the
future ; whence, principally, as it seems to
me, his accusers imputed to him the crime of
introducing new deities. But, surely, herein
Socrates introduces nothing newer, or more
strange,' than any other, who, placing confi-
dence in divination, make use of auguries,” and

-----

1 The sense of this passage, together with the notes
which here follow upon the several particulars contained
in it, were obligingly given me by one not more known
for his learning, than esteemed for his candour and be-
nevolence,—Mr Harris of Salisbury.

2 Auguries. In Greek Olavo:, which originally
signifying birds, was, by metaphor, taken to signify that
discuvery of futurity to which birds were supposed in-
strumeatal.

omens,’ and symbols,‘ and sacrifices.5 For
these men suppose not that the birds or per-
sons they meet unexpectedly, know what is
good for them: but that the gods by their
means, give certain intimations of the future,
to those who apply themselves to divination.

3 Omens, In Greek δήμαι, voices; either declara-
tions of the gods, by express words of their own, heard
in temples, groves, and other places; or incidental ex-
pressions dropt by human beings, who, without intend-
ing it themselves, were supposed to be made channels
of divine communications. Thus, when Paulus £milius
was just returned from the senate, when the conduct of
the war with the Macedonian king Perses had been de-
creed to his care, he found his little daughter Tertia in
tears. On his tenderly kissing her, and demanding the
cause ; “ My dear father,” says she, δ“ poor Persia is
dead.” Persia (according to the Latin idiom for Perses)
was the name of her lap-dog. The father, eagerly em-
bracing her, cries out, ‘* Accipio omen, mea filia.”—My
child, I seize the omen. milius soon after went, and
Perses was conquered, Cic. de Divinat. lib. i. cap. 46.
According to this idea of the word omen, the old ety-
mologists very properly inform us, that it was origi-
nally written ‘* oremen quod fit ex ore,” as being a me-
thod of divination which proceeds from the mouth.

4 Symbols. In Greek ZipuCorw, or Σύμβολοι, signs,
symbols, or external types, by which something else
more latent was signified; on the explanation of which
depended the skill of the diviner. Thus, from Cicero,
in the same tract above quoted, we learn, that when
king Midas was a child, the ants, as he was sleeping,
filled his mouth with grains of corn; and that when
Plato was sleeping in his cradle, the bees came and
seated themselves on his lips. These symbols were ex-
plained to foretell the future riches of the first, and the
future eloquence of the latter.—Cic. de Diy. lib. i. cap.
36.

5 Sacrifices. In Greek Θυσίως, The inspection of
the entrails of victims, and the divination thence de.
duced, are too well known to need explanation,

5290

And the same also was his opinion, only with
this difference, that while the greatest part
say they are persuaded, by the flights of birds,
or some accidental occurrence, Socrates, on
the contrary, so asserted concerning these mat-
ters, as he knew them from an internal consci-
ousness ; declaring it was his genius from whom
he received his information. And, in conse~
quence of these significations, (communicated,
as he said, by his genius,) Socrates would fre~
quently forewarn his friends what might be
well for them to do, and what to forbear ; and
such as were guided by his advice found their
advantage in so doing, while those who nes
glected it had no small cause for repentence. ἢ

Now, who is there that will not readily ac-
knowledge, that Socrates could have no desire
to appear to his friends either as an enthusiast
or arrogant boaster ? which, however, would
have been unavoidable, had he openly asserted
that notices of the future had been given him
by the Deity; while a failure in the event made
the falsehood of the assertion notorious to all.
Wherefore, it is manifest Socrates foretold
nothing but what he firmly believed would,
hereafter, be fulfilled :—But where eould he
place this full confidence, exclusive of a deity ;
and how could one, who thus confided, be said
to acknowledge no gods ?

Farther :—although Socrates always advised
his followers to perform the necessary affairs
of life in the best manner they were able ; yet,
with regard to every thing, the event whereof
was doubtful, he constantly sent them to con-
sult the oracle, whether it ought or ought not
to be undertaken. He likewise asserted, that
the science of divination was necessary for all
such as would govern successfully either cities
or private families: for, although he thought
every one might choose his own way of life,
and afterwards, by his industry, excel therein ;

1 As an instance of this, it is said, that after the de-
feat of the Athenians, at the battle of Delium, he told
Alcibiades, and those who were with him, “ that he had
- just received intimations from his genius, that they
should not take the same road the greatest part of their
broken forces had taken, but turninto some other.” By
which means those who paid regard to his admonitions
escaped : while the rest, being overtaken by a party of
the enemy’s horse, were either killed on the spot or
iuade prisoners. Neither doth this, or any of the like
instances, oppose the opinion of those who say Socrates’
genius was nothing more than sound judgment or rea-
son, free from all the warpings and mists of passion;
improved by experience and a careful observation of
nature and things. Cornelius Nepos called prudence a
kind of divination.

MEMOTRS OF SOCRATES.

; whether architecture, mechanics, agriculture,

superintending the labourer, managing the
finances, or practising the art of war; yet even
here, the gods, he would say, thought proper to
reserve to themselves, in all these things, the
knowledge of that part of them which was of the
most importance; since he, who was the most
careful to cultivate his field, could not know,
of a-certainty, who should reap the fruit of it.
He who built his house the most elegantly, was
not sure who should inhabit it.
the best skilled in the art of war, could not
say, whether it would be for his interest to
command the army: neither he who was the
most able to direct in the administration, whe-
ther for his to preside over the city. The man
who married a fair wife, in hopes of happiness,
might procure for himself a source of much
sorrow ; and he who formed the most powerful
alliances, might come in time, by their means,
to be expelled his country. Socrates therefore,
esteemed all those as no other than madmen,
who, excluding the Deity, referred the success
of their designs to nothing higher than human
prudence. He likewise thought those not
much better who had recourse to divination on
every occasion, as if a man was to consult the
oracle whether he should give the reins of his
chariot into the hands of one ignorant or well
versed in the art of driving; or place at the
helm of his ship a skilful or unskilful pilot.
He also thought it a kind of impiety to impor-
tune the gods with our inquiries concerning
things of which we may gain the knowledge by
number, weight, or measure; it being, as it
seemed to him, incumbent on man to make
himself acquainted with whatever the gods had
placed within his power: as for such things as
were beyond his comprehension, for these he

ought always to apply to the oracle; the gods

being ever ready to communicate knowledge to
those whose care had been to render them pro-
pitious.

Socrates was almost continually in men’s ,

sight. The first hours of the morning were
usually spent in the places set apart for walk~
ing, or the public exercises ; and from thence

he went to the forum, at the time when the

people were accustomed to assemble The
remainder of the day was passed where might
be seen the greatest concourse of the Atheni-
ans; and for the most part, he so discoursed,
that all who were willing might hear whatso-
ever he said: yet no one ever observed Socra-

He who was.

MEMOIRS OF

_ tes either speaking or practising any thing im-
pious or profane ; neither did he amuse himself,
like others, with making curious researches
into the works of Nature ; and finding out how
this, which sophists call the world, had its be-
ginning, or what those powerful springs which
influence celestial bodies, On the contrary,
he demonstrated the folly of those who busied
themselves much in such fruitless disquisitions ;
asking, whether they thought they were already
sufficiently instructed in human affairs, that
they undertook only to meditate on divine?
Or, if passing over the first, and confining their
inquiries altogether to the latter, they appeared,
even to themselves, to act wisely, and as be-
eame men. He marvelled they should not
perceive, it was not for man to investigate
such matters ; for those among them who ar-
rogated the most to themselves, because they
could with the greatest facility talk on these
subjects, never agreed in the same opinion ; but
like madmen, some of whom tremble when no
danger is near, while others fear no harm at
the approach of things hurtful: so these philo-
sophers; some of them asserting there was no
shame in saying or doing any thing before the
people ; others sending their disciples into soli-
tude, as if nothing innocent could be performed
by us in public; some regarding neither tem-
ples nor altars, nor reverencing any thing what-
soever as divine; while others thought nothing
could be found too vile for an object of their
adoration. Even among those who laboriously
employed themselves in studying the universe,
aud the nature of all things, some imagined the
whole of being to be simply one only ; others,
that beings are in number infinite: some, that
all things are eternally moving; others, that
nothing can be moved at all: some, that all
things are generated and destroyed; others,
that there can never be any generation or des-
_ truction of any thing.?

2 This passage, with the following note upon it, to-
gether with note 3, were given to'the translator by
Mr Harris.

In this passage Socrates has reference to the specula-
tions, partly physical, partly metaphysical, of the philo-
sophers who lived before him, and.whose writings now
are either wholly lost, or only preserved in fragments
by Aristotle, Cicero, Simplicius, ὥς. The names of
these ancient sages were Melissus, Parmenides, Anax-
agoras, Heraclitus, Democritus, &c. It would be super-
fluous in this place to say any thing concerning their
opinions, the diversity among them is sufficiently set
forth by our author, and it is on this diversity rests the
force of his argument,

horsemen.

SOCRATES. 521

He would ask, concerning these busy in-
guirers into the nature of such things as are
only to be produced by a divine power, whether
as those artists who have been instructed in
some art, believe they are able to practise it at
pleasure, so they, having found out the imme-
diate cause, believe they shall be able, for their
own benefit, or that of others, to produce
winds and rain, the vicissitudes of time, or the
change of seasons? Or if indeed altogether
destitute of this hope, they could content
themselves with such fruitless knowledge ὃ

In this manner would he reason concerning
those people who gave themselves up to such
useless speculations. As for himself, man, and
what related to man, were the only subjects on
which he chose to employ himself. To this”
purpose, all his inquiries and conversation
turned upon what was pious, what iinpious ;
what honourable, what base; what just, what
unjust ; what wisdom, what folly ; what cour-
age, what cowardice ; what a state or political
community, what the character of a statesman
or politician; what a government of men,?
what the character of one equal to such
government. It was on these, and other mat-
ters of the same kind, that he used to dissert;
in which subjects, those who were knowing he
used to esteem men of honour and goodness ;
and those who were ignorant, to be no better
than the basest of slaves.*

That the judges of Socrates should err con-
cerning him, in points wherein his opinion
might not be apparently manifest, I marvel not ;
but that such things as had been spoken plainly,
and acted openly, should have no weight with
them, is indeed wonderful ; for, being of the
senate, and having taken, as was customary, the
senatorial oath, by which he bound himself to
act in all things conformable to the laws,
and arriving in his turn to be president of
the assembly of the people,* he boldly refused to

3 He speaks here of the government of men in con-
tradistinction to that of brutes, as practised over sheep
by shepherds, over cattle by herdsmen, over horses by
The brutes are all considered as irrational,
but man as rational. See this matter finely illustrated
by Xenophon, in the beginning of his Cyropzdia.

4. Epictetus confines the study and inquiries of men to
yet narrower bounds ; for he says,—‘‘ As the subject-
matter of a carpenter, is wood ; of a statuary, brass ; 80
of the art of living, the subject-matter is, each person’s
own life.”’"—But the more enlarged scheme of Socrates
seems more amiable, as more just.

5 Epistate.

ou)

522 MEMOIRS

give his suffrage to the iniquitous sentence which
condemned the nine captains,’ two of whom
were Erasmides and Thrasellus, to an unjust
death ; being neither intimidated with the me-
naces of the great, nor the fury of the people,
but steadily preferring the sanctity of an oath
to the safety of his person; for he was per-
suaded the gods watched over the actions and
the affairs of men in a way altogether different
to what the vulgar imagined; for while these
limited their knowledge to some particulars
only, Socrates, on the contrary, extended it to
all; firmly persuaded, that every word, every
action, nay, even our most retired deliberations,
were open to their view ;* that they were every
where present, and communicated to mankind
all such knowledge as related to the conduct of
human life: wherefore, I greatly wonder the
Athenians could ever suffer themselves to be
persuaded that Socrates retained sentiments
injurious to the Deity! Hein whom nothing
was ever observed unbecoming that reverence
so justly due to the gods; but, on the contrary,
so behaved towards them, both in regard to his
words and his actions, that whoever shall here-
after demean himself in such a manner, must
be in fact, and ought also to be esteemed, a
man of the truest and most exemplary piety.
II. But it is still matter of more wonder to
me, that any one could be prevailed on to be-
lieve that Socrates was a corrupter of youth!
Socrates, the most sober and the most chaste
of all mankind! supporting with equal cheer-
fulness the extreme, whether of heat or cold ! 3
who shrunk at no hardships, declined no la-

1 The crime alleged against these men was, their not
having taken care to pay the last rites to the dead after
a sea-fight with the Lacedzemonians, though they could
plead in excuse for the not doing it, the being pre-

vented by a violent storm. Socrates, notwithstanding |

Theramenes, one of his followers and friends, had pre-
ferred the accusation, opposed it strongly ; and when
called upon to put the judgment in writing, as his
office required him, he told them at first he was unac-
quainted with the law-terms ; and at last absolutely re-
fused to do it.

2 * When you have shut your door,” saith Epictetus,
“and darkened your room, remember never to say
you are alone: for God is within, and your genius is
within, and what need they of light to see what you
are doing ?”—Carter’s Epic.

3 It was his custom never to drink on his return
from his exercises, till after having poured abroad the
first bucket of water, though ready to die with thirst
and heat; and this, as he said, to exercise his patience,
and accustom his sensual appetites the better to obey
his reason,

OF

SOCRATES.

bour, and knew so perfectly how to moderate
his desires, as to make the little he possessed
altogether sufficient for him! Could such a
one be an encourager of impiety, injustice,
luxury, intemperance, effeminacy? But, so
far from any such thing, that on the contrary
he reclaimed many from these vices, by kind-
ling in their minds a love of virtue; encourage
ing them to think, that by a steadfast perse-
verance they might make themselves esteemed
by becoming virtuous men: and although he

[Book I.

never undertook to be a teacher of others, yet, —

as he practised the virtues he sought to recom-
mend, those who conversed with him were
animated with the hopes of becoming one day
wise, from the influence of his example. Not
that Socrates ever omitted a due concern for

his body; neither did he commend those who

did: he would even frequently blame the peo-
ple whose custom it was to eat to excess, and
afterwards use immoderate exercise ; saying,
that men should only eat till nature was satis-
fied, and then apply themselves to some mode-
rate exercise ; which would not only keep the
body in health, but set the mind at liberty
for the more proper discharge of its peculiar
duties.

In his apparel nothing was either delicate or
ostentatious ; and the same might be said with
respect to his whole manner of living: yet no
man ever became avaricious from having con-
versed with Socrates: on the contrary, many
were reclaimed from this infamous vice by his
example, as they had been already from many
others; while they observed him not only to
forbear the taking any reward of those who
sought his conversation, but heard him earnestly
contend it was necessary to do so, for any one
who desired to avoid slavery: for such, he

would say, as submit to receive a pecuniary -

return for the instructions they bestow, are no
longer at liberty to give, or withhold them;
but, like so many slaves, are at the will of
those from whom they are content to receive
wages: therefore he much admired, that the
man who professed himself a teacher of virtue,
should debase himself so far; unless he either
understood not, that to gain a virtuous friend
was the greatest of all acquisitions; or at least
feared, that such as had been made wise and
virtuous by his instructions, might yet be
wanting in gratitude to their greatest bene-
factor.

But, far from any such absurdity, Socrates,

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

without setting himself up for an instructor,
had full confidence, that all who attended to
his discourses, and embraced his doctrines,
would never fail in point of friendship, either
to him or to each other:—How then could a
man like this, be a corrupter of youth; unless,
haply, the study of virtue should be the way to
corrupt the morals, and incline mankind to be-
come more dissolute ?

But, say his accusers, “ Socrates makes
those who converse with him contemners of
the laws ; calling it madness to leave to chance
the election of our magistrates ; while no one
would be willing to take a pilot, an architect,
or eyen a teacher of music, on the same terms ;
though mistakes in such things would be far
less fatal than errors in the administration.”
With these, and the like discourses, he brought
(as was said) the youth by degrees to ridicule
and contemn the established form of govern-
ment ; and made them thereby the more head-
strong and audacious.

Now, it seemeth to me, that whoever applies
himself to .the study of wisdom, in hopes of
becoming one day capable of directing his fel-
low-citizens, will not indulge, but rather take
pains to subdue whatever he finds in his tem-
per of turbulent and impetuous ; knowing that
enmity and danger are the attendants on force;
while the path of persuasion is all security and
good-will: for they who are compelled hate
whoever compels them, supposing they have
been injured; whereas we conciliate the affec-
tion of those we gain by persuasion; while
they consider it as a kindness to be applied to
in such a manner. Therefore it is only for
those to employ force who possess strength
without judgment; but the well-advised will
have recourse to other means. Besides, he
who pretends to carry his point by force, hath
need of many associates; but the man who
can persuade, knows tliat he is of himself suf-
ficient for the purpose: neither can such a one
be supposed forward to shed blood; for, who
is there would choose to destroy a fellow-citi-
zen, rather than make a friend of him, by mild-
ness and persuasion ?

« But,” adds his accuser, “ Critias and Alci-
biades were two of his intimate friends; and
these were not only the most profligate of
mankind, but involved their country in the
greatest misfortunes ; for, as among the thirty
none was ever found so cruel and rapacious as
Critias ; so, during the democracy, none was

523

so audacious, so dissolute, or so insolent, as
Alcibiades.”

Now I shall not take upon me to exculpate
either of these men; but shall only relate at
what time, and, as I think, to what end, they
became the followers of Socrates.

Critias and Alcibiades were, of all the Athe-
nians, by nature the most ambitious ; aiming,
at what price soever, to set themselves at the
head of the commonwealth, and thereby exalt
their names beyond that of any other: they
saw that Socrates lived well satisfied with his
own scanty possessions ; that he could restrain
every passion within its proper bounds, and
lead the minds of his hearers, by the power of
his reasoning, to what purpose he most desired.
Understanding this, and being such men as we
have already described them, will any one say
it was the temperance of Socrates, or his way
of life, they were in love with ; and not rather,
that by hearing his discourses, and observing
his actions, they might the better know how to
manage their affairs, and harangue the people?

And, truly, I am thoroughly persuaded, that
if the gods had given to these men the choice
of passing their whole lives after the manner
of Socrates, or dying the next moment, the last
would have been preferred, as by much the
most eligible. And their own behaviour bears
sufficient testimony to the truth of this asser-
tion; for, no sooner did they imagine they |
surpassed in knowledge the rest of their con-
temporaries, who, together with themselves,
had attended on Socrates, but they left him,
to plunge into business and the affairs of the
administration ; the only end they could pro-
pose in desiring to associate with him.

But, perhaps, it may be objected, that So-
crates ought not to have discoursed with his
followers on the affairs of government, till he
had first instructed them how to behave with
temperance and discretion. Far am I from
saying otherwise, and shall only observe, that
it is commonly the practice with those who are
teachers of others, to perform in the presence |
of their pupils the things they would recom-
mend ; to the end, that while they enforced
them on their minds, by the strength of their
reasonings, they might set forth, by their ex-
ample, the manner in which they are done.

Now, with respect to either of these methods
of instruction, 1 know not of any who went be-
yond Socrates; his whole life serving as an ex-
ample of the most unblemished integrity ; at the

524

same time that he ever reasoned with a pecu-
liar force and energy, on virtue and those se-
veral duties which are becoming us as men.
And it is certain, that even Critias and Alci-
biades themselves behaved soberly and wisely
all the time they conversed with him ; not that
they feared punishment; but as supposing a
regular conduct would best serve the end they
had in view.

Nevertheless, I know there are many who
value themselves on the account of their philo-
sophy ;. who allow not that a virtuous man
can ever be any other than virtuous, but that
he who is once temperate, modest, just, must
always remain so; because the habits of these
virtues being deeply imprinted, cannot after-
wards be erased out of the minds of men.
But I hold not this opinion; for, as the body
from disuse may come in time to be deprived
of all its powers, so the mental faculties may
lose all their energy, through a neglect of their
being exerted duly, and the man no longer able
to act, or not act in the manner that best be-
comes him. Therefore fathers, although other-
wise well assured of the good disposition of
their children, forget not to warn them against
the company of ill men; knowing, that as to
converse with the good must exercise and im-
prove every virtue, so to associate with the
bad must prove no less pernicious and baneful.
And to this purpose also the poet :!

““ Although unconscious of the pleasing charm,

The mind still bends where friendship points the way ; |

Let virtue then thy partner’s bosom warm,
Lest vice should lead thy soften’d soul astray.”

_ And that other :
“Τὴ the same mind, now good, now bad, prevail.”

And with these do I agree; for as we may
observe people who have learnt verses soon

forget them, if not frequently repeated, so will

it prove with regard to the precepts of philo-
sophy ; they slip out of the memory, and along
with them we lose the very ideas which kin-
dled and nourished in our souls the love of vir-
- tue; which ideas once gone, no wonder if the
practice of it ceases soon after. I have ob-
served farther, that such men as are hurried

1 Theognis.—The character of this poet is, ‘that he
rescued poetry from trifling and useless subjects, to
employ i* in the service of virtue and ‘goodness.”” He
was bo’ ain the 39th Oympiad.

δ: This elegant translation was given me bya kind
friend.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[BOOK I.

away with an inordinate love, whether of wine
or women, become less capable of attending
to what will be for their advantage, or refrain-
ing from what is to their harm; so that it
hath often happened, that many, who before
were remarkable for their economy, no sooner
became slaves to one or other of these passions,
but all things went to ruin; and having squan-
dered away their substance, were compelled,
through want, to submit to such offices as they
themselves had once thought shameful. How
then shall we say, that he who is once tempe-
rate cannot become intemperate? or that he
who acts uprightly at one time, cannot at an-
other act the very contrary? For myself, I
am persuaded that‘no one virtue can subsist
that is not diligently and duly exercised, and
temperance more especially; because our sen- .
sual desires, being seated with our minds in
the same body, are continually soliciting us to
a compliance with those appetites nature hath
implanted, though at the expense of virtue
and all things virtuous; wherefore I can well
imagine that even Alcibiades and Critias could
restrain their vicious inclinations while they ac-
companied with Socrates and had the assistance
of his example: but being at a distance from
him, Critias retiring into Thessaly, there very
soon completed his ruin, by choosing to asso-
ciate with libertines rather than with such as
were men of sobriety and integrity; while
Alcibiades, seeing himself sought after by
women of the highest rank, on account of his
beauty ; and at the same time much flattered by
many who were then in power, because of the
credit he had gained, not only in Athens, but
with such as were in alliance with her; in a
word, perceiving how much he was the fa-
vourite of the people, and placed, as it were,
above the reach of a competitor, neglected ᾿
that care of himself which alone could secure
him ; like the athletic, who will not be at the
trouble to continue his exercises, on seeing no
one near able to dispute the prize with him.
Therefore, in such an extraordinary concur-
rence of circumstances as befell these men,
puffed up with the nobility of their birth,
elated with their riches, and inflamed with
their power, if we consider the company they
fell into, together with their many unhappy
opportunities for riot and intemperance, can it
seem wonderful, separated as they were from
Socrates, and this for so long a time too, if at
length they became altogether degenerate, and

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

rose to that height of pride and insolence to
which we have been witnesses ὃ

But the crimes of these men are, it seems,
in the opinion of his accuser, to be charged
upon Socrates; yet allows he no praise for
keeping them within the bounds of their duty
in that part of life which is generally found the
most intemperate and untractable ; neverthe-
less, on all other occasions, men judge not in
this manner. For what teacher of music, or
any other art or science, was ever known to
ineur censure, because the scholar, whom he
had well instructed, forgot all he had been
taught, when placed under the care of some
other master? Or what father would con-
demn those companions of his son with whom
the first years of his life had been spent inno-
cently, because afterwards he had been drawn
aside into riot and debauchery by associating
himself with very different people? Will he
not rather bestow the.greater praise on the one
by how much more he sees his son hath been
corrupted by the other? Even parents them-
selves are not blamed for the faults of their
children, though educated under their own eye,
provided they are careful not to set before them
any ill example.

Here, then, is the test whereby to have tried
Socrates: “ Hath his life been wicked? let
him be considered, and condemned, as a wicked
man : but, if otherwise, if he hath steadily and
invariably persevered in the paths of virtue,
accuse him not of crimes which his soul never
knew.”

“ς Yet it may be he countenanced those vices
in others which in his own person he chose not
to commit.”

But far from Socrates were all such com-

pliances! On the contrary, when Critias was
insnared with the love of Euthydemus, he
earnestly endeavoured to cure him of so base a

passion ; showing how illiberal, how indecent,

how unbecoming the man of honour, to fawn,
and cringe, and meanly act the beggar; before
him, too, whom of all others he the most ear-
nestly strove to gain the esteem of, and, after
all, for a favour which carried along with it the
greatest infamy. And when he succeeded not
in his private remonstrances, Critias still per-
sisting in his unwarrantable designs, Socrates,
it is said, reproached him in the presence of
many, and even before the beloved Euthyde-
mus ; resembling him to a swine, the most
filthy and disgusting of all animals. For this

525

cause Critias hated him ever after; and
when one of the Thirty, being advanced, to-
gether with Charicles, to preside in the city,
he forgot not the affront ; but, in order to re-
venge it, made a law, wherein it was forbidden
that any should teach philosophy in Athens :*
by which he meant, having nothing in particu-
lar against Socrates, to involve him in the
reproach cast by this step on all the philoso-
phers, and thereby render him, in common
with the rest, odious to the people ; for I never
heard Socrates say that he taught philosophy ;
neither did 1 know any who ever did hear him ;
but Critias was stung, and he determined to
show it.—Now, after the Thirty had put to
death many of the citizens, and some of them
of the best rank,? and had given up the reins
to all manner of violence and rapine, Socrates
had said somewhere “ that it would astonish
him much, if he who lost part of the herd
every day, while the rest grew poorer and
weaker under his management, should deny his
being a bad herdsman; but it would astonish
him still more, if he who had the charge of
the city, and saw the number of his citizens
decrease hourly, while the rest became more
dissolute and depraved under his administra-
tion, should be shameless enough not to ac-
knowledge himself an evil ruler.” ‘These
words, therefore, of Socrates, being told to
Critias and Charicles, they sent fdr him ; and

showing him the law, straitly forbade him to.

discourse any more with the young men. So-
crates then asked, “if it was permitted him to
propose some questions touching some parts of
the said law, which he said he could not the-
roughly understand ;” and being answered it
was permitted : ‘‘ Iam always,” said he, ““ most
ready to obey the laws ; but, to the end I may
not transgress unwittingly, inform me, I pray
you, whether you take philosophy; as it stands
here condemned by you, to consist in reasoning
right, or reasoning wrong; since, if you in-
tend it to imply the first, then must we hence-
forth beware how we reason right; but if the
latter is meant, the consequence is plain, then
must we endeavour to mend our reasoning.”

2 This law was again abrogated upon the expulsion of
the thirty tyrants.—See Potter’s Grecian Antiquities,
vol. i. chap. 25.

3 It is said, that the number of those put to death by
these tyrants was fourteen hundred,—and this withont
the least form of law,—besides five thousand, whe were
driven into banishment.

i

526

At these words Charicles, being much enrag-
ed, said to him, “ Since you are so ignorant,
Socrates, and withal so dull of apprehension,
we will express ourselves in terms somewhat
more easy to be understood ; refrain altogether
from talking with the young men.”

“Tt is well,” answered Socrates; ‘* but
that nothing of ambiguity may remain in the
present case, tell me, I pray you, how long are
men called young ?”

** So long,” replied Charicles, “as they are
refused admittance into the senate, as supposed
not yet arrived at maturity of judgment: or, in
other words, till they are thirty.”

“ But suppose I should want to buy some-
thing of a merchant, must I not ask the price
of it if the man is under thirty ?”

“ Who says any such thing ?” returned Cha-
ricles. “ But, Socrates,” said he, “it is so
much your custom to ask questions when you
are not ignorant of the matter in hand, that I
do not wonder at your doing so now. Let us,
however, have done for the present with your
trifling interregatories.”

‘¢ But what if some young man, as he passes
along, should ask me in haste, ‘ Where lives
Charicles ? where’s Critias gone ?? Must I not
answer him ?”

“Tt is hardly intended to prohibit such
things,” returned Charicles: when Critias in-
terrupting them; “ And I, Socrates, I can in-
form thee of something more thou hast to re-
frain from: keep henceforth at a proper distance
from the carpenters, smiths, and shoemakers ;
and let us have no more of your examples from
among them. And, besides, I fancy they are
sufficiently tired with your bringing them in so
often in your long discourses.”

‘«¢ Must I likewise give up the sensbdaniceate
said Socrates, “deducible from these exam-
ples, and concern myself no longer with jus-
tice and piety, and the rules of right and
wrong ?”

** Thou must, by Jupiter!” replied Chari-
cles. “ And, Socrates,” said he, “ to make all
sure, trouble not thyself any more with the
herdsmen, for fear thou shouldst occasion the
loss of more cattle.” !

1 Some understand this as referring to a certain coin
_ in use among the Athenians, whereon was stamped the
figure of an ox, as if Charicles had threatened So-
crates with a fine; but there are others, and seemingly
with more reason, who think that Charicles aimed his
menace rather at the life than wealth of Socrates, when

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[ BooK 1.

Now, from this, it is evident, that what So-
crates once said concerning the cattle, being
told these men, had greatly inflamed their rage
against him. Hence also may be seen how
long Critias continued to associate with So-
crates, and what the affection they had for each
other. I might here likewise add, how seldom
it is we make proficiency under people who
are not pleasing to us; and that the conversa-
tion of Socrates did not render him so either
to Critias or Alcibiades, may well be supposed.
Even at the very time they followed him, their
chief delight was in conversing with such per-
sons as they believed the most skilful in the
affairs of state ; their only design being to go-
vern the republic. And, agreeably to this,
they tell us that Alcibiades, when under the

age of twenty, coming to Pericles his tutor, ᾿

and at that time sole director of the Athenian
state, entered into the following conversation
with him concerning the laws :

“ My Pericles,” said he, “can you explain to
me what a law is?” “ Undoubtedly,” return-
ed the other. “ Then, I conjure you by the
immortal gods!” said Alcibiades, “instruct me
in this point: for when I hear men praised for
their strict observance of the laws, it seems
to me evident, that he can no way pretend to
that praise who is altogether ignorant what a
law is.”

“Your request,” my Alcibiades, “is not
difficult to be complied with : for that is a law,
which the people agree upon in their public
assemblies, and afterwards cause to be promul-
gated in a proper manner; ordaining what
ought or ought not to be done.”

« And what do they ordain ; to do good, or
to do evil ?”

“ Not evil,
man.”

“ But what do you call that,” said Alci-
biades, which in states where the people have

most assuredly,

no rule, is advised and ordained by the few who

may be then in power ?”

“1 call that likewise a law,” replied Peri-
cles; “for the laws are nothing but the in-
junctions of such men as are in possession of
the sovereign authority.”

‘«‘ But when a tyrant is possessed of this

he thus turns his own words upon him, and bids him
take care “ that he himself does not occasién the loss of
more cattle.” It seems a Witticism, too, well suiting
such a man.

my young

MEMOIRS

sovereign authority, are the things he ordains
to be received as laws ?”

« As laws,” returned Pericles.

‘‘ What then is violence and injustice ?” said
Alcibiades. “415 it not when the strong com-
pel the more weak, not by mildness and per-
suasion, but force, to obey them ?”

* J think it is.”

“ Will it not then follow, that what a tyrant
decrees, and compels the observance of, not
only without, but contrary to the will of the
people ; is not law, but the very reverse to ee

« I believe it may,” answered Pericles ;
“for I cannot admit that as a law, which a
tyrant enacts, contrary to the will of the
people.”

« And when the few impose their decrees
on the many, not by persuasion, but force, are
we to call this also violence ?”

“ We are: and truly, I think,” said Pericles,
“‘that whatever is decreed and enforced with-
out the consent of those who are hereafter to
obey, is not law, but violence.”

“ Then ought that also, which is decreed by
the people, contrary to the will of the nobles,
to be deemed violence, rather than law ?”

“No doubt of it,” replied Pericles : “ But,
my Alcibiades,” continued he, “ at your age we
were somewhat more acute in those subtilties,
when we made it our business to consider
them, as we now see you.”

To which, it is said, Alcibiades returned
answer: “ Would to the gods then, my Peri-
cles, I might have conversed with you at the
time when you best understood these sorts of
things!” In consequence, therefore, of this
most ambitious disposition, no sooner did
these men suppose they had acquired some
advantages over the persons then employed in
the administration, but they forbore to associ-
ate any longer with Socrates: for, besides that
his company was no way pleasing to them, on
other considerations, they could still less brook
his frequent remonstrances for the many irre-
gularities of their lives : therefore they plunged
at once into business, and the affairs of the
commonwealth ; the only end for which they
had ever been among his followers.

But Crito, Cherephon, Cherecrates, Sim-
mias, Cebes, Phedo, and many others, were
continually with him ; not from the hope of
becoming, by his means, better orators, whether
at the bar, or before the people; but better
men: capable of discharging all those duties

OF SOCRATES.

527

which they owed to themselves, to their coun-
try, to their families, their friends, their fellow-
citizens. And, so far were these men from
practising what was dishonest, that whether in
youth or in age, not one of them ever incurred
even the suspicion of any crime.

But, saith his accuser, “ Socrates encourag-
eth his followers to despise their parents ; in-
asmuch as he persuadeth them that he is able
to make them wiser than they; declaring still
farther, that as it is lawful for a son to confine
his father in chains when convicted of madness,
so ought the ignorant also to be confined by him
who is possessed of superior knowledge.” _

Now, whatever his accuser might endeayour
to insinuate, it is certain Socrates was very far
from being of such an opinion. On the con-
trary, it was common with him to say; “that
whoever pretended to confine another on the
account of his ignorance, might himself be
thus treated by those who were still more
knowing.” And, to this purpose, he would
often discourse on the essential difference be-
tween madness, and ignorance ; saying, on such
occasions, plainly and clearly ; * that it was in-
deed necessary, and for the benefit of himself,
as well as his friends, that the madman should
be enchained ; but, that he who was ignorant
in any thing useful, should only be instructed,
by such persons as were qualified to give him
proper instruction.”

His accuser, however, went on to assert, “ that
Socrates not only taught the youth to have a
contempt for their parents, but for the rest of
their kindred; since he would frequently de-
clare, that when men were sick, or had a law-
suit upon their hands, they had not recourse to
any of their kindred for relief; but to the
lawyer in one case, and the physician in the
other. And, with regard to friendship, he
would likewise say, “that a useless good-will,
unaccompanied with the power of serving, was
little to be accounted of ; but the man to be
esteemed and preferred, should be one who not
only knows what is for our advantage, but can
so explain it as to make us likewise know it ;
thereby insinuating, as was pretended, into the
minds of the youth, that he himself was the
friend to be chosen before any other, as being
the best able to direct in the way of wisdom:
while the rest of mankind, in comparison with
him, were of small estimation.

Now, that I myself have heard him talk after
some such manner, concerning relations, fathers,

528

and friends, is most certain. And I remember
him saying, “that when the soul, in which
thought and reason alone reside, retires from
the body, although it may be the body of
a father, or a friend, we remove it from
our sight as speedily as well may be. And
whereas no man can be doubted as to the love
he beareth to his own body, yet who is there,
would he ask, that scruples to take away from
it the part that is superfluous ? to cut the hair,
or pair the nails; or remove the whole limb,
when mortified? for which purpose the sur-
geon is called in, and the steel and the caustic
not only readily submitted to, but the hand
which applies them liberally rewarded. The
spittle, he would say, men were glad to cast
from them, because, remaining in the mouth,
it was both useless and offensive. But, not-
withstanding all this, Socrates never intended,
though he talked in such a manner, that fathers
were to be buried alive, or that he himself
should have a limb taken off ; but he intended
to let us see, that whatever is useless ean be
of no estimation; in order to excite in his
hearers a desire to improve, and make them-
selves, as far as may be, serviceable to others ;
to the end, that if they wished to be regarded,
by their parents, or respected and honoured by
their brethren or kindred, they might urge their
claim on the account of merit, and not owe
the whole only to consanguinity.” “But,”
says his accuser, ““ Socrates, the better to con-
vey, and at the same time conceal the malig-
nity of his intentions, hath chosen many pas-
sages from our most celebrated poets, whereby
to convey his poison to the people, and dispose
them the more readily to fraud and oppression ;”
for having often cited that line of Hesiod’s,
“*Employ thyself in any thing, rather than stand idle,’
it was pretended he meant to insinuate it as
the poet’s opinion, “ that no employment what-
ever could. be unjust or dishonourable from
whence profit might arise:” whereas, in truth,
nothing could be farther from the design of
Socrates: for, although he constantly main-
tained that labour and employment were not
only useful, but honourable, and idleness no
less reproachful than pernicious to man; yet
he never concluded without saying, “that he
alone could be considered as not idle who was
employed in procuring some good to mankind ;
but that the gamester, the debauchee, and every
other whose end. was only evil, were emphati-
cally to be called so; and, in this sense, he

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[BOOK tf.

might, with good reason, adopt that line of
Hesiod’s,
“ Employ thyself in any thing, rather than stand idle.”
But it was still farther alleged, that Socrates
frequently introduced these lines of Homer,
where, speaking of Ulysses, he says,
“ Each prince of name, or chief in arms approved,
He fired with praise, or with persuasion moyed :
- € Warriors like you, with strength and wisdom blest,
By brave examples should confirm the rest ;’
** But if a clamorous vile plebeian rose,
Him with reproof he check’d, or tamed with blows:
© Be still, thou slave, and to thy betters yield;
Unknown alike in council and in field!’*? Pope.

These words, it was said, he would explain .

in such a manner, as if the poet hereby meant
to recommend roughness, severity, and stripes,
as the only proper arguments to be made use
of against the vulgar and the indigent. But
Socrates was not absurd enough to draw such
conclusions ; for how then could he have com-
plained, if he himself had been rudely treated?
But he asserted, and might strengthen his
assertion with these lines from Homer, “that
such as could neither counsel nor execute,
equally unfit, whether for the city or the
camp, these, and such as these, and more
especially when insolent and unruly, ought to
be reduced to reason, without any regard to
the extent of their possessions.” .

And it is certain nothing more could be τῆς

tended ; for as to himself, Socrates loved the
people; his beneyolence even extended to all
mankind; insomuch that, although he was
sought after by foreigners as well as Athe-
nians, he took no reward from any who ap-
plied to him, but freely imparted that wisdem
he was endued with. Yet so did not others,
On the contrary, many who were become rich
by his liberality, sold at no mean price, but a

small part of that which had cost them πο-

thing: while, uninfluenced by his example, and
bearing no resemblance to him in affection to
the people, they refused to converse with any
who were not able to pay, and that largely, for
their instruction.

And, indeed, by this conduct Socrates had
rendered the city of Athens renowned through-
out all Greece; so that, if it was said of Ly-
chas the Lacedemonian, “that he was the
glory of Sparta,” because he entertained, at
his own expense, the strangers who resorted
thither at one of the feasts made in honour of
Apollo, much rather might be said of Socrates,
“that he was the glory of Athens,” whose

MEMOIRS

whole life was one continued largess; and
who, dispensing with a liberal hand his in-
estimable treasure, sent no one ever away from
him without making him, if willing, a wiser
and a happier man. Wherefore, it should
seem, that had Socrates been treated by the
Athenians according to his merit, public ho-
nours would have been decreed him much
rather than a shameful death. And, after all,
for whom do the laws appoint this punishment?
Is it not for the thief? for the assaulter on the
highway ? for the underminer of walls, and the
committer of sacrilege? But where, among
- mankind, shall we find any one at so great a
distance from any of these crimes as Socrates ?
Who can accuse him of holding intelligence
with the common enemy? of spreading sedi-
tion and treason throughout the city? or of
having been the cause of any one calamity
whatsoever? Where is he who, in private
life, can say, “ Socrates hath defrauded me of
my possessions, or hath injured me in any
kind ?” Nay, when did he incur even the
suspicion of any of these things? And as to
the points whereof he stood accused, could he
be a denier of those very gods whom in so
eminent a manner he worshipped? Could he
be a corrupter of youth, whose only employ-
ment was to root out of the mind of man every
vicious inclination, and plant in their stead a
love of that virtue, which is so amiable in it-
self, and so becoming us as men, and which
alone hath the power to make, whether cities
or private families, flourishing and happy?
This being so, who seeth not how much his
country stood indebted to Socrates? and that
honours, not ignominy, should have been his
reward ?

III. Now, as I am persuaded the benefit
arising to all those who accompanied with So-
crates was not less owing to the irresistible
force of his example than to the excellency of
his discourses, I will set down whatever occurs
to my memory, whether it relates to his words
or his actions. ‘cit

And first, with respect to sacred rites and.

institutions. In these things it was ever his
practice to approve himself a strict observer of
the answer the Pythian priestess gives to all
who inquire the proper manner of sacrificing
to the gods, or paying honours! to their de-

1 These honours consisted of sacrifices, libations, and
various other rites and ceremonies, and were performed

Fa

οὐ

SOCRATES. 529

ceased ancestors: “ Follow,” saith the god,
“the custom of your country :” and therefore
Socrates, in all those exercises of his devotion
and piety, confined himself altogether to what
he saw practised by the republic; and to his
friends he constantly advised the same thing,
saying, it only savoured of vanity and supersti-
tion in all those who did otherwise.

When he prayed, his petition was only this
—‘ That the gods would give to him those
things that were good.” And this he did, for-
asmuch as they alone knew what was good for
man. But he who should ask for gold or sil-
ver, or increase of dominion, acted not, in his
opinion, more wisely than one who should pray
for the opportunity to fight, or game, or any
thing of the like nature, the consequence
whereof being altogether doubtful, might turn,
for aught he knew, not a little to his disadvan-
tage. When he sacrificed, he feared not his
offering would fail of acceptance in that he was
poor; but, giving according to his ability, he
doubted not, but, in the sight of the gods, he
equalled those men whose gifts and sacrifices
overspread the whole altar. And, indeed, he
made no scruple to assert, that it would not be
agreeable to the nature of the gods to respect
the costly offerings of the rich and the great,
whilst the poor man’s gift was altogether dis-
regarded. For by this means it might happen,
nor yet unfrequently, that the sacrifice of the
wicked would find the most acceptance: which,
if so, he thought life itself would not be de-
sirable to a reasonable creature. But Socrates
always reckoned upon it as.a most indubitable
truth, that the service paid the Deity by the
pure and pious soul, was the most grateful
sacrifice ; and therefore it was, he so much
approved that precept of the poet, which bids
us ‘offer to the gods according to our power.”
And not only on these, but on every other oc-
casion, he thought he had no better advice to
give his friends, than ‘that they should do all
things according to their ability.” Farther,

on the 9th and 30th days after burial, and repeated
when any of their friends arrived who had been ab-
sent from the solemnity; and upon ail other occasions
which required their surviving relations to have the
deceased in memory. On these public days it was the
custom to call over the names of their dead relations,
one by one, excepting such as died under age, or had
forfeited their title to this honour by dissipating their
paternal inheritance, or for some other crime.—Pott.
Antiq.
3X

ves se RES

530

whenever he supposed any intimation had
been given him by the Deity concerning what
ought or ought not to be done, it was no more
possible to bring Socrates to act otherwise,
than to make him quit the guide, clear sighted
and well instructed in the road he was to go,
in favour of one not only ignorant but blind.
And to this purpose he always condemned the
extreme folly of those, who, to avoid the ill
opinion and reproach of men, acted not accord-
ing to the direction of the gods ; looking down
with contempt on all the little arts of human
prudence, when placed in competition with
those divine notices and admonitions which it is
oftentimes their pleasure to communicate to man.

As to his manner of living, it may be said,
that whoever is willing to regulate and disci-
pline his body and his mind after the example
of Socrates, can hardly fail, no deity opposing,
to procure for himself that degree of health and
strength as cannot easily be shaken. Neither
shall he want large sums for such a purpose.
On the contrary, such was his moderation, that

I question whether there ever was any man, if |

able to work at all, but might have earned suf-
ficient to have supported Socrates. His custom
was to eat as long as it gave him any pleasure ;
and a good appetite was to him what delicious
fare is to another: and as he only drank when
thirst compelled him, whatever served to allay
it could not fail of being grateful. So that it
was easy for him, when present at their feasts,
to refrain from excess, which other men find so
much difficulty in doing. And as to such per-
sous as gave proof how very little they could
‘command themselves, to these he would counsel
even the not tasting of those delicacies which
might allure them to eat when they were not
hungry, and drink when they were not dry;
since the fruits (he said) of so doing were not
only pains in the head and loss of digestion,
but disorder and confusion in the mind of man.
And it was frequent with him to say, between
jest and earnest, “ that he doubted not its be-
~ing with charms like these that Circe turned
the companions of Ulysses into swine; while
the hero himself, being admonished by Mer-
cury, and, from his accustomed temperance,
refusing to taste the enchanting cup, happily
escaped the shameful transformation.”

With regard to love, his counsel always was
to keep at a distance from beautiful persons ;
saying, it was difficult to approach any such and
not be ensnared. As for himself, his great

MEMOTRS OF SOCRATES.

[ BOOK I.

continence was known to every one ; and it was
more easy for him to avoid the most beautiful
objects, than for others those who were the
most disgusting. But although this was the
manner in which Socrates lived, yet could he
not be persuaded that he enjoyed less of the
pleasures of life than the voluptuous man, who
employed all his thoughts in the eager pursuit
of them ; at the same time that he escaped all
that vexation and grief so sure to attend on
those who too freely indulge in sensual grati-
fications.

IV. Now, should there be any inclined to
believe what some on conjecture have under-
taken to advance, both in their conversations
and writings, “ that Socrates could indeed in-
flame his hearers with the love of virtue, but
could never influence them so far as to bring ~
them to make any great proficiency therein :”
let these, I say, consider what his arguments
were, not only when his design was to refute
such men as pretended to know every thing,
but even in his retired and familiar conversa-
tion, and then let them judge whether Socrates
was not fully qualified for the bringing his
followers and his friends to make proficiency
in the paths of virtue.

And, for this purpose, I will now relate the
manner in which I once heard him discoursing
with Aristodemus, surnamed the Little, con-
cerning the Deity. For, observing that he
neither prayed nor sacrificed to the gods, nor
yet consulted any oracle, but, on the contrary,
ridiculed and laughed at those who did, he said
to him:

“ Tell me, Aristodemus, is there any man
whom you admire on account of his merit ?”

Aristodemus having answered, “ Many.”—
“ Name some of them, I pray you.”

«© 1 admire,” said Aristodemus, “ Homer for .
his epic poetry, Melanippides for his dithyram-
bics, Sophocles for tragedy, Polycletes for sta-
tuary, and Xeuxis for painting.”

* But which seems to you most worthy of
admiration, Aristodemus ;—the artist who forms
images void of motion and intelligence ; or one >
who hath the skill to produce animals that are
endued, not only with activity, but understand-
ing ?”

« The latter, there can be no doubt,” replied
Aristodemus, “ provided the production was
not the effect of chance, but of wisdom and
contrivance.” .

ἐς But since there are many things, some of

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

which we can easily see the use of, while we
cannot say of others to what purpose they were
produced ; which of these, Aristodemus, do you
suppose the work of wisdom ?”

“It should seem the most reasonable to
affirm it of those, whose fitness and utility is
so evidently apparent.”

« But it is evidently apparent, that He, who
at the beginning made man, endued him with
senses because they were good for him; eyes,
wherewith to behold whatever was visible ; and
ears, to hear whatever was to be heard. For
say, Aristodemus, to what purpose should
odours be prepared, if the sense of smelling
had been denied? Or why the distinctions of
bitter and sweet, of savoury and unsavoury,
unless a palate had been likewise given, con-
veniently piaced, to arbitrate between them,
and declare the difference? Is not that Provi-
dence, Aristodemus, in a most eminent manner
conspicuous, which, because the eye of man is
so delicate in its contexture, hath therefore pre-
pared eyelids like doors, whereby to secure it ;
which extend of themselves whenever it is
needful, and again close when sleep approaches ?
Are not these eyelids provided, as it were, with
a fence on the edge of them, to keep off the
wind and guard the eye? Even the eyebrow
itself is not without its office, but, as a pent-
house, is prepared to turn off the sweat, which,
falling from the forehead, might enter and annoy
that no less tender than astonishing part of us!
Is it not to be admired that the ears should
take in sounds of every sort, and yet are not
too much filled by them? That the fore-teeth
of the animal should be formed in such a man-
ner as is evidently best suited for the cutting of
its food, as those on the side for grinding it in
pieces? That the mouth, through which this
food is conveyed, should be placed so near the
nose and the eyes, as to prevent the passing,
unnoticed, whatever is unfit for nourishment ;
while nature, on the contrary, hath set at a dis-
tance, and concealed from the senses, all that
might disgust or any way offend them? And
canst thou still doubt, Aristodemus, whether
a disposition of parts like this should be the
work of chance, or of wisdom and contrivance ?”

ἐς J have no longer any doubt,” replied Aris-
todemus: “and, indeed, the more I consider
it, the more evident it appears to me, that man
must be the masterpiece of some great artificer ;
carrying along with it infinite marks of the love
and favour of Him who hath thus formed it.”

531

“ And what thinkest thou, Aristodemus, of
that desire in the individual which leads to the
continuance of the species? Of that tender-
ness and affection in the female towards her
young, so necessary for its preservation? Of
that unremitted love of live, and dread of dis-
solution, which take such strong possession of
us from the moment we begin to be ?”

“ T think of them,” answered Aristodemus,
“as so many regular operations of the same
great and wise Artist, deliberately determining
to preserve what he hath once made.”

* But, farther, (unless thou desirest to ask
me questions), seeing, Aristodemus, thou thy-
self art conscious of reason and intelligence,
supposest thou there is no intelligence else-
where? Thou knowest thy body to be a small
part of that wide extended earth which thou
everywhere beholdest: the moisture contained
in it, thou also knowest to be a small portion
of that mighty mass of waters whereof seas
themselves are but a part, while the rest of the
elements contribute, out of their abundance, to
thy formation. It is the soul then alone, that
intellectual part of us, which is come to thee
by some lucky chance, from I know not where,
If so be, there is indeed no intelligence else-
where: and we must be forced to confess, that
this stupendous universe, with all the various
bodies contained therein—equally amazing,
whether we consider their magnitude or num-
ber, whatever their use, whatever their order—
all have been produced, not by intelligence, but
chance !”

“Tt is with difficulty that I can suppose
otherwise,” returned Aristodemus; “ for I be- ᾿
hold none of those gods, whom you speak of,
as making and governing all things; whereas
I see the artists when at their work here among
« Neither yet seest thou thy soul, Aristo-
demus, which, however, most assuredly governs
thy body: although it may well seem, by thy
manner of talking, that it is chance, and not
reason, which governs thee.”

«(1 do not despise the gods,” said Aristo-
demus : “on the contrary, I conceive so highly
of their excellence, as to suppose they stand in
no need either of me or of my services.”

«« Thou mistakest the matter, Aristodemus ;
the greater magnificence they have shown in
their care of thee, so much the more honour
and service thou owest them.”

« Be assured,” said Arzistodemus, “ if I once

us

532 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

could be persuaded the gods took care of man,
I should want no monitor to remind me of my
duty.”

«And canst thou doubt, Aristodemus, if
the gods take care of man? MHath not the
glorious privilege of walking upright been alone
bestowed on him, whereby he may, with the
better advantage, survey what is around him,
contemplate with more ease those splendid ob-
jects which are above, and avoid the numerous
ills and inconveniences which would otherwise
befall him? Other animals, indeed, they have
provided with feet, by which they may re-
move from one place to another; but to man
they have also given hands, with which he
can form many things for his use, and make
himself happier than creatures of any other
kind. A tongue hath been bestowed on every
other animal; but what animal, except man,
hath the power of forming words with it,
whereby to explain his thoughts, and make
them intelligible to others? And to show
that the gods have had regard to his very plea-
sures, they have not limited them, like those
of other animals, to times and seasons, but
man is left to indulge in them, whenever not
hurtful to him.

*¢ But it is not with respect to the body alone
that the gods have shown themselves thus
bountiful to man; their most excellent gift is
that soul they have infused into him, which so
far surpasses what is elsewhere to be found.
For by what animal, except man, is even the
existence of those gods discovered, who have
produced, and still uphold, in such regular or-
der, this beautiful and stupendous frame of the
universe ? What other species of creatures are
to be found that can serve, that can adore
them? What other animal is able, like man, to
provide against the assaults of heat and cold,
of thirst and hunger? That can lay up reme-
dies for the time of sickness, and improve the
strength nature hath given by a well-propor-
tioned exercise? ‘That can receive, like him,
information and instruction ; or so happily keep
in memory what he hath seen, and heard, and
learnt? These things being so, who seeth not
that man is, as it were, a god in the midst of
this visible creation; so far doth he surpass,
whether in the endowments of soul or body,
all animals whatsoever that have been produced
therein! For, if the body of the ox had been
joined to the mind of man, the acuteness of the
latter would have stood him in small stead,

[ΒΟΟΚ 1.

while unable to execute the well-designed
plan ; nor would the human form have been of
more use to the brute, so long as it remained
destitute of understanding ! But in thee, Ar-
istodemus, hath been joined to a wonderful
soul, a body no less wonderful: and sayest
thou, after this, ‘the gods take no thought for
me!’ What wouldst thou then more to con-
vince thee of their care ?”

“1 would they should send, and inform me,”
said Aristodemus, “ what things I ought or
ought not to do, in like manner as thou sayest
they frequently do to thee.”

“ And what then, Aristodemus ? supposest
thou, that when the gods give out some oracle
to all the Athenians, they mean it not for
thee? If, by their prodigies, they declare aloud

to all Greece,—to all mankind,—the things —

which shall befall them, are they dumb to thee
alone? And art thou the only person whom
they have placed beyond their care? Be-
lievest thou they would have wrought into the
mind of man a persuasion of their being able
to make him happy or miserable, if so be they
had no such power? or would not even man
himself, long ere this, have seen through the
gross delusion ? How is it, Aristodemus, thou
rememberest, or remarkest not, that the king-
doms and commonwealths most renowned as
well for their wisdom as antiquity, are those
whose piety and devotion have been the most
observabie ? and that even man himself is never
so well disposed to serve the Deity, as in that
part of life when reason bears the greatest
sway, and his judgment supposed in its full
strength and maturity. Consider, my Aristo-
demus, that the soul which resides in thy body
can govern it at pleasure; why then may not
the soul of the universe, which pervades and
animates every part of it, govern it in like
manner? If thine eye hath the power to take
in many objects, and these placed at no small
distance from it, marvel not if the eye of the
Deity can, at one glance, comprehend the whole!
And as thou perceivest it not beyond thy
ability to extend thy care, at the same time, to
the concerns of Athens, Egypt, Sicily ; why
thinkest thou, my Aristodemus, that the pro-
vidence of God may not easily extend itself
throughout the whole universe? As, there-
fore, among men, we make best trial of the af-
fection and gratitude of our neighbour, by
showing him kindness ; and discover his wis-
dom, by consulting him in our distress; do

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

thou, in like manner, behave towards the gods :
and, if thou wouldst experience what their
wisdom, and what their love, render thyself de-
serving the communication of some of those
divine secrets which may not be penetrated by
man ; and are imparted to those alone, who con-
sult, who adore, who obey the Deity. Then shalt
thou, my Aristodemus, understand there is a
being whose eye pierceth throughout all nature,
and whose ear is open to every sound ; extended
to all places ; extending through all time; and
whose bounty and care can know no other
bounds than those fixed by his own creation !”

By this discourse, and others of the like na-
ture, Socrates taught his friends that they were
not only to forbear whatever was impious, un-
just, or unbecoming before men; but even,
when alone, they ought to have a regard to all
their actions; since the gods have their eyes
continually upon us; and none of our designs
can be concealed from them. ~

VY. And now, if temperance be a virtue con-
ducing to the honour and happiness of man,
let us see in what manner Socrates endeavour-
ed to stir up his followers to the practice of it.

“ My fellow-citizens! would he say, when
war is declared, and it becomes necessary for
you to make choice of a general, choose ye the
man enslaved to wine or women; luxurious in
his diet ; intemperate in his sleep; incapable
of labour ; impatient of fatigue ? Can ye, from
such a one, expect safety to yourselves; or
conquest over your enemies? Or, when death
draweth nigh, and no thought remaineth but
for the welfare of your children, do ye then
inquire for the debauchee wherewith to intrust
them? [5 it he who must direct in the virtu-
ous education of your sons, and guard the
chastity of your virgin daughters ; or secure to
them the inheritance from the hand of the op-
pressor? Do ye intrust your flocks or your
herds to the conduct of him who is overcharged
with drunkenness ? or expect from such a one
despatch to your affairs? Would even the slave
be received, though sent as a gift, who came to
us branded with so loathsome a vice? If,
therefore, intemperance appears to us so odious
when seen only in the slave, how should we
dread the being ourselves degraded by it! The
rapacious and covetous have the pleasure of
growing rich, and add to their own substance
what they take from others: but the dissolute
man injures his neighbour without profit to
hiniself ; nay, be injures every one, and himself

533

most of all, if the ruin of his family, his health,
his body, and his mind, may be termed inju-
ries ? Neither can such a one add to the plea-
sures that arise from social conversation: for
what pleasure can he give whose only delight
is in eating and drinking, and, destitute of
shame, prefers the company of the common
prostitute to that of his best friend? Hence,
therefore, we may see how necessary it is to
make temperance our chief study ; since, with-
out this as its basis, what other virtue can we
attain ? How can we learn what is profitable,
or practise what is praiseworthy ? Neither can
we conceive a state more pitiable, whether in
respect to body or mind, than the voluptuary,
given up to all the drudgery of intemperance.
And, certainly, we should wish no worthy man
may be encumbered with a slave of this dispo-
sition : or, however, we are sure all slaves who
abandon themselves to such irregularities ought
to entreat the gods that they may fall into the
hands of mild and gentle masters,—their only
chance to save them from utter ruin.”

Thus would Socrates talk concerning tem-
perance; and if the whole tenor of his dis-
course showed his regard for this virtue, the
whole tenor of his life served more abundantly
to confirm it. For he was not only superior
to the pleasures of sense, but the desire of
gain: it being his full persuasion, that the man
who received money bought himself a master;
whose commands, however humbling, could
not honestly be rejected.

VI. It may not be improper, nor yet to the
discredit of Socrates, to relate a conversation ~
he had with Antipho the sophist.! Now
this man, having a design to draw to himself
the followers of Socrates, came to him one
day, and, in the presence of many of them,
accosted him as follows:

“1 always thought,” said he, “that philo-

1 These were a sort of men, who, as Socrates says,
pretended to know, and teach every thing: geometry,
arithmetic, astronomy, natural philosophy, eloquence,
politics, &e. Their promises, however, always ended
in giving some slight superficial notions of these several
sciences ; and they exercised their disciples chiefly in
idle disputations, whereby they might learn to defend
whatever they hada mind to affirm. Those who studied
under them, were filled with pride, and vain conceit of
their own abilities; while the sophist, on his side, re-
garded nothing but his own gain: and it is said, that
one Protagoras, although there were at that time many
others of them in Greece, accumulated by this profession
ten times the sum that Phidias, the famous statuary,
could ever gain by his trade.

534

sophy served to make men happier ; but the
fruit of your wisdom, Socrates, seems to be the
very reverse: for I know not that slave who
would tarry with his master a single day, if
compelled to live in the manner that you do.
You eat and drink the meanest of every thing.
Your habit is not only coarser than others, but
you make no difference between summer and
winter ; and your feet are always naked. You
will take no money, though we find no little
pleasure in accumulating wealth: and be-
sides, when a man hath once made his fortune,
he hath nothing more to do than to live nobly,
and go on at his ease. Now, if all who attend
to your instructions are to follow your example,
as is commonly the case of pupils with their
masters, may we not well say you only teach
men how to be miserable ?”

To which Socrates: “ I perceive, Antipho,
you have formed to yourself so woeful a picture
of my manner of life, as shows you had much
rather die than live as I do: let us therefore
examine what it is you are so much afraid of.
You think I am to be pitied for not taking
money: is it because those who do, are no
longer masters of their own time, but must per-
form their engagements, however contrary to
their inclinations ; while I am at liberty to talk
or not talk, as best suits my humour? The
manner in which 1 eat may not be to your
mind: Doth my dinner afford less nourish-
ment than yours? doth it cost more ? or is it,
do you think, more difficult to procure? And
though I allow the things they provide for your
table may be more delicious than those on mine,
consider, Antipho, he who sits down with a
good appetite hath no want of rich sauce to
give a relish to his food : neither will he wish
for the high-flavoured wine, who hath already
with delight quenched his thirst with water.
As to my habit: You know, Antipho, he
who changes his dress, doth it on account of
the heat or cold; and puts on shoes only that
the ruggedness of the road may not prevent his
passing it: but tell me, I desire you, when hath
the cold kept me within doors? or where did
you see me contend for the shade, to avoid the
scorching heat of the sun? or, when was I
hindered by the anguish of my feet from going
wherever my fancy led me? Besides, you
cannot but know many, whose constitution be-
ing naturally weak, have brought themselves by
the force of exercise to bear labour and fatigue

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[ΒΟΟΚ I.

far better than those of a more robust make,
who through indolence and sloth have shame-
fully neglected it. Why then should you not
suppose that I, who have always accustomed
myself to bear with patience whatever might
fall to my lot, may do it at present with some-
what more ease than you, Antipho, who, per-
haps, have not so much as once thought of the
matter ? If I am observed to be not over deli-
cate in my diet, if I sleep little, nor once taste
of those infamous delights which others indulge
in, assign no other cause than my being pos-
sessed of pleasures in themselves far more eli-
gible, which delight not alone for the moment
in which they are enjoyed, but gladden with the
hope of yielding perpetual satisfaction. Now,
you must have remarked, Antipho, that people

who doubt their affairs go ill, are never cheer- -

ful ; while those who think they are in the way
to succeed, whether in agriculture, traffic, or
whatever it may be, are happy as if they had al-
ready succeeded. But suppose you there can
arise from any of these a pleasure equal to

what the mind experiences while it is con-

scious of improving in the paths of virtue, and
sees the wise and the good add to the number
of its friends? Yet these are the purposes to
which 1 think I employ myself; and this, the
reward I have for my labour! Besides, should
we suppose our friends or our country wanting

assistance, who would be judged the best able

to bestow it; he, Antipho, who lives as I do?
or he who engaged in that course of life which
seems to you so very delightful? Or, when
called on to bear arms, which would you think
the most likely to discharge the duty of a good
soldier ; he who sits down dissatisfied to his
table unless loaded with delicacies, however
difficult to be obtained ; or he who is not only

content, but rises well pleased from whatever ~

is set before him? And if the city is besieg-
ed, which will be the first to advise the surren-
dering it up to the enemy? It should seem
your opinion, Antipho, that happiness con-
sisted in luxury and profusion ; whereas, in
truth, 1 consider it as a perfection in the gods
that they want nothing ; and consequently, he
cometh the nearest to the divine nature, who
standeth in want of the fewest things: and
seeing there is nothing which can transcend
the divine nature, who ever approacheth the
nearest thereto, approaches the nearest to so-
vereign excellence.”

Pee be eee

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

At another time, Antipho disputing’ with
him, said, *‘ I am willing to acknowledge you a
just man, Socrates, but surely not a man of
much knowledge ; and of this you seem to be
yourself aware, since you refuse to receive any
reward for your instructions. Now it is cer-
tain you would not give your house, or even
your cloak, for nothing; nay, nor for less than
the full worth of them; yet you will talk, it is
well known, for a whole day gratis ;—a plain
proof how the case stands with you. Now it
is for this very reason I commend your honesty,
that will not suffer you, through desire of gain,
to deceive any; but then you must give up all
pretences to knowledge, since you hereby de-
clare you have none worth purchasing.”

To which Socrates :—‘ You know, Anti-
pho, that among us it is imagined there is no
small similarity between beauty and philosophy;
for that which is praiseworthy in the one, is so
likewise in the other; and the same sort of
vices are apt to blemish both. Now, when we
see a woman bartering her beauty for gold, we
look upon such a one as no other than 2 com-
mon prostitute ; but she who rewards the pas-
sion of some worthy youth with it, gains at
the same time our approbation and esteem.
It is the very same with philosophy: he who
sets it forth for public sale, to be disposed of
to the best bidder, is a sophist, a public prosti-
tute.
some well-disposed youth, and makes thereby
a friend of him, we say of such a one, he dis-
charges as he ought the duty of a good citizen.
And besides, Antipho, as there are some who
delight in fine horses, others in dogs, and others
in other animals, my pleasure is in the com-
pany of my friends. If I know any thing
whereby they may at all be profited, I commu-
nicate it to them, or recommend them to those
whom I think better qualified for carrying
them on in the paths of virtue. When we are
together, we employ ourselves in searching
into those treasures of knowledge the ancients
have left us: we draw from the same foun-
tains ; and running over whatever these sages
have left behind them, where we find any thing
excellent, we remark it for our use; and think
ourselves not to have profited a litile, when we
see mutual love begin to flourish among us.”

Thus did Socrates reply: and truly, when I
have heard him talk in this manner, I could
not doubt of his being a happy man; nor yet
of his kindling in the mirids of his hearers an

But he who becomes the instructor of’

535

ardent love for that virtue which in him ap-
peared so amiable.

Being asked at another time by the same
man, ‘‘ Why he, who fancied himself so able
to make skilful statesmen of others, did not
himself engage in state affairs ?”“ And by
which of these methods,” said Socrates, “ sup-
posest thou I shall most advantage the com-
monwealth ? taking on me some office, which,
however well executed, would only be the ser-
vice of one man ; or, by instructing all I meet,
furnish the republic with many good citizens,
every one capable of serving it well 2”!

VII. And now let us examine, whether, by
dissuading his friends from vanity and arro-
gance, he did not excite them to the practice
of virtue. It was his custom to assert, “ that
the only way to true glory, was for a man to be
really excellent, not affect to appear so:” and
to show this the more plainly, he would often
make use of the following example: “ Let us
suppose,” said he, “that one altogether igno-
rant in music desires to be thought an excellent
musician. ‘To this purpose he takes care to
imitate whatever is imitable in those who are
the greatest proficients in the art. He is un-
commonly curious in the choice of his instru-
ments ; and a crowd must follow him, to cry
him up for a wonder wherever he goes, as they
do the most admired masters ; but for all this,
he must never venture the public with a speci-
men of his skill, lest his ignorance, as well as
arrogance, should instantly appear, and ridicule,
not fame, prove the reward of his ill-judged
expenses. The case,” he would say, “is the
same with the man who endeavours to pass for
an able general, or a good pilot, without know-
ing any thing of the matter. If his word is
not taken, he is displeased ; if it is, what will
become of him when called to preside at the
helm, or command the army ? what but shame

1 Epictetus talks to the same purpose concerning his
cynic philosopher, but in terms somewhat more haughty
than the humble Socrates. ‘‘ Ask me, if you please, .
too, whether a cynic will engage in the administration
of the commonwealth? What commonwealth do you
inquire after, blockhead, greater than what he admi.
nisters? Whether he will harangue among the Athe-
nians about revenues and taxes, whose business is to
debate with all mankind; with the Athenians, Corin-
thians, and Romans equally ; not about taxes and re-
venues, or peace and war, but about happiness and
misery, prosperity and adversity, slavery and freedom.
Do you ask me, whether a man engages in the admi-
nistration of the commonwealth who administers such
a commonwealth as this ?”—Carter’s Enic.

536 MEMOTRS OF SOCRATES. [Book I.

to himself, and perhaps ruin to his best friends, | return the money, or the cloak, which, through
can possibly be the result of the vain under-| his fair demeanor, hath been lent him by his
taking? Neither will he who foolishly affects | neighbour, much rather ought he to be stigma-
the character of valiant, or rich, or strong, be | tized as such, who, destitute of every talent
exposed to less danger. By the help of some | necessary for the purpose, shall dare impose
false appearance he may be called, indeed, to , himself on the state, as one well qualified to
some honourable employment; but it is an direct in the administration.”

employment exceeding his abilities to perform ; Thus Socrates endeavoured to make vanity
and his mistakes will not be pardoned by those | and ostentation the more odious to his fol-
whom he imposed on. For as the man can be | lowers, by showing clearly how much folly at-
deemed no other than a cheat who refuseth to | tended the ~ractice of it.

XENOPHON’S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BOOK II.

3Y

CONTENTS or BOOK 11.

1. The discourses:of Socrates tended to make his followers temperate, and patient-under fatigue—His conversation
with Aristippus respecting temperance—Allegory of Sensuality and Virtue.—II. He teaches his son Lampro-
cles submission to his mother.—III. Reconciles Chzerephon and Chzrecrates. two brothers, who were at variance
—IV. V. Discourse concerning friendship and the value of friends.—VI. Conversation with Critobuius respecting
the trying and finding out such friends as are worthy of atfection.—VII. His plan of relieving the embarrass.
ment of Aristarchus.—VIII. His advice to Eutherus.—IX. His conversation with Crito, which tended to relieve
the perplexities of the latter, and to secure a valuable friend.—X. Advises Diodorus to seek the friendship of
Hermogenes,

μεν. “ὦ δ...

XENOPHON’S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BOOK II.

I, Iv is likewise my opinion that Socrates con-
tributed not a little by his discourses to make
his followers more patient of hunger, and
thirst, and labour; contemn heat and cold;
despise sleep; with every other sensual gra-
tification.. For hearing that one of them lived
too effeminately, he asked him, saying, “‘ Sup-
pose now, Aristippus, the education of two
young men was submitted to your direction ;
the one intended to bear rule in the state, the
other to obey; what method would you take
with them? Shall we examine the matter,
and begin with their food ?”

“ It will be right to do this, most certainly,”
replied Aristippus, “ since food seems to be
the support of life.”

“ Tt is probable then,” said Socrates, “that
you will accustom them both to eat and drink
at certain stated hours?”

“ Most probably.”

« But which would you teach to relinquish
this stated hour of repast when urgent business
called him away from it ?”

«‘ He whom I intend for sovereignty, most
assuredly, that the affairs of the commonwealth
may not suffer from delay.” -

« And the power of enduring thirst patiently,
ought not this likewise to be added ?”

ἐς Certainly.”

«¢« And which of these would you accustom
to rise early and go to rest late, or pass, when
necessary, whole nights in watching ? which to
subdue even love itself, with every tender in-

clination, while fatigue and labour are not

shunned, but with cheerfulness submitted to ?”

“ The same, no doubt of it.”

“ But if there is an art teaching us in what
manner we may best subdue our enemies,
which of these young men would you endea-
vour to make master of it ?”

“ He whom I intended for rule,” replied
Aristippus; “since, without this art, all the
rest will be useless.”

‘* One should suppose then,” said Socrates,
“‘ that a man thus educated would not so readily
fall into the snares that are laid for him, as
those animals, whereof some, we know, are
destroyed by their gluttony, while they rush
forward, however timorous by nature, to seize
the bait thrown out to allure them: others,
with equal greediness, swallow down the li-
quor which has been prepared and set for that
very purpose; and, intoxicated therewith, are
easily taken; while the partridge and quail
find their destruction in running too eagerly
after the female’s call.”

Aristippus assenting to this, Socrates went
on: “ But is it not then most shameful,
Aristippus, when men do fall into the same
snares with which those foolish animals are
taken? Yet so doth the adulterer. He meanly
submits to be shut up like a prisoner in the
chamber of the man whom he is seeking to in-
jure. Neither the rigour of the laws, ' nor the
fear of a discovery, though sensible how many
evils besides that of infamy must attend it,
are sufficient to restrain him; but, regardless
of the danger, and neglecting those many ra-
Cia ΟΝ a ΘΟ Προ στ ee τς ES

1 See Potter’s Antigq. b. iv. ch. 12.

540

tional and creditable amusements which are
still within his power, and might serve to di-
vert him from so shameful a passion, he rushes
headlong to his ruin? And can any other be
said of so wretched a being, but that some fury
hath possessed him ?”

ἐς So it should seem,” said Aristippus.

« But,” continued Socrates, “since so many,

and those the most important employments of
life,—as war, husbandry, and others,—are of

necessity to be carried on in the open fields,
from under shelter ; do you not think, Aristip-
pus, that mankind are much to blame in ne-
glecting to inure themselves to the inclemen-
cies of the air, and the changes of the seasons?
Above all, should not he endeavour to bring
himself to bear these inconveniences with pa-
tience, who expects one day to command
others ?”

«(1 believe he should.”

«ς But if he who has thus brought himself to
endure pain and inconvenience, is alone quali-
fied for command; they who have not done
this, ought never to pretend to it 2”

This being granted, Socrates went on:—
«ὁ Seeing then you so well perceived, Aristippus,
the rank to which each of these properly be-
long; in which would you rather we should
place you ?”

ςς Not with those, Socrates, who are intend-
ed to command; I envy not these: and, in-
deed, since men are obliged to take so much
pains to provide for their own wants, I see no
great wisdom in undertaking to supply -the
wants of a whole community. For, while he
who does this is forced to relinquish many of
the things he most ardently desires ; it will be
held highly criminal, if, during his administra-
tion, any one wish of the capricious multitude
remains ungratified: these behaving towards
their governors exactly in the manner I do to
my slaves. JI expect them to prepare what
I am to eat and drink, and all other necessaries;
but suffer them to take no part for themselves.
The people likewise require that plenty and
abundance should flow in upon them from
every quarter; but permit not the person,
to whose care they owe this, even to taste of
those indulgences he hath so amply provided
for others. Such, therefore, Socrates, as are
fond of employment, and have been educated
in the manner you mentioned, may do very
well to make governors; but, as for m

>, Iam
?
for a life of more ease and tranquillity a3

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book It.

“ Let us see then, Aristippus, which of the
two leads a life of the greatest tranquillity and
ease; those who govern, or they who obey?
Among the nations that are known to us; in
Asia, the Syrians, Phrygians, and Lydians are
subject to the Persians ; in Europe, the Meo-
tians to the Scvthians; and, in Africa, the
Carthaginians lord it over all the rest; which
of these do you take to be in the most eligible
situation? Or here, in Greece, where you

are placed, which seem to you the most

happy; they who are possessed of the sove-
reign power, or those who are compelled to
submit to it 2”

“1 do not desire to be ranked among slaves,”
returned Aristippus; ‘‘ but there is a station
equally remote from sovereignty and servitude ;
this is the true path of liberty; and in this
I would walk, as the surest road to happiness.”

“‘ This path,” replied Socrates, ‘* which lieth
so equally clear, whether of sovereignty or
servitude, might perhaps be supposed to have
some existence in nature, could we place it be-
yond the bounds of human society: But how,
Aristippus, to live among men without goyvern-
ing or being governed? Do you not see
that the strong will always oppress the weak ;
and compel them at last, by repeated injuries,
both public and private, to fly, as it were, to
slavery for refuge! If they refuse to submit
willingly, their lands are ravaged, their trees
cut down, their corn ruined: till, wearied out
at last by oppression of every kind, they are
obliged to give up the unequal combat. Also,
in private life ; see you not how the bold and
strong trample upon such as are weak, or want
courage to defend themselves ?”

(1 do see it,” said Aristippus: ‘and tothe
end it may not fall out so with me, I confine
myself to no one commonwealth, but move
here and there, and think it best to be a stran-
ger every where.”

“ Truly,” said Socrates, “ this method of
providing for your safety hath something pecu-
liar in it: and it should seem, Aristippus, that
since the days of Sinnis, Sciro, and Procrustes, '
no man hath dared to molest the traveller.
What, then! those who remain continually in
their own country have the laws to secure them
against violence of every sort; they have their
relations, their friends, their dependents, to

1 Famous robbers, who infested Greece in the times of
Theseus, and were slain by him.

τνΑμββληλῴρνι». 0.

Ue . :-

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

assist them ; their cities are fortified ; they have
arms for their defence ; and, to strengthen them
still more, they make alliance with their neigh-
pours : yet shall not all this secure them from
falling sometimes into the snares of bad men:
while you, destitute of all those various advan-
tages; exposed continually to the many dangers,
in a manner unavoidable to those who pass
from one place to another; nor yet can enter
that city whose very meanest inhabitant doth
not surpass you in credit: you, who shall then
be seen in that situation wherein all the world
would wish the man whom they purposed to
betray: will they then spare you, Aristippus,
because you are a stranger? or, because the
public faith hath been given, that neither at
your entrance into, or going from the city, you
shall meet with any molestation? But perhaps
you think yourself of so little worth, that no
one will be found willing to purchase you’:
and in truth, Aristippus, I know not that’ man
who would wish to have such a slave in his
farnily, as would do nothing, and yet expect to
live well. But shall we see how masters gene-
rally manage such sort of people? If their
appetites and passions are very outrageous,
fasting is made use of to reduce them to order.
If they are inclined to take what does not be-
long to them, every thing valuable is kept care.
fully out of their way. If escape is meditated,
chains shall secure them: and when inclined to
be lazy, stripes are called in, to quicken their
motions. And you, Aristippus, if you disco-
vered such a slave among your domestics, in
what manner would you treat him ?”

“ I would certainly leave no sort of severity
untried,” said Aristippus, “ till I had brought
him to better manners. But let us return to
our first subject, Socrates ; and tell me, if you
please, wherein the happiness of sovereignty
consists, which you make such account of; if
pain and fatigue, and hunger and cold, and ten
thousand other inconveniences, not only pave
the way to it, but are afterwards the chosen
portion of the man who undertakes to command
others? As to my part, I see no greater dif-
ference between the strokes of the whip which
we give ourselves, and those laid on by the
order of another: for, if my body is to be tor-
tured, it matters not the hand by which it is
done: except that folly may also be added to

1 Those who fell into the hands of robbers were com-
monly sold by them for slaves.

541

the account, when the pain appears of our own
procuring.”

“ Js it so then, Aristippus, that you perceive
no difference between the things we submit to
voluntarily, and those we undergo, compelled
to it by some other? Now, he who through
choice abstains from his food may return to his
food whenever he pleases: and he who endures
thirst, because he is so minded, may, when
minded otherwise, as easily remove it: but the
case is not the same when we have constraint
to encounter. Besides, he who of his own
accord engages in what may be attended with
labour, hath the hopes of success to animate
him in the way, and the fatigue of the chase
never discourages the hunter.

“‘ But, if the prospect of acquiring what he is
in pursuit of, however worthless in itself, is
sufficient to make him regard neither thirst nor
hunger; what may not he, whose aim is to
procure the friendship of the good, conquer his
enemies, gain the command over himself, and
wisely govern his own family, benefit his friends,
serve his country? Will such a one shrink at
fatigue and pain? Rather, will he not court
them, while they add to the delight arising from
his own consciousness, and the united appro-
bation of those who best know him? And, to
show still farther how necessary labour and
pain are judged for all who would perform any
thing laudable ; it is a maxim of those who in-
struct youth, to regard the exercises that are
gone through with ease, or give pleasure on
their first performance, as of little worth;
whether in forming the body or improving the
mind: whereas those which require patience,
application, and labour, these are they which
prepare the man for illustrious deeds and noble
undertakings, as many who were excellent
judges have told us; and, among the rest,
Hesiod, for he speaks somewhere or other
after the following manner :

See Vice, preventing even thy wish, appears
To lead through down-hill paths and gay parterres,
Where Pleasure reigns ; while Virtue, decent maid,
Retires from view in yon sequester’d shade.
Craggy and steep the way that to her leads ;
Fatigue and pain, by order of the gods,
Stern sentry keep. But, if nor pain, nor toil,
Can check the generous ardour of thy soul,
Exert thy powers, nor doubt thy labour’s meed ;
Conquest and joy shall crown the glorious deed.’”? 2

2 These lines were translated by the same hand with
those of Theognis, in the first book,

542

Epicharmus saith likewise,
* Earn thy reward—the gods give nought to sloth.”
And again,

** Seek not the sweets of life, in life’s first bloom ;
They ill prepare us for the pain to come !”

And the wise Prodicus is also of the same
opinion ; for to him is the allegory given. Now
this writer tells us, to the best of my remem-
brance, ‘‘ that Hercules having attained to that
stage of life when man being left to the go-
vernment of himself, seldom fails to give cer-
tain indications whether he will walk in the
paths of virtue or wander through all the in-
tricacies of vice, perplexed and undetermined
what course to pursue, retired into a place
where silence and solitude might bestow on
him that tranquillity and leisure so necessary
for deliberation, when two women, of more
than ordinary stature, came on towards him.
The countenance of the one, open and amia-
ble, and elevated with an air of conscious dig-
nity. Her person was adorned with native
elegance, her look with modesty, every gesture
_ with decency, and her garments were alto-
gether of the purest white. The other was
comely, but bloated, as from too high living.
Affecting softness and delicacy, every look,
every action, was studied and constrained ;
while art contributed all its powers to give
those charms to her complexion and shape
which nature had denied her. Her look was
bold, the blush of modesty she was a stranger to,
and her dress was contrived, not to conceal, but
display those beauties she supposed herself pos-
sessed of. She would look round to see if any
observed her; and not only so, but she would
frequently stand still to admire her own sha-
dow. Drawing near to the place where the
hero sat musing, eager and anxious for the ad-
vantage of first accosting him, she hastily ran
forward ; while the person who accompanied
her moved on with her usual pace, equal and
majestic. Joining him, she said, ‘I know,
my Hercules ! you have long been deliberating
on the course of life you should pursue; en-
gage with me in friendship, and I will lead you
through those paths which are smooth and
flowery, where every delight shall court your
enjoyment, and pain and sorrow shall not once
appear. Absolved from all the fatigue of
business and the hardships of war, your em-
ployment shall be to share in the social plea-

MEMOIRS OF

SOCRATES.

sures of the table, or repose on beds of down
no sense shall remain without its gratification ;
beauty shall delight the eye and melody the ear,
and perfumes shall breathe their odours around
you. Nor shall your care be once wanted for
the procuring of these things : neither be afraid
lest time should exhaust your stock of joys,
and reduce you to the necessity of purchasing
new, either by the labour of body or mind: it
is to the toil of others that you alone shall owe
them! Seruple not, therefore, to seize what-
ever seemeth most desirable;' for this privilege
I bestow on all who are my votaries.’

““ Hercules, having heard so flattering an in-
vitation, demanded her name.—‘ My friends,’
said she, ‘call me Happiness ; but they who do
not love me endeavour to make me odious,
and therefore brand me with the name of Sen-
suality.’ ἢ

“ By this time the other person being arriy-
ed, thus addressed him in her turn :

“1 also, O Hercules! am come to offer you
my friendship, for I am no stranger to your
bigh descent ; neither was I wanting to remark
the goodness of your disposition in all the ex-
ercises of your childhood; from whence I
gather hopes, if you choose to follow where I
lead the way, it will not be long ere you have
an opportunity of performing many actions
glorious to yourself and honourable to me.
But I mean not to allure you with specious
promises of pleasure, I will plainly set before
you things as they really are, and show you in
what manner the gods think proper to dispose
them. Know therefore, young man, these
wise governors of the universe have decreed,
that nothing great, nothing excellent, shall be
obtained without care and labour. They give
no real good, no true happiness, on other terms. .
If, therefore, you would secure the fayour of
these gods, adore them. If you would concili-
ate to yourself the affection of your friends, be
of use to them. If to be honoured and re-
spected of the republic be your aim, show your
fellow-citizens how effectually you can serye
them. But if it is your ambition that all
Greece shall esteem you, let all Greece share

[BooK Ik.

1 This is finely imagined, to show how closely injus-
tice and oppression are connected with intemperance.

2 It is hoped the having chosen to denominate this
person by the word sensuality, rather than pleasure,
hitherto commonly used, may be allowed, as it seemed
that pleasure should always be considered, not as con-
trary to, but a sure atten‘ant on virtue.

MEMOIRS

the benefits arising from your labours. If you
wish for the fruits of the earth, cultivate it. If
for the increase of your flocks or your herds,
Jet your flocks and your herds have your at-
tendance and your care. And if your design
is to advance yourself by arms, if you wish for
the power of defending your friends, and sub-
duing your enemies, learn the art of war under
those who are well acquainted with it; and,
when learnt, employ it to the best advantage.
And if to have a body ready and well able to
perform what you wish from it be your desire,
subject yours to your reason, and let exer-
cise and hard labour give to it strength and
agility.’

“ At these words, as Prodicus informs us, the
other interrupted her :—‘ You see,’ said she,
‘my Hercules, the long, the laborious road
she means to lead you; but I can conduct you
to happiness by a path more short and easy.’

“ἐς Miserable wretch !’ replied Virtue, ‘ what
happiness canst thou boast of? Thou, who
wilt not take the least pains to procure it!
Doth not satiety always anticipate desire ?
Wilt thou wait till hunger invites thee to
eat, or stay till thou art thirsty before thou
drinkest? Or, rather, to give some relish to
thy repast, must not art be called in to sup-
ply the want of appetite? while thy wines,
though costly, can yield no delight, but the ice
in summer is sought for to cool and make them
grateful to thy palate! Beds of down, or the
softest couch, can procure no sleep for thee,
whom idleness inclines to seek for repose ; not
labour and fatigue, which alone prepare for it.
Nor dost thou leave it to nature to direct thee
in thy pleasures, but all is art and shameless
impurity. The night is polluted with riot and
crimes, while the day is given up to sloth and
inactivity : and, though immortal, thou art be-
come an outcast from the gods, and the con-
tempt and scorn of all good men. Thou
boastest of happiness, but what happiness canst
thou boast of ? Where was it that the.sweetest
of all sounds, the music of just self-praise,
ever reached thine ear? Or when couldst thou
view, with complacency and satisfaction, one
worthy deed of thy own performing? Is there
any one who will trust thy word, or depend
upon thy promise; or, if sound in judgment,
be of thy society? For, among thy followers,
which of them, in youth, are not altogether ef-
feminate and infirm of body? Which of them,
in age, not stupid and debilitated in every

OF SOCRATES.

543

faculty of the mind? While wasting their
prime in thoughtless indulgence, they prepare
for themselves all that pain and remorse so
sure to attend the close of such a life! Ashamed
of the past, afflicted with the present, they
weary themselves in bewailing that folly which
lavished on youth all the joys of life, and left
nothing to old age but pain and imbecility !

“¢ As for me, my dwelling is alone with the
gods and good men ; and, without me, nothing
great, nothing excellent, can be performed,
whether on earth or in the heavens ; so that
my praise, my esteem, is with all who know
me! 1 make the labour of the artist pleasant,
and bring to the father of his family security
and joy; while the slave, as his lord, is alike
my care. In peace I direct to the most useful
councils, in war approve myself a faithful ally;
and I only can tie the bond of indissoluble
friendship. Nor do my votaries even fail to
find pleasure in their repasts, though small
cost is wanted to furnish out their table; for
hunger, not art, prepares it for them; while
their sleep, which follows the labour of the
day, is far more sweet than whatever expense
can procure for idleness: yet, sweet as it is,
they quit it unreluctant when called by their
duty, whether to the gods or men. ‘The young
enjoy the applause of the aged, the aged are
reverenced and respected by the young. Equally
delighted with reflecting on the past, or con-
templating the present, their attachment to me
renders them favoured of the gods, dear to their
friends, and honoured by their country. And
when the fatal hour is arrived, they sink not,
like others, into an inglorious oblivion, but,
immortalized by fame, flourish for ever in the
grateful remembrance of admiring posterity !
Thus, O Hercules! thou great descendant of
a glorious race of heroes! thus mayest thou
attain that supreme felicity wherewith I have
been empowered to reward all those who will
ingly yield themselves up to my direction.’ ἢ

“See here my Aristippus,” continued So-
crates, “see here the advice which, Prodicus
tells us, Virtue gave the young hero. He
clothes it, as you may suppose, in more exalted
language than I have attempted ; but it will be
your wisdom if you endeavour to profit from
what he hath said, and consider at present what
may befall you hereafter.” ὅ :

3 One would have thought this single conversation
alone sufficient to have reclaimed Aristippus; but the

544

II. Socrates, seeing his eldest son Lampro-
cles enraged with his mother, spoke to him
in the following manner; ‘‘ Tell me, my son,”
said he, “did you ever hear of any who are
called ungrateful ?”

“ Many,” replied Lamprocles.

«Did you consider what gained them this
appellation ?”

“ They were called ungrateful, because, hav-
ing received favours, they refused to make any
return.”

** Ingratitude, then, should seem one species
of injustice !”

“ Most certainly.”

« Have you ever examined thoroughly what
this sort of injustice is? Or do you think,
Lamprocles, because we are only said to be
unjust when we treat our friends ill, not so when
we injure our enemies ; therefore we are in-
deed unjust when we are ungrateful to our
friends, but not so when only ungrateful to our
enemies ?”

“41 have considered it thoroughly,” replied
Lamprocles ; “and am convinced, that to be
ungrateful, is to be unjust ; whether the object

of our ingratitude be friend or foe.”

“Jf then,” continued Socrates, “ ingratitude
is injustice, it will follow, that the greater the
benefit of which we are unmindful, the more
we are unjust ?”

«“ Most assuredly.”

“ But where shall we find the person who
hath received from any one, benefits so great
or 80 many, as children from their parents?
To them it is they owe their very existence ;
and, in consequence of this, the capacity of
beholding all the beauties of nature, together
with the privilege of partaking of those various
blessings which the gods have so bountifully
dispensed to all mankind. Now these are ad-
vantages universally held so inestimable, that
to be deprived of them exciteth our very strong-
est abhorrence; an abhorrence well under-
stood, when the wisdom of the legislator
made death to be the punishment of the most

badness of his disposition, like to that of Critias and
Alcibiades, prevailed over the precepts of Socrates, illus-
trated as they were by the beautiful picture borrowed
from Prodicus. He became afterwards the founder of
a sect of philosophers, whose leading tenet was, ‘‘ that
man was born for pleasure, and that virtue is only so far
laudable as it conduces thereto.”? One of his disciples
taught publicly, that there were no gods:—a short and
easy transition from vice and sensuality to atheism.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book I.

atrocious crimes: rightly judging, that the ter-
ror wherewith every one beheld it, would serve
the most powerfully to deter from the commis-
sion of such offences, as they saw must bring
upon them this greatest of all evils.
shouldst thou suppose it sensuality alone which
induceth mankind to enter into marriage, since
not a street but would furnish with other means
for its gratification: but our desire is to find
out one wherewith to unite ourselves, from

whom we may reasonably expect a numerous |

and a healthful progeny. The husband then
turneth his thoughts in what manner he may

best maintain the wife whom he hath thus _

chosen, and make ample provision for his chil-
dren yet unborn; while she, on her part, with
the utmost danger to herself, bears about with
her, for a long time, a most painful burden.
To this she imparts life and nourishment, and
brings it into the world with inexpressible an-
guish: nor doth her task end here ; she is still
to supply the food that must afterward support
it. She watches over it with tender affection ;
attends it continually with unwearied care, al-
though she hath received no benefit from it ;
neither doth it yet know to whom it is thus in-
debted. She seeks, as it were, to divine its
wants: night or day her solicitude and labour
know no intermission ; unmindful of what here-
after may be the fruit of all her pain. After-
ward, when the children are arrived at an age
capable to receive instruction, how doth each
parent endeavour to instil into their minds the
knowledge which may best conduce to their fu-
ture well-doing! And if they hear of any bet-
ter qualified than themselves for this important
task, to these they send them, without regard
to the expense; so much do they desire the

happiness of their children !”

ἐς Certain it is,” replied Lamprocles, “al-
though my mother had done this, and a thou-
sand times more, no man could bear with so
much ill humour.”

“Do not you think it easier to bear the anger
of a mother, than that of a wild beast ?”

«No, not of such a mother.”

« But what harm hath she done you? Hath
she kicked you, or bit you, as wild beasts do
when they are angry ?”

“ No, but she utters such things as no one

can bear from any body.”

« And you, Lamprocles, what have you not
made this mother bear, with your continual
cries and untoward restlessness! what fatigue

Neither

\

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

in the day ! what disturbance in the night ! and
what pangs when sickness at any time seized
you!”

“Βαϊ, however, I never did or said any thing
to make her ashamed of me.”

** It is well... But why, Lamprocles, should
you be more offended with your mother, than
people on the stage are with one another?
.There is nothing so injurious or reproachful
.that these do not often say, yet no one becomes
outrageous against the man whom he hears
threaten and revile him, because he well knows
he intends him no real injury: but you, although
you as well know that no hurt is designed you,
but, on the contrary, every kindness, you fly
out into rage against your mother; or, perhaps,
you suppose she intended you some harm ?”

“ Not at all,” replied Lamprocles ; “6 I never
once suspected any such matter.”

** What ! a mother who thus loves you! who,
when you are sick, spareth no means, no pains
fer your recovery ; whose care is to supply your
every want; and whose vows to the gods are
so frequent on your behalf! Is she harsh and
cruel? Surely the man who cannot bear with
such a mother, cannot bear with that which is
most for his advantage. But tell me,” con-
tinued Socrates, “doth it seem to you at all
necessary to show respect or submission to any
one whatsoever? Or are you indeed conscious
of such a degree of self-sufficiency, as makes it
needless to pay any regard, whether to magis-
trate or general ?”

“850 far from it,” said Lamprocles, “ I en-
deavour all I can to recommend myself to my
superiors.”

«« Perhaps, too, you would cultivate the good-
will of your neighbour, that he may supply you
with fire from his hearth, when you want it ; or
yield you ready assistance, when any accident
befalls you ?”

“1 would, most surely.”

“ And if you were to go a journey, or a
voyage with any one, it would not be indifferent
to you, whether they loved or hated you 2”

“No, certainly !” :

“ Wretch! to think it right to endeavour to
gain the good-will of these people ; and suppose
you are to do nothing for a mother, whose love
for you so far exceeds that of any other! Surely
you have forgot, that while every other kind of
ingratitude is passed over unnoticed by the
magistrate, those who refuse to return good
offices, in any other case, being only punished

545

with the contempt of their fellow-citizens ; the
man who is wanting in respect to his parents,
for this man public punishments are appointed ; '
the laws yield him no longer their protection ;
neither is he permitted any share in the ad-
ministration, since they think no sacrifice of-
fered by a hand so impious, can be acceptable
to the gods, or beneficial to man: and conclude
the mind so altogether degenerate, equally in-
capable of undertaking any thing great, or exe-
cuting any thing justly. For such, too, as
neglect to perform the rites of sepulture for
their parents, for these, the same punishments
have been allotted by the laws: and particular
regard is had to these points, when inquiry is
made into the lives and behaviour of those who
offer themselves candidates for any public em-
ployment. You, therefore, O my son! will
not delay, if wise, to entreat pardon of the
gods; lest they, from whom your ingratitude
cannot be hid, should turn away their favour
from you: and be you likewise careful to con-
ceal it from the eyes of men, that you find not
yourself forsaken by all who know you ; for no
one will expect a return to his kindness, how-
ever considerable, from him who can show
himself unmindful of what he oweth to his
parents.”

III. Socrates having observed that Chere-
phon and Cherecrates, two brothers, with whom
he was acquainted, were at variance, he wished
very much to reconcile them to each other. To
which end, meeting one of them, he said to |
him, “* What, are you then, Cherecrates, one
of those mercenary kind of people, who prefer
riches to a brother, and forget that these being
only inanimate things, require much vigilance
and care to protect them; whereas a brother
endued with reason and reflection, is able to
give assistance and protection to you? And, be-
sides, brothers are somewhat less plentiful than
gold! It is strange a man should think himself
injured because he cannot enjoy his brother’s
fortune! Why not equally complain of injury
done him by the rest of his fellow-citizens, be-
cause the wealth of the whole community doth
not centre in him alone? But in this case they
can argue right, and easily see that a moderate
fortune secured by the mutual aid of society, is
much better than the riches of a whole city

1 Neither was this confined to their immediate pa.
rents, but equally understood of their grandfathers,
grandmothers, and other progenitors.—Potter’s Antig.

324

546

attended with the dangers to which solitude
would expose them, yet admit not this reason-
ing in regard to a brother. If rich, they buy
slaves in abundance to serve them: they en-
deavour all they can to gain friends to support
them ; but make at the same time no account
of a brother, as if nearness in blood disqualified
for friendship! Buf surely, to be born of the
same parents, and educated in the same house,
ought rather to be considered as so many
powerful cements, since even wild beasts them-
selves show some inclination to animals they
are brought up with. And besides, Chere-
crates, he who hath a brother, is much more
regarded than he who hath none; his enemies
too will be the less forward to molest him.”

“1 will not deny,” replied Cherecrates,
“that a brother, when such as he should be,
is, as you say, an inestimable treasure, and
therefore we ought to bear long with one an-
other, so far from quarrelling on every slight
occasion ; but when this brother fails in every
particular, and is indeed the very reverse of all
he ought to be, to keep on terms with such a
one, is next to an impossibility.”

“ Your brother then, my Cherecrates, is
displeasing to every one? Or are there some
to whom he can make himself very agreeable ?”

“Therefore he the more deserves my ha-
tred,” said Chzrecrates, “because wherever
he comes he fails not to make himself pleasing
to others ; whereas, he seems to aim at nothing
but displeasing me.”

«“ But may not this happen, Cherecrates,
from your not knowing how to converse pro-
perly with a brother? As the horse, not un-
tractable to others, becomes altogether un-
manageable to the unskilful rider.”

“ And why-should I, who well know how
to return any kindness shown me either in
words or actions, be supposed ignorant in what
manner to behave properly to a brother? No:
but when I see a man catch at every oppor-
tunity to vex and disoblige me, shall I, after
this, show kindness to such a one? ΣΕ cannot,
Socrates ; nor will I even attempt it!”

** You surprise me, Cherecrates! Suppose
you had a dog who watched and defended your
sheep diligently ; this dog fawns and caresses
your shepherds, but snarls at you whenever
you come near him. What do you on this
occasion? Fly out into rage? Or endeavour,
by kindness, to reconcile him to you? You
acknowledge a brother, when such as he ought

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book I.

to be, an invaluable treasure: you say you are
not unacquainted with the arts of conciliating
favour and affection, but yet are resolved to
employ none of them to prea the love of Che-
rephon !”

“41 do not believe, Socrates, I have arts suf-
ficient to succeed in such an attempt.”

«« And yet I should imagine,” said Socrates,
“no new one necessary: practise only those
you are already master of, and you will find
them sufficient to regain his affection.”

“ 1 you know what these are, of favour in- -
form me,” replied Cherecrates ; “ for they are
unknown to me.”

“ Suppose, Cherecrates, you wished some
friend to invite you to his feast when he of-
fered sacrifice ; what means would you take to
induce him thereto.”

*‘ Invite him to one of mine.”

ἐς And if you wanted him, in your absence,
to manage your affairs, what then ?”

“41 would try what I could to engage his
gratitude, by first rendering him the service I
wished to receive.”

“ But, suppose you desired to secure for
yourself an hospitable reception in some foreign
country, what would you do ?”

“ When any of that place came to Athens,
I would invite them to my house,” said Che-
recrates ; “and would spare no pains to assist
them in despatching the business they came
for, that they, when 1 went thither, might help
me in return to expedite mine.”

“Ts it so then!” replied Socrates; “and
are you so well skilled in all the arts of con-
ciliating favour and affection, yet know no-
thing of the matter? But you are afraid,
Cherecrates, of making the first advances to
your brother, lest it should degrade you in the
opinion of those who hear it? Yet surely it
ought not to be less glorious for a man to anti-
cipate his friends in courtesy and kind offices,
than get the start of his enemies in injuries
and annoyance! Had I thought Cherephon
as well disposed as you towards a reconcilia-
tion, I should have endeavoured to have pre-
vailed on him to make the first advances ; but
you seemed to me the better leader in this
affair ; and I fancied success the most likely to
ensue from it.”

“ Nay, now, Socrates,” cried out oe cemciaes

“ you certainly speak not with your usual wis-
dom. What! would you have me, who am
the youngest, make overtures to my brother -

MEMOTRS OF SOCRATES.

when in all nations it is the undoubted privilege
of the first-born to lead the way ?”

«“ How!” replied Socrates; “is it not the
custom every where for the younger to yield
precedency to the elder? Must not he rise at
his approach and give to him the seat which is
most honourable; and hold his peace till he
hath done speaking? Delay not therefore, my
Cherecrates, to do what I advise: use your
endeavour to appease your brother; nor doubt
his readiness to return your love. He is am-
bitious of honour ; he hath a nobleness of dis-
position : sordid souls, indeed, are only to be
moved by mercenary motives; but the brave
and liberal are ever best subdued by courtesy
and kindness,”

“But suppose, my Socrates, when I have
acted as you advise, my brother should behave
no better than he has done ?”

‘Should it prove so, Cherecrates, what
other harm can arise to you from it, than that
of having shown yourself a good man, and a
good brother to one whose badness of temper
makes him undeserving of your regard? But I
have no apprehension of so unfavourable an
issue to this matter ; rather, when your brother
shall see it your intention to conquer by cour-
tesy, he himself will strive to excel in so noble
a contest. As it is, nothing can be more de-
plorable than your present situation; it being
no other than if these hands, ordained of God
for mutual assistance, should so far forget their
office, as mutually to impede each other: or
these feet, designed by Proyidence for a re.
ciprocal help, should entangle each other to the
hinderance of both. But surely, it shows no
less our ignorance and folly, than works
our harm, when we thus turn those things into
evil which were not created but for our good.
And, truly, I regard a brother as one of the
best blessings that God hath bestowed on us ;
two brothers being more profitable to each
other than two eyes or two feet, or any other
of those members which have been given to us
in pairs, for partners and helps, as it were, to
each other by a bountiful Providence. For,
whether we consider the hands or feet, they
assist not each other unless placed at no great
distance : and even our eyes, whose power evi-
dently appears of the widest extent, are yet un-
able to take in, at one and the same view, the
front and the reverse of any one object whatso-
ever, though placed ever so near them: but no
situation can hinder brothers, who live in

547
amity, from rendering one another the most
essential services.”

IV. I also remember a discourse that So-
crates once held concerning friendship ; which
I think could not but greatly benefit his
hearers; since he not only taught us how
we might gain friends, but how to behave
towards them when gained. On this occa-
sion he observed, “that although the gener-
ality of mankind agreed in esteeming a firm
and virtuous friend an invaluable possession,
yet were there very few things about which
they gave themselves less trouble. They were
diligent, he said, to purchase houses and lands,
and slaves, and flocks, and household goods ;
and, when purchased, would take no little pains
to preserve them; but were no way solicitous
either to purchase or preserve a friend, however
they might talk of the advantages of having
one. Nay, he had seen people, who, if they
had a friend and a slave sick at the same time,
would send for the physician, and try every means
to recover the slave, while the friend was left
to take care of himself ; and, if both died, it
was easy to see how each stood in their esti-
mation, Of all their possessions this alone
was neglected: they would even suffer it to be
lost,for want of a little attention.! Their es-
tates here and there they could with readiness
point out to you ; but ask them of their friends,
how many and what they are, and you reduce
them to some difficulty. The number, though
acknowledged small, is more than they can well
make out to you; so little do these people con-
cern themselves about the matter. And yet,
what possession shall be placed in competition
with a friend? What slave so affectionate to
our persons, or studious of our interest? What
horse able to render us such service? From
whence, or from whom, can we at all times and

1 One proof we have of this want of attention, even
in Pericles himself ; and which possibly Socrates might
have in his eye, though, out of respect to his memory,
he forbore to mention it ; for he suffered Anaxagoras,
to whom he stood indebted for so much useful know-
ledge both in philosophy and politics, to be reduced to
such distress, that, partly from want, and partly from
vexation, he determined to starve himself to death : and
having muffled up his head in his cloak, he threw him-
self on the ground to expect its coming. Indeed, Peri-
cles no sooner heard of this bat he flew to his assistance ;
begging him to live, and bewailing his own loss, in case
he was deprived of so wise a counsellor. When, open-
ing his cloak, the philosopher, in a feebleand low voice,
said to him, * Ah, Pericles! they who need a lamp, do
not neglect to supply it with oil!” A gentle reproof ;
but therefore the more piercing to an ingenuous mind.

548

on every occasion receive so many and such
essential benefits ? Are we ata loss in our own
private affairs, or in those the public have in-
trusted to our management? A friend will
supply every deficiency. Do we wish for the
pleasure of giving assistance to some other? A
friend will furnish us with the power. Are we
threatened with danger? He flies to our as-
sistance ; for he not only dedicates his fortune
to our service, but his life to our defence.—
Do we purpose to persuade? His eloquence
is ever ready to second all we say.-_Are we
compelled to contend? Hisarm is ever found
among the foremost to assist us. He doubles
the joy which prosperity brings, and makes the
load of affliction less heavy. Our hands, our
feet, our eyes, can yield us small service in
comparison to that we receive from a friend ;
for what we are not able to do for ourselves :
that which we neither see, nor hear, nor think
of, when our own interest is the question, a
friend will perceive, and perform for us. And
yet, this friend, whilst the plant that promiseth
us fruit shall be carefully cultivated, this friend
we neglect to nourish and improve; though
where else the tree from whence such fruit is
to be found !”

V. I remember likewise another discourse
of his, wherein he exhorteth his hearers to look
well into themselves, and see in what estima-
tion they might reasonably hope their friends
should hold them. For, having observed one
of his followers desert a friend when op-
pressed with penury, he thus questioned An-
tisthenes in the presence of the man, together
with many others: “ Pray, say, Antisthenes,
is it allowable to value our friends as we do
our slaves: for one of these we perhaps rate at
five mina ;' while we think another dear at two ;
these again we will give ten for ; and for some,
it may be, twenty; nay, it is said that Nicias,
the son of Nicerates, gave no less than a whole
talent* for one he intended to set over his
mines. May we estimate our friends in the
same manner ?”

“JT think we may,” replied Antisthenes ;
‘for, while I know some whose affection I
would purchase at no mean price, there are
others whom J would scarcely thank for theirs,
if I might have it for nothing. And there are,
my Socrates, whose favour and friendship I

1 The Attic mina, worth three pounds sterling.
2 The talent, worth sixty mina.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES

[BOOK II.

should be glad to secure, though at the expense
of the last farthing.”

“ἐ If this is the case,” replied Socrates, “it
behoves us not a little to consider of how much
worth we really are to our friends ; at the same
time that we use our diligence to raise our
value with them as much as we can, that they
may not lay us aside like useless lumber. For
when I hear this man cry out, ‘My friend
hath deserted me;’ and another cornplain,
‘that one whom he thought most strongly at-
tached to him, had sold his friendship for some
trifling advantage, I am inclined to ask,
Whether, as we are glad to get rid of a bad
slave at any rate, so we may not wish to do
the same by a worthless friend ? since, after all,
we seldom hear of the good friend being fo1-
saken, any more than of the good slave wanting
a master.”

VI. And here, on the other hand, I will re-
late a conversation Socrates once had with
Critobulus ; from whence we may learn to try
our friends, and find out such as are worthy of "
our affection.

“ἐ Suppose,” said he, “ Critobulus, we want-
ed to choose a worthy friend, what should be
our method of proceeding in this matter?
Should we not beware of one much addicted
to high living ? to wine or women ? or of a lazy
disposition ? since, enslaved to such vices, no
man could be of use either to himself, or any
other.” ὁ

“ Certainly.”

«« Suppose we met with a man whose posses-
sions being small, he is yet most lavish in his
expenses ; who stands daily in need of his
friend’s purse, as a necessary supply for his own
profusion ; with whom, however, all that is lent
is lost ; yet, whom to refuse is most deadly to
offend: Would not such a one prove rather
troublesome, think you?”

«“ No doubt, Socrates.”

«ς And if there was a person, provident in-
deed enough, but withal so covetous, as never
to be content unless he hath the advantage of
you on every occasion ?”

«1 think of him worse than of the other.”

« But what do you say to the man, Critobu-
lus, who is so much bent on making a fortune,
as to mind nothing but what serves to that
end ?” :

(1 say, leave him to himself,” returned Cri-
tobulus ; “ since it is sure he will never be of

| use to any other.” :

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

** And suppose one of so turbulent a dispo-
sition, as to be daily engaging his friends in
some quarrel on his account ?”

“41 would keep clear of such a one, most
certainly, my Socrates.”

« But what if the man were free from these
defects, and had only such a sort of selfishness
belonging to him, as made him always ready to
receive favours, not at all solicitous about re-
turning any ?”

“ Why certainly,” replied Critobulus, “ no
person would wish to have any thing to say to
such aone. But, my Socrates,” continued he,
“since none of these people will serve our
purpose, show me, I desire you, what sort of
man he must be whom we should endeavour to
make a friend of ?”

“1 suppose,” said Socrates, “he should be
the very reverse of all we have been saying:
moderate in his pleasures, a strict observer of
his word, fair and open in all his dealings ; and
who will not suffer even his friend to surpass
him in generosity ; so that all are gainers with
whom he hath to do.” }

« But how shall we find sucha one,” said
Critobulus ; “or make trial of these virtues
and vices, without running some hazard by the
experiment ?”

« When you are inquiring out the best statu-
ary, Critobulus, you trust not to the pretences
of any, but examine the performances of all ;
and conclude that he who hath hitherto excel-
led, gives the best grounded assurance of ex-
celling for the future.”

“So you would have us infer, Socrates, that
he who hath already discharged the duties of a
good friend towards those with whom he hath
been formerly connected will not fail to do the
same when connected with you?”

* Undoubtedly,” my Critobulus: “just as I
should infer, that the groom who hath taken
proper care of your horses, will do the same by
mine, whenever I send him any.”

« But,” my Socrates, “ when we have found
out aman whom we judge proper to make a
friend of, what means may we use to engage
his affection ?”

“ In the first place,” returned Socrates, “ we
must consult the gods, whether it be agreeable to
_ their will that we engage in friendship with him.”

«But suppose the gods disapprove not of
our choice, what way shall we take to obtain
his favour ?”

ἐς Not hunt him down, Critobulus, as we do

549

hares ; nor catch him by stratagem, as we do
birds ; neither are we to seize him by force, as
we are wont to serve our enemies ; for it would
prove an arduous task to make a man your
friend in spite of inclination. To shut him up
like a criminal might create aversion, but
would never conciliate favour and esteem.”

“ But what must we do then ?”

“1 have heard,” said Socrates, “of certain
words that have all the force in them of the
most powerful charms. There are likewise
other arts, wherewith such as know them sel-
dom fail to allure to themselves whomsoever
they please.”

«“ And where can we learn these words ?”
said Critobulus.

«“ You know the song the Syrens used to
charm Ulysses? It begins with,

“Ὁ stay, O pride of Greece, Ulysses stay "ἢ
Pope’s Odyssey.

“1 do know it, Socrates. But-did they not
mean to detain others by these charms, as well
as Ulysses ?”

«“ Not at all, Critobulus; words like these
are only designed to allure noble souls, and
lovers of virtue.”

“1 begin to understand you,” said Critobu-
lus; “and perceive the charm which operates
so powerfully, is praise: but, in order to make
it effectual, we must bestow it with discretion,
lest ridicule should seem intended by us, rather
than applause. And, indeed, to commend a
man for his beauty, his strength, or his stature,
who knows himself to be weak, little, and de-
formed, would be to incur his resentment, not
conciliate his affection ; and make mankind not
seek but shun our society.—But do you know
of no other charms ?”

‘No: I have heard, indeed, that Pericles
had many, wherewith he charmed the city, and
gained the love of all men.” ;

“ΒΥ what means did Themistocles procure
the affection of his fellow-citizens ?”

** By no incantations, most certainly,” re-
plied Socrates ; “if you except that of serving
the state.”

“ You would insinuate then, my Socrates,
that, in order to obtain a virtuous friend, we
must endeavour first of all to be ourselves vir-
tuous ?”

‘< Why, can you suppose, Critobulus, that a
bad man can gain the affection of a good one ?”

‘And yet,” said Critobulus, “I have seen
many a sorry rhetorician live in great harmony

550 MEMOIRS OF

with the best orator in Athens: and a general,
perfectly well skilled in the art of war, shall
admit others to his intimacy, who know no-
thing of the matter.”

«« But did you ever see a man, Critobulus,
who had no one good quality to recommend
him ;—for that is the question ;—did you ever
see such a one gain a friend of distinguished

clear, Socrates, that those who have much
merit, and they who have none, can never
unite together in friendship ; are the virtuous
equally sure of being beloved by all the virtu-
ous ?”

« You are led into this inquiry, my Critobu-
lus, from observing that the great and the good,
although alike enemies to vice, and equally en-
gaged in the pursuit of glory, are so far from
expressing their mutual good-will, that enmity
and opposition sometimes prevail among them ;
and are with more difficulty reconciled to each
other, than even the most worthless and vile of
all mankind. This you see, and are concern-
ed at.”

“1 am so,” replied Critobulus; “and the
more, as I observe this not confined to parti-
culars, but communities: those, too, where
vice finds its greatest discouragement, and vir-
tue its best reward ; even these shall engage in
hostilities against each other! Now when I
see this, my Socrates, I almost despair to find
a friend; for where shall I seek one? Not
among the vicious ; for, how can one who is
ungrateful, profuse, avaricious, idle, intempe-
rate, faithless, be a friend? He may hate, but
eannot love. . Neither yet is it more possible
for the virtuous and the vicious to unite in the
bonds of amity; since, what concord can sub-
sist between those who commit crimes, and
they who abhor them? And if, after this, we
are to add the virtuous; if ambition can sow
enmity among the best of men; if these, de-
sirous all of the highest places, can envy and
oppose each other, where can friendship be
found? or where the asylum on earth for
fidelity and affection ?”

«“ My Critobulus,” answered Socrates, “ we
shall find it no easy matter to investigate this
point. Man is made up of contrarieties. In-
clined to friendship from the want he finds in
himself of friends, he compassionates the suf-
ferer ; he relieves the necessitous ; and finds

abilities 2” ;
“1 do not know I ever did. But if it is so
complacency and satisfaction, whether his turn ]

SOCRATES. |

is to receive or confer an obligation. But as
one and the same thing may be an object of de-
sire to many; strife, enmity, and ill-will, be-
come thereby unavoidable: benevolence is ex-
tinguished by avarice and ambition; and envy
fills the heart, which till then was all affection !
But friendship can make its way, and surmount
every obstacle, to unite the just and good. For
virtue will teach these to be contented with
their own possessions, how moderate soever:
nay, infinitely prefer them to the empire of the
world, if not to be bad without hatred and con-
tention. Assisted by this, they willingly en-
dure the extreme of thirst and hunger, rather
than injure, or bear hard on any ; nor ean love
itself, even when the most violent, transport
them beyond the rules of decency and good
order. They are satisfied with whatever the
laws have allotted them : and so far from de-
siring to encroach on the rights of others, they
are easily inclined to resign many of their own.
If disputes arise, they are soon accommodated,
to the contentment of each party: anger never
rises so high, as to stand in need of repentance ;
nor can envy once find admission into the
minds of those who live in a mutual communi-
cation of their goods ; and plead a kind of right
in whatever a friend possesses. Hence, there-
fore, we may be very sure, that virtuous men
will not oppose, but assist each other in the
discharge of the public offices. Those, indeed,
who only aim at highest honours, and posts of
the greatest power, that they may accumulate
wealth, riot in luxury, and oppress the people,
are too profligate and unjust to live in concord
with any: but he who aspires to an honourable
employment, for no other end than to secure
himself from oppression, protect his friends, and
serve his country; what should hinder his
uniting with those whose intentions are no
other? Would it render him less able to ac.
complish these designs? Or would not his
power become so much the more extensive,
from haying the wise and good associate in the
same cause with him? In the public games,
continued Secrates, “ we permit not the skilful
and the strong, to unite themselves together,
as knowing that in so doing they must bear
away the prize in every contention: but here,
in the administration of the public affairs, we
have no law to forbid the honest from joining
with the honest; who are generally, too, the
most able; and on that accuunt to be chosen
rather for associates than opponents. LDe-

[Book 11.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

sides, since contentions will arise, confederates
should be sought for ; and the greater number
will be necessary, if those who oppose us have
courage and ability. For this purpose, and to
make those whom we engage the more zealous
in serving us, favours and good offices are to be
dispensed with a liberal hand: and even pru-
dence will direct us to prefer the virtuous, as
not being many : besides, evil men are always
found insatiable. But however this may be,
my Critobulus, take courage; make yourself,
in the first place, a virtuous man, and then
boldly set yourself to gain the affection of the
virtuous ; and this is achase wherein I may be
able to assist you, being myself much inclined
to love. Now, whenever I conceive an affec-
tion for any, I rest not till it becomes recipro-
cal; but, borne forward towards them by the
most ardent inclination, I strive to make my
company equally desirable. And much the
same management will you find necessary, my
Critobulus, whenever you would gain the
friendship of any: conceal not, therefore, from
me the person whose affection you most desire.
For, as I have made it my study to render my-
self pleasing to those who are pleasing to me,
I believe Iam not ignorant of some of the arts
best calculated for such a purpose.”

“ And I,” replied Critobulus, “have long
been desirous of receiving some instructions
herein; and more especially if they will help
me to gain the affection of those who are de-
sirable on account of the beauty of their persons
as well as the graces of their minds.”

‘‘ But all compulsion is entirely excluded my
scheme,” continued Socrates; “and I verily

believe,” says he, “ that the reason why all men }

fled the wretched Scylla, was, from her em-
ploying no other means; since we see them
easily detained by the Syren’s song; and, for-
getful of every thing, yield themselves up to
the enchanting harmony.”

«¢ Be assured, Socrates,” said Critobulus, “ I
shall never think of taking any man’s affection
by storm: of favour, therefore, proceed, I be-
seech you, to your instructions.”

“‘ You must promise me, likewise, to keep
at a proper distance, and not give way to over-
much fondness.”

“61 shall make no great difficulty to promise
you this, Socrates, provided the people are not
very handsome,”

‘And those who are so will be in less

551
danger, as far less likely to suffer you than
those who are more plain.”

** Well, I will not transgress in this point,”
said Critobulus; “only let me know how I
may gain a friend.”

* You must permit me then,” said Socrates,
“to tell him how much you esteem him, and
how great your desire to become one of his
friends.”

“ Most readily, my Socrates; since I never
knew any one displeased with another for think-
ing well of him.”

«“ And that your observation of his virtue
hath raised in you great affection of his person ;
Would you think I did amiss, and might hurt
you in the man’s opinion ?”

“ΤΊ very reverse, I should imagine ; for I
find in myself a more than ordinary affection
towards those who express an affection for
me.”

“1 may go then so far in speaking of you to
those you love: but will you allow me to pro-
ceed, Critobulus, and assure them, that the
sweetest pleasure you know is in the conversa-
tion of virtuous friends ? ‘That you are constant
in your care of them? ‘That you behold their ho-
nourable achievements with no less satisfaction
and complacency than if you yourself had per-
formed them, and rejoice at their prosperity in
like manner as at your own? That, in the ser-
vice of a friend, you can feel no weariness, and
esteem it no less honourable to surpass him in.
generosity than your enemy in arms? By this,
or something like this, I doubt not to facilitate
your way to the forming of many very excel-
lent friendships.”

« But why do you ask my leave, Socrates, as
if you were not at liberty to say what ho
please of me ?”

ἐς Not so,” returned Socrates ; “for I have
often heard Aspasia! declare, that matechmakers
succeed pretty weli if they keep to the truth in

1 A person well known on the account of her eloquence
and her illustrious pupils ; for both Pericles and Socrates
attended her lectures. Her conversation was not more
brilliant than solid; uniting the symmetry arising
from art, with the vehemence and warmth which flows
from nature. She is generally allowed to have compos-
ed the famous Funeral Oration which Pericles pro-
nounced with so much applause, in honour of those who
fell in the Samian war. She was likewise well versed
in many other parts of useful knowledge ; particularly
politics and natural philosophy. — Plutarch's Life of
Pericles.

552 MEMOTRS

what they say of each party ; whereas, if false-
hood is employed, nothing but vexation can en-
sue ; for they who have been deceived hate one
‘another, and these most of ali who brought
them together. Now, I hold this observation
of Aspasia to be right, and not less to concern
the point in question: and, therefore, I think
I cannot urge any thing in your behalf, Cri-
tobulus, which strict truth will not make
good.”

“ Which is as much as to say,” replied Cri-
tobulus, “ that if I have good qualities sufficient
to make myself beloved, I may then have your
helping hand: but, otherwise, you are not so
very much my friend as to be at the trouble to
feign any for me.”

“And by which of these methods shall I
best serve you, Critobulus ἢ Bestowing on you
some praise, which, after all, is not your due,
or exhorting you to act in such a manner as
may give you a just claim to it, and that from
all mankind? Let us examine the matter, if
you are still doubtful. Suppose I should re-
commend you to the master of a ship, asa
skilful pilot, and on this you were admitted to
direct at the helm, must not destruction to
yourself, as well as the loss of the ship, be the
inevitable consequence? Or suppose I speke
of you everywhere as a great general, or able
statesman, and you, on the credit of this false
representation, were called to determine causes,
preside in the council, or command the army,
would not your own ruin be involved in that of
your country? Nay, were I only to commend
you as a good economist to my neighbour, and
thereby procure for you the management of his
affairs, and the care of his family, would not
you expose yourself to much ridicule, at the
same time that you were exposing him to ruin?
But the surest, as the shortest way, to make
yourself beloved and honoured, my Critobulus,
is to be indeed the very man you wish to ap-
pear. Set yourself, therefore, diligently to the
attaining of every virtue, and you will find, on
experience, that no one of them whatsoever
but will flourish and gain strength when pro-
perly exercised. This is the counsel I have
to give you, my Critobulus. But, if you are
of a contrary opinion, let me know it, I en-
treat you.”

‘“* Far from it,” replied Critobulus ; “ and I
should only bring shame upon myself by con-
tradicting you, since thereby I should contra-
dict the sure principles of truth and yirtue.”

OF SOCRATES.

[Book II.

VII. Socrates had the greatest tenderness
for his friends. Had ignorance or imprudence

_brought them into difficulties, Socrates, by his

good advice, would often set them at ease.
Or, if sinking under poverty, he would pro-
cure to them relief, by pressing upon others
the duty of mutual assistance. |

I will give some instances of his sentiments
on such occasions.

Perceiving on a time a deep melancholy on
the countenance of one of his friends, “ You
seem oppressed,” said he, “ Aristarchus ; but
impart the cause of it to your friends; they
may be able to relieve you.’

** Tam indeed,” said Aristarchus, “ oppressed
with no small difficulty: for since our late
troubles, many of our men being fled for shelter
to the Pireus, the women belonging to them
have all poured down upon me; so that I have
at present no less than fourteen sisters, and
aunts, and cousins, all to provide for! Now,
you know, my Socrates, we can receive no
profit from our lands; for these our enemies
have got into their possession: nor yet from
our shops and houses in the city ; since Athens
hath scarcely an inhabitant left init. Nobody
to be found neither to purchase our wares ; no-
body to lend us money, at what interest so-
ever: so that a man may as well hope to find
it in the very streets as to borrow it any where.
Now, what am I to do, my Socrates, in this
case? It would be cruel not to relieve our re-
lations in their distress ; and yet, in a time of
such general desolation, it is impossible for me
to provide for so great a number.”

Socrates having patiently heard out his com-
plaint,—“ Whence comes it,” said he, “ that
we see Ceramo not only provide for a large
family, but even become the richer by their
very means ; while you, Aristarchus, are afraid
of being starved to death, because some addi-
tion hath been lately made to yours ?”

« The reason is plain,” replied Aristarchus ;
«« Ceramo’s people are all slaves ; whereas those
with me are every one of them free.”

« And which, in your opinion, do you rate
the highest ? Ceramo’s slaves, or the free peo-
ple your house is filled with ?”

« There can be no comparison.”

«< But is it not then a shame,” said Socrates,
“that your people, who so far exceed in worth,
should reduce you to beggary, whilst those with
Ceramo make him a rich man ?”

« Not at all,” replied Aristarchus; “the

| MEMOIRS

slaves with him have been brought up to trades ;
but those I speak of had a liberal education.”

“ May we be said to be masters of some
trade when we understand how to make things
which are useful ?”

“Νο doubt of it.”

‘¢ Is flour or bread useful ?”

“ς Certainly.”

« And clothes, whether for men or women,
are they useful ?”

‘ Who doubts it ?” said Aristarchus.

‘“ But the people with you are altogether ig-
norant of these things ?”

τς So far from it,” replied Aristarchus, “ that
I question not their being able to perform any
one of them.”

« But of what are you afraid then, my Aris-.
tarchus. Nausycides with one of these can
maintain himself and family ; and not only so,
but buy flocks and herds, and accommodate the
republic with a round sum on occasion: Cy-
ribes also supports his household in ease and
affluence by making bread: Demeas, the Col-
lytensian, his, by making cassocks: Menon,
his, by making of cloaks: and the Megaren-
sians theirs, by making of short jackets.”

“ That is true,” interrupted Aristarchus ;
“ for the way with these is to buy Barbarians,
whom they can compel to labour: but I can
do no such thing with the women who live
with me; they are free, they are my relations,
Socrates.”

« And so, because they are free, and related
to you, they are to do nothing but eat and
sleep! Do you suppose, Aristarchus, that
such as live in this manner are more content
than others? or enjoy more happiness than
they, who by their labour earn bread for their
families ? Suppose you that idleness and in-
attention can gain any useful knowledge, or
preserve in the memory what hath been already
gained ? That they can keep the man in health,
add strength to his body, and gold to his stores,
or give security to what he hath already in his
possession ; and shall labour and industry stand
him in no stead? To what purpose, I pray
you, did your relations learn any thing? Did
they resolve at the time to make ‘no use of
their knowledge? Or, rather, did they not
intend from it some advantage to themselves,
or benefit to others? Surely we give small
proof of our wisdom when we thus decline all
employment. For, which is most reasonable

—procuring to ourselves the things that are |

OF

SOCRATES, 553

useful, by exerting the powers which nature

hath bestowed ; or, with arms across, sit list-

less and musing, considering only the means
by which others may provide for us? And
verily, if I may speak my mind to you freely,
I should suppose, Aristarchus, you cannot have
any great love for your guests, in your present
situation ; nor they for you. You think them
a burthen ; and they perceive you think them
so: and it will be well if discontent does not
increase daily, till all gratitude and affection
are compelled to give way. But show them
once in what manner they may become useful;
and you will henceforth regard them with com-
placency and satisfaction ; while they, perceiy-
ing it, will hardly be wanting in affection to
you. They will be able to look back with
pleasure, not pain, on all you have done for
them : and the sweet familiarity of friendship,
together with all the tender charities arising
from the sacred ties of consanguinity, will
again be restored to your happy society ! Were
the employments indeed of that nature as would
bring shame along with them, death itself were .
to be chosen rather than a subsistence so ob-
tained: but such as they are skilled in, are, as

I suppose, decent and honourable ; to be per-
formed with pleasure, since they can perform
them with so much ease. Delay not then, my
Aristarchus, to propose what may be of so
much advantage both to them and you; and
doubt not their compliance with what they
must perceive to be so very reasonable.”

_ © O heavens !” cried Aristarchus ; ‘ what
truths have I now heard! But γοῦν advice,
my Socrates, shall be regarded as it ought:
hitherto I have been afraid to borrow money
of my neighbour, as not knowing, when spent,
by what means to repay it; but my scruples
are now over: this moment 1 will buy such
materials as may be wanted.”

Nor did he at all cool in his resolutions.
Wool, with whatever was necessary for the
working of it, were sent in by Aristarchus ;
and each one was employed from morning to
night. Melancholy gave way to continual
cheerfulness ; and mutual confidence took the
place of that mutual suspicion, which, till then,
had possessed the minds of Aristarchus and his
guests. They consider him now as their ge-
nerous protector; and his love for them in-
creased in proportion to their usefulness.

Some time afterward, Aristarchus coming to
see Socrates, related with much pleasure in

4A

554

what manner they went on: “ But my guests,”
said he, “begin now to reproach me, for being,
as they say, the only idle person in the whole
family.”

* Acquaint them,” answered Socrates, “ with
the fable of the dog. You must know,” con-
tinued he, “that in the days of yore, when
brutes could talk, several of the sheep coming
to their master, ‘Is it not strange, sir!’ say
they to him, ‘that we, who provide you with
milk, and wool, and lambs, have nothing at all
given us but what we can get off the ground
ourselves ; while the dog there, who cannot so
much as help you to one of them, is pampered
and fed with the very bread you eat of ?—
‘ Peace!’ cries the dog, who overheard their
complaint ; ‘it is not without reason I am
taken most care of ; for I secure you from the
thief and the wolf; nor would you, wretches !
dare to eat at all, if I did not stand sentinel, to
watch and defend you.’ The sheep, saith the
fable, on hearing this, withdrew, convinced that
the dog had reason on his side: and do you,
Aristarchus, convince your guests that it is by
your care they are protected from harm; and
enjoy a life of security and pleasure.”

VIII. At another time, Socrates meeting
his old friend Eutherus, whom he had not seen
for many years, asked him, “‘ Where he came
from ?”

““ From no great distance, at present,” replied
Eutherus. ‘“ Towards the end of our late de-
structive war, I returned, indeed, from a long
journey : for, being dispossessed of all the estate
I had on the frontiers of Attica, and my fa-
ther dying, and leaving me nothing here, I was
obliged to gain a subsistence by my labour
wherever I could: and thought it better to do
so, than beg of any one; and borrow I could
not, as I had nothing to mortgage.”

« And how long,” said Socrates, “do you
imagine your labour will supply you with ne-
cessaries ?”’

“ Not long.”

«« And yet age increases the number of our
wants, at the same time that it lessens our
power of providing for them ?”

“ Tt does so.”

“‘ Would it not then be more advisable, my
Eutherus, to seek out for some employment,
which might enable you to lay up some little
for old age? What if you were to go to some
wealthy citizen, who may want such a person,
to assist him in gathering in his fruits ; inspect-

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[BOOK II.

ing his affairs ; and overlooking his labourers ;
whereby you might become a mutual benefit to
each other ?”

*‘ But slavery, my Socrates, is a thing I can
ill submit to.” '

“Yet magistrates, Eutherus, and those who
are employed in public affairs, are so far from ©
being conisdered as slaves on that account,
that, on the contrary, they are held in the high-
est estimation.”

“‘It may be so, Socrates, but I never can
bear the being found fault with.”

“ And yet,” saith Socrates, “you will be
hard set to do any one thing whose every cir-
cumstance is secure from blame. For it is dif-
ficult so to act, as to commit no error; which

‘yet if we could, I know of no security against

the censure of ill judges: and truly I should
wonder, Eutherus, if what you are at present
employed about could be performed in such a

manner as to escape all blame. It seems there-

fore to me, that all you can do, is only to take

care, as far as may be, to keep clear of those

people who seem glad to find fault; and seek

out such as are more candid. Which done,

pursue with steadiness and alacrity whatever

you undertake, but beware how you undertake

any thing beyond your power. Thus will your

indigence find relief, without the hazard of
much blame to you. Certainty shall take the

place of a precarious subsistence, and leave you

to the full enjoyment of all the peaceful plea-

sures of old age "ἢ

IX. I remember one day Crito complaining
how difficult it was at Athens for a man who
loved quiet to enjoy his fortune in security:
“ For,’’ said he, “ I have now several lawsuits
on my hands, for no other reason, that I can
guess at, but because they know I would rather
pay my money than involve myself in business
and perplexity.”

Socrates asked, “ If he kept never a dog, to
defend his sheep from the wolves ?”

“(1 keep several,” said Crito, “as you may
imagine ; and they are of no small use to me.”

«« Why then,” said Socrates, “do you not
engage some person in your service, whose vi-
gilance and care might prevent others from
molesting you ?”

“So I would, my Socrates, did I not fear
that this very man might, at last, turn against
me.”

« But wherefore should you fear this? Are
you not pretty certain, that it may be more for

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

the interest of people to keep on good terms
with you, than have you for’an enemy. SBe-
lieve me, my Crito, there is many a man
in Athens who would think himself very much
honoured by your friendship.” Saying this,
Archidemus came immediately into their mind ;
a man able and eloquent, and, withal, well
versed in business ; but poor, as being one of
those few who are not for having whatever
they can lay hands on. He loved honest men ;
though he would often say, nothing was more
easy than to grow rich by calumny. To this
man, Crito, in consequence of what Socrates
had said to him, would send corn, or wool, or
wine or oil, or any other produce of his estate,
when they brought him those things from the
country: and when he sacrificed to the gods,
he sent for him to the feast, nor ever omitted
any opportunity of showing respect to him.
Archidemus seeing this, began to detach him-
self from all other dependencies, and consider
Crito’s house as the place that would shelter
him from every want. He therefore gave
himself entirely to him: and discovering that
Crito’s false accusers were guilty of many
crimes, arid had made themselves many ene-
mies, he undertook to manage them. He
therefore summoned one of them to answer
for an offence, which, if proved against him,
must subject him at least to a pecuniary mulct,
if not to corporal punishment. The man,
knowing how little he could defend his male-
practices, endeavoured by every art to make
Archidemus withdraw his prosecution, but to
no purpose; for he would never lose sight of
him till he had compelled him not only to leave
Crito in peace, but purchase his own with no
inconsiderable sum of money. Archidemus
having conducted this affair, and many others
of the same nature, successfully, Crito was
thought not a little happy in having his as-
sistance: and as the shepherds ofttimes avail
themselves of their neighbour’s dog, by send-
ing their sheep to pasture near him, Crito’s
friends would entreat him to lend Archidemus
to them. He, on his side, was glad of an op-
portunity to oblige his benefactor; and it was
observed, that not only Crito himself, but all
his friends, lived free, for the future, from any
molestation. Likewise, when any reproached
him with having made his court to Crito for

555

his own interest: “ And which,” said he, “do
you think the most shameful? serving the good
who have already served you, and joining with
them in their opposition to the wicked; or,
confederating with the bad, assist them the
more effectually to oppress the virtuous, and
thereby make every honest man your enemy ?”

From this time Archidemus lived in the
strictest intimacy with Crito; nor did Crito’s
friends less honour and esteem him.

X. I remember Socrates once saying to
Diodorus, “ Suppose, Diodorus, one of your
slaves ran away from you, would you be at any
pains to recover him ?”

«“ Yes, certainly,” said the ioe ly “and I
would even go so far as to publish a reward
for whoever would bring him to me.”

“«Απᾶ if any of them were sick, you would
take care of them, I imagine, and send for a
physician to try to save them ?”

“ Undoubtedly.”

“‘ But what if a friend, something of more
worth to you than a thousand slaves, were
reduced to want, would it not become you,
Diodorus, to relieve him? You know him for
a man incapable of ingratitude; nay, one who
would even blush to lie uuder an obligation
without endeavouring to return it. You know
too, that the service of him who serves from
inclination—who not only can execute what
you command, but of himself find out many
things that may be of use to you—who can
deliberate, foresee, and assist you with good
counsel—is infinitely of more value than many
slaves? Now good economists tell us, it is
right to purchase when things are most cheap ;
and we can scarcely recollect the time, at
Athens, when a good friend might be had for
such a pennyworth.”

“ You are in the right,” said Diodorus;
therefore you may bid Hermogenes come to me.”

*¢ Not so neither,” returned Socrates ; “ for, ᾿
since the benefit will be reciprocal, it seems '
just as reasonable that you go to him, as he
come to you.”

In consequence of this discourse, Diodorus
went himself to Hermogenes, and, for a small
consideration, secured a valuable friend, whose
principal care was to approve his gratitude, and
return the kindness shown him with many real
services.

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XENOPHON'S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BOOK III.

CONTENTS or BOOK IIL

Socrates converses with his friends respecting the duties of a general.—Shows the ignorance of Dionysidorus,
a professed teacher of the military art.—IE His idea of a good prince.—III. His instructions to a young
general of the horse.—IV. V. Conversation with Nichomachides about the proper ordermg of an army—
With Pericles respecting the Athenian character.—VI. Shows Glauco his ignorance of ruling.—VIL. Stimu-
lates Charmidas, a man of abilities, to lay aside his timidity.—VII1. Aristippus, having been silenced by
Socrates, endeavours to retaliate.—IX. Socrates discourses on the nature of courage and wisdom.—X. Con-
verses with Parrhasius the painter, Clito the statuary, and Pistias the armourer, concerning their different
arts.—XI. His conversation with Theodota the courtezan.—XII. Reproves Epigenes for neglecting the
exercises which formed a large part of a liberal education.—XIIL Corrects the faults of various persons.—
XIV. Regulates the taking of supper among the Grecians when they assembled.

XENOPHON’S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BOOK ITI.

1, We will now relate in what manner Socrates
was useful to such of his friends as aimed at
any honourable employment, by stirring them
up to the attainment of that knowledge which
alone could qualify them for discharging it pro-
perly.

Being told that one Dionysidorus was come
to Athens, and there made public profession
of teaching the military art, Socrates from
thence took occasion to address the following
discourse to a young man of his acquaintance,
whom he knew at that very time soliciting for
one of the principal posts in the army :— “ Is
it not,” said he, ‘‘ a most scandalous thing, for
one who aims at commanding the forces of his
country, to neglect an opportunity of gaining
the instructions necessary for it? And does
he not deserve to be more severely treated, than

he who undertakes to form a statue without
| having learnt the statuary’s art? In time of
war, no less than the safety of the whole com-
munity is intrusted to the general : and it is in
his power either to procure to it many and
great advantages, by a prudent discharge of the
duties of his station, or involve his country,
through misconduct, in the very deepest distress ;
and therefore that man must he worthy of no
small punishment, who whilst be is unwearied
in his endeavours to obtain this honour, takes
little or no thought about qualifying himself
properly for executing a trust of such vast im-
portance.” .

_ This reasoning wrought so powerfully upon
the mind of the youug man, that he immediately
applied himself to the gaining of instruction.

And coming a little time after where Socrates
was standing with others of his friends, So-
crates, on his approach, said to them laughing,
“ You remember, sirs, that Homer, speaking of
Agamemnon, styles him venerable. Do you
not think our young man here has acquired
new dignity, and looks far more respectable,
now he hath learnt the art of commanding ?
For, as he who is a master of music, will be a
master of music, though he touches no instru-
ment ; and he who hath the skill of a physician,
will be a physician, though not actually employ-
ed in the practice of his art: so, no-doubt of
it, this young man, now that he hath gained
the knowledge of a general, is incontestably a
general, though he never should be chosen to
command the army: whereas it would be to
very little purpose for an ignorant pretender to
get himself elected, since this could no more
make a general of him, than it would make a
man a physician, to call him one. But,” con-
tinued Socrates, turning towards him, * since
it may fall out that some of us may command
a company, ora cohort under you, inform us, I
pray you, with what point your master began.
his instructions, that we may not be altogether
ignorant of the matter ?”

“ With the very same point with which he
ended,” replied the other; “the right ordering
of an army, whether in marching, fighting, or
encamping.”

‘‘ Surely,” answered Socrates, “this is outa
small part of the office of a general : for he
must likewise take care that none of the ne-

| cessaries of war be wanting, and that his sol-

560

diers are supplied with every thing needful, as ,

well for their health as daily subsistence. He
should be diligent, patient, fruitful in expedi-
ents, quick of apprehension, unwearied in labour,
mildness and severity must each have their place
in him: equally able to secure his own, and
take away that which belongeth to another.
Open, yet reserved ; rapacious, yet profuse ;
generous, yet avaricious; cautious, yet bold ;
besides many other talents, both natural and
acquired, necessary for him who would dis-
charge properly the duties of a good general.
Yet I do not esteem the right disposition of an
army a slight thing: on the contrary,” said he,
ἐς nothing can be of so much importance ; since,
without order, no advantage can arise from num-
bers any more than from stones, and bricks,
and tiles, and timber, thrown together at ran-
dom : but when these are disposed of in their
proper places ; when the stones and the tiles,
as least perishable, are made use of for the
foundation and covering; the bricks and tim-
ber, each likewise in their order; then we may
see a regular edifice arising, which afterward
becomes no inconsiderable part of our pos-
sessions.”

« Your comparison,” interrupted the other,
«makes me recollect another circumstance,
which we were told the general of an army
ought to have regard to; and that is, to place
the best of his soldiers in the front and in the
rear ; whilst those of a doubtful character being
placed in the middle, may be animated by the
one, and impelled by the other, to the perform-
ance of their duty.”

« Your master then,” said Socrates, “ taught
you how to know a good soldier from a bad
one; otherwise this rule could be of no use:
for if he ordered you, in the counting of money,
to place the good at each end of the table, and
that which was adulterated in the middle, with-
out first instructing you by what means to dis-
tinguish them, I see not to what purpose his
-orders could be.”

“1 cannot say,” replied the other ; “but it is
very sure my master did no such thing: we must
therefore endeavour to find it out ourselves.”

“ς Shall we consider this point then a little
farther,” said Socrates, “ that so we may the
better avoid any mistake in this matter? Sup-
pose,” continued he, “the business was to
seize some rich booty; should we not do well
to place in the front, those whom we thought
the most avaricious ?”

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book Ul.

“ Certainly.”

“ But where the undertaking is attended
with peril, there, surely, we should be careful
to employ the most ambitious, the love of glory
being sufficient to. make men of this stamp
despise all danger: neither shall we be at a loss
to find out these people ; since they are always
forward enough to make themselves known. —
But this master of yours,” continued Socrates,
“when he taught you the different ways of
ranging your forces, taught you at the same
time the different use you were to make of
them.”

* Not at all, I do assure you.”

«* And yet a different disposition of the army
should be made, according as different occasions
require.”

“« That may be,” replied the other; “ but he
said not a word to me of the matter.” _

“ Then return to him,” said Socrates, “ and
question him concerning it; for if he is not
either very ignorant, or very impudent, he will
be ashamed of having taken your money, and
sent you away so little instructed.”

II. Meeting with one who had been newly
elected general, Socrates asked him, “ Why
hath Agamemnon the title of pastor of the
people given him by Homer? Must it not be
for this reason, think you, that like as a shep-
herd looks carefully to the health of his flock,
and provides them pasture; so he, who hath
the command of the army, should provide his
soldiers with all things necessary ; and procure
those advantages to them for which they endure
the hardships of war, conquest over their ene-
mies, and to themselves more happiness?
Why also doth the same poet praise Agamem-
non for being,

** Great in the war ; and great in arts of sway,”

Pops.
but to show in him, that personal bravery, how-
ever remarkable, is not enough to constitute
the general, without he animates his whole
army with courage, and makes every single
soldier brave? Neither,” continued he, “ can
that prince be celebrated for the arts of sway,
however successful he may be in regulating his
domestic affairs, who doth not cause felicity and
abundance to be diffused throughout his whole
dominion. For kings are not elected that their
cares should afterwards centre in their own
private prosperity; but to advance the happi-
ness of those who elect them, are they called
to the throne. As, therefore, the only motive

MEMOIRS

for submitting to war, is the hope of rendering
our future lives more secure and happy; and
commanders are chosen for no other purpose,
than to lead the way to this desirable end ; it is
the duty of a general to use his utmost endea-
vours not to disappoint the people therein : for,
as to answer their expectations will bring to
him the highest glory; so, to fail through mis-
conduct, must be attended with the greatest
shame.”

We may here see, from what hath been just
said, that Socrates designed to give us his idea
of a good prince; passing over every other
consideration ; confines it to him alone, who
diligently promotes the happiness of his people.

III. Meeting at another time with a person
who had been chosen general of the horse, So-
crates said to him, ‘‘ As I doubt not, my young
man, your being able to give a good reason why
you desired the command of the cavalry, I
should be glad to hear it: for I cannot suppose
you asked it only for an opportunity of riding
before the rest of the army, as the archers on
horseback must go before you: neither could
it be, to make yourself the more taken notice
of; for madmen will still have the advantage
of you there. But your design, I conclude,
was to reform the cavalry, in hopes of making
them of more service to the republic.”

‘- I did design this, most certainly.”

“ A noble intention !” replied Socrates, “if
you can but accomplish it. But your station
obliges you to have an eye to your horses, as
well as men.”

«“ Undoubtedly.”

«Pray tell us then,” said Socrates, ‘ what
method you will take to get good horses ?”

«“ © that,” answered the general, “ belongs
not to me: the rider himself must ‘baby to that
particular.”

«« Very well,” said Socrates. ‘“ But suppose
you wanted to lead them on to charge the ene-
my: and you found some of them lame; and
others so weak, from being half-starved, that
they could not come up with the rest of the
army: while others again were so restive and
unruly, as to make it impossible to keep them
in their ranks : of what use would such horses
be to you? or you to the republic ?”

« You are in the right,” said the other ; “ and
I will certainly take care what sort of horses
are in my troop.”

*« And what sort of men too, 1 hope,” re-
plied Socrates.

OF SOCRATES.

561

ἐς Certainly.”

“ Your first endeavour, I suppose then, will
be, to make them mount their horses readily ?”

It shall,” said the other, “ to the end they
may stand a better chance to escape, if they
are thrown off them.”

ες You will likewise take care,” said Socrates,
“to exercise them often: sometimes in one
place, and sometimes in another ; particularly
there where it seems the most like to that in
which you expect to meet the enemy, that your
troops may be equally dexterous in all ; for you
cannot, I suppose, when going to engage, order
your enemies to come and fight you on the
plain, because there alone you were accustomed
to exercise your army? You will likewise in-
struct them in throwing the dart: and if you
would indeed make good soldiers, animate
them with the love of glory, and resentment
against their enemies: but, above all, be care-
ful to establish your authority; since neither
the strength of your horses, nor the dexterity
of the riders, can be of much use to you with-
out obedience ?”

«1 know it, Socrates: but what must I do
to bring them to this obedience ?”

«‘ Have you not observed,” said Socrates,
‘¢that all men willingly submit to those whom
they believe the most skilful; in sickness, to
the best physician; in a storm, to the best
pilot; and in agriculture, to him whom they
consider as the best husbandman ?”

“1 have,” replied the other.

«ς Τῇ so, may we not well conclude, that he
who is known to have the most skill in con-
ducting the cavalry, will always find himself
the most willingly obeyed ?”

«But need I do no more than convince
them of my superior abilities ?”

“Yes; you must likewise convince them
that both their glory and safety depend on their
obedience.”

ἐς But how shall I be able to convince them
of this ?

«« With less trouble,” replied Socrates, “ than
you can prove to them it is better and more for
their advantage to be vicious than virtuous.”

‘«* But, at this rate, it will be necessary for a
general to add the study of the art of speaking
to all his other cares.”

«« And do you imagine,” said Socrates, “he
can discharge his office without speaking? It
is by the medium of speech the laws are made
known to us for the regulation of our conduct ;

4B

562

and whatsoever is useful in any science, we be-
come acquainted with it by the same means ;
the best method of instruction being in the way,
of conversation: and he who is perfectly mas-
ter of his subject will always be heard with the
greatest applause. But have you never observ-
ed,” continued Socrates, ‘‘ that, throughout all
Greece, the Athenian youth bear away the prize
in every contention, from those sent by any other
republic? Even achorus of music going from
hence to Delos, exceeds, beyond all comparison,
whatever appears from any other places. Now
the Athenians have not, naturally, voices moré
sweet, or bodies more strong, than those of
other nations, but they are more ambitious of
glory, which always impels to generous deeds
and noble undertakings. Why, therefore, may
not our cavalry be brought in time to excel any
other; whether in the beauty of their horses
and arms; whether in their discipline, order,
and courage ; were they but shown that con-
quest and glory would almost prove the infaili-
ble result of it ?”

“1 see not why, indeed,” answered the other,
“if we could but convince them this would be
the event.

“ς Lose no time, then,” said Socrates; * but
go, excite your soldiers to the performance of
their duty; that while you make them of use
to you, they may likewise make you of some
use to your country.”

“41 certainly shall make the attempt,” re-
plied the general.

IV. Seeing, at another time, Nichomachides
return from the assembly of the people, where
they had been choosing the magistrates, So-
crates asked, whom they had fixed upon to
command the army? “ Could you have thought
it!” said the other, ‘the Athenians, my So-
crates, paid no regard to me, who have spent
my whole iife in the exercise of arms ! passed
through every degree, from that of common
sentinel to colonel of the horse, covered with
these scars (showing them on his bosom), my
whole strength wasted with fighting in de-
fence of them! while Antisthenes, one who
never served among the infantry, nor ever did
any thing remarkable among the horse, him
they have elected, though all his merit seems
to consist in being able to get money.”

“ΝΟ bad circumstance,” replied Socrates ;
“we may hope, at least, to have our troops
well paid.”

“But a merchant can get money as well as

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book 111-

Antisthenes ; doth it follow from thence that
a merchant is a fit man to command an army ?”

ἐς You overlook, Nichomachides, that Antis-
thenes is likewise a lover of glory, and seeks
to excel in whatever he undertakes ;—a quality
of some worth in the commander of an army.
You know, whenever he led the chorus, he
always took care to carry off the prize.”

“ But, surely, there is some difference be-

tween commanding an army and ordering the

chorus ?”

“And yet,” replied Socrates, “ Antis-
thenes has no great knowledge himself either
in music or the laws of the theatre ? but as he
had penetration sufficient to find out those who
excelled in them, you see how, by their assis-
tance, he came off conqueror.”

«« He must have somebody then to fight, and
give out his orders, when at the head of his
army ?”

“‘ Be that as it may,” returned Socrates, ‘it
is certain that he who follows the counsel ot
such as are best skilled in any art, let it be war
or music, or any thing else, is pretty sure of
surpassing all who are engaged in the same pur-
suit with him. Neither is it probable that
he who so liberally expends his money, when
the affair is no more than to amuse the people,
and purchase a victory which only brings
honour to himself and to his own tribe,' will
be more sparing when the point is to gain a
conquest far more glorious over the enemies of
his country, and in which the whole republic
are equally concerned.”

“ We are to conclude, then,” returned the
other, “that he who knows how to preside
properly at a public show, knows in like man-
ner how to command an army.”

“Tt is certain,” said Socrates, “so much
may be concluded, that he who has judgment
enough to find out what things are best for
him, and ability to procure them, can hardly
fail of success, whether his design be to direct
the stage or govern the state,—-manage his own
house or command the army.”

‘« Truly,” replied Nichomachides, * I scarce-
ly expected to hear from you, Socrates, that a
good economist and a good commander was the
same thing.”

*“ Do you think so?” answered Socrates:
ἐς Let us inquire then if you please, into the

1 The citizens of Athens were all divided into tribes,
which had their peculiar customs and honour.

4»,

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

duty of each; and see what agreement we can
find between them. Is it not the business of
them both to endeavour to make the people
who are placed under them tractable and sub-
missive ?”

fa Tt, is.%

“ Must they not see that every person be
employed in the business he is most proper
for? Are they not, each of them, to punish
those who do wrong, and reward those who do
right? Must they not gain the love of the
people who are placed under their authority,
and procure to themselves as many friends as
may be, to strengthen and stand by them in
time of need? Should they not know how to
secure their own? And, in short, should not
each of them be diligent and unwearied in the
performance of his duty ?”

“50 far,” replied Nichomachides, “it may
be as you say; but surely the comparison can
scarcely hold, when the case is to engage an
enemy.”

“« Why so?” said Socrates, “ have they not
each of them enemies to engage ?”

“ Certainly.”

* And would it not be for the advantage of

both, to get the better of these enemies ?”

“ No doubt of it, Socrates! But I still see
not of what use economy can be to a general,
when the houris come for his soldiers tu fall on.”

«The very time,” said Socrates, ‘when it
will be the most; for, as economy will show
him his greatest gain must arise from conquest,
his greatest loss from being overcome ; he will
for that reason be very careful not to take any
one step whatsoever which may hazard a de-
feat; wisely declining an engagement while in
want of any thing; but equally ready to seize
the hour, when, provided with all that is
necessary, victory seems to him no longer
doubtful. Thus you see of what use economy
may be to a general: nor do you, Nichoma-
chides, despise those who practise it, since the
conduct of the state, and that of a private
family, differ no otherwise than as greater and
less; in every thing else there is no small
similarity. ‘The business is with men in either
case: neither do we know of one species of
these, whereby to manage the affairs of govern-
ment, and another for carrying on the common
concerns of life; but the prince at the helm,
and the head of his family, must serve them-
selves from the same mass. And, to complete
the parallel, be assured, Nichomachides, that

563

whoever hath the skill to use these instruments
properly, hath also the best secret for succeed-
ing in his design ; whether his aim be to direct
the state, or limit his care to the concerns of
his own household; while he who is ignorant
of this point must commit many errors, aud of
course meet with nothing but disappointments,”

VY. Being in company with Pericles, son to
the great Pericles, Socrates said to him,—« 1
hope, my young man, when you come to com-
mand the forces of the republic, the war may
be carried on with more glory and success than
we have lately known it.” .

“1 should be glad if it were so,” replied the
other; “but how it is to be done I cannot
easily see.”

“ Shall we try,” said Socrates, “to get some
light into this matter? You know the Beo-
tians are not more numerous than we.”

“1 know they are not.”

“ Neither are they stronger or more valiant.”

‘« They are not.”

“ But the Boeotians, it may be, are more
united among themselves ?”

ἐς So far from it,” said Pericles, “that the
Beeotians hate the Thebans on account of their

| oppression ; whereas we can have nothing of

this sort in Athens.”

«“ But then we must own,” said Socrates,
“that the Beeotians are not only the most
courteous of all mankind, but the most am-
bitious ; and they who are so, the love of glory
and of their country, will impel to undertake
any thing.”

“ But I knew not,” replied Pericles, “ that
the Athenians are deficient in any of these
particulars.”

«Tt must be acknowledged,” said Socrates,
“if we look back to the actions of our fore-
fathers, and consider either the lustre or the
number of their glorious deeds, no nation can
exceed us; and having such examples, taken
out too from among ourselves, they cannot but
inflame our courage, and stir us up to a love of
valour and of virtue.”

« And yet you see,” answered Pericles,
“how much the glory of the Athenian name
is tarnished since the fatal defeat of Lubea,
wherein Tolmides lost more than a thousand
men ; and that other at Delium, where Hippo-
crates was slain: for whereas, till then, the
Beeotians feared to make head against us,
though in defence of their own country} with-
out the assistance of the Lacedemonians and

564

the rest of Peloponnesus, they now threaten to ἢ
invade us, and that with their own forces only ; |
while the Athenians, instead of ravaging, as
formerly, Beeotia at pleasure, when not de-
fended by foreign troops, are made to tremble
in their turn, lest Attica itself should become
the scene of slaughter.”

“ The case,” said Socrates, “is, I fear, as
you have stated it; but for that reason it
seemeth to me, my Pericles, the very time
wherein to desire the command of our armies.
It is of the nature of security to make men
careless, effeminate, and ungovernable ; while
fear, on the contrary, awakens their diligence,
renders them obedient, and reduces them to
order. We may see this among our seamen.
So leng as they are under no apprehension of
danger, they give themselves over to riot and
disorder ; but at the sight of a pirate, or the
appearance of a storm, become immediately
other men: not only diligent in performing
whatever is commanded, but even watching, in
silence, the master’s eye, ready to execute, as
in a well-ordered chorus, whatever part he
shall think proper to assign them.”

« Supposing,” replied Pericles, “the people
of Athens were at present in such a state as
might dispose them to obedience, what way
shall we take to rouse them to an imitation of
our ancestors, that, with their virtues, we may
restore the happiness and the glory of the times
they lived in?”

ἐς Was it our desire,’ answered Socrates,
“to stir up any one to regain an inheritance
now in the possession of another, what more
should we need than to tel] them it was theirs
by long descent from their progenitors? If,
therefore, my Pericles, you wish our Athe-
nians to hold the foremost rank among the
virtuous, tell them it is their right, delivered
down to them from the earliest ages ; and that,
so long as they are careful to maintain this
pre-eminence in virtue, pre-eminence in power
cannot fail to attend it. You would likewise
do well to remind them, how highly the most
ancient of their forefathers were esteemed and
honoured on account of their virtue.”

«“ You mean when, in the time of Cecrops,
the people of Athens were chosen in prefe-
rence to all others, to arbitrate in the dispute
which had arisen among the gods ?”?

CS -ΤττΠππ1ἷἷ΄ἷ΄ἷ΄΄Ὑ΄΄΄΄΄΄΄΄ὁ.ς.ςω-..-..:ἭἨ ς. .....οΠοΠΠρ5...΄“΄“ρΠΠ565..Π΄ΠρΠ΄ΠπΠ.΄΄ρ.......-.ςςἨ

τ Alluding to the fabled contest between Neptune and
Minerva for the patronage of Athens, which was deter-
mined by the Athenians in favour of Minerva

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book Il.

“1 do,” said Secrates; “and I would have
you go on, and relate to them the birth and the
education of Erictheus, the wars in his time
with all the neighbouring nations; together
with that undertaken in favour of the Hera-
clides against those of Peloponnesus. That
also, in the days of Theseus, when our an-
cestors gained the reputation of surpassing all
their contemporaries both in conduct and cou-
rage, ought not to be passed over. After
which it may not be amiss to recall to their
tainds what the descendants of these heroes
have performed in the ages just before us.
Show them the time when, by their own
strength alone, they made head against the
man who lorded it over all Asia, and whose
empire extended even into Europe itself, as
far as Macedonia; inheriting from his fore-
fathers a formidable army, as well as wide
dominions, that had already made itself famous
for many noble undertakings. Tell them at
other times of the many victories, both by sea
and land, when in league with the Lacedemo-
nians; men no Jess famous than themselves on
the account of military courage: and, although
innumerable have been the revolutions through-
out the rest of Greece, whereby many haye
been compelled to change their habitations,
show them the Athenians still in possession -
of their ancient territories; and not only so,
but oftentimes made arbiters of the rights of
other people, while the oppressed, on every
side, have had recourse to them for protec-
tion.”

_ © When I think of these things, my Socrates,
I marvel by what means our republic hath sunk
so low.”

“I suppose,” replied Socrates, “ the Athe-
nians acted in this respect like men, who, see-
ing themselves exalted above the fear of a
competitor, grow remiss, and neglect discipline,
and become thereby more despicable than the
people whom they once despised; for, no
sooner had our virtue set us above the rest of
our contemporaries but we sunk into sloth,
which ended, as you see, in a total degeneracy.”

‘«* But how shall we recover the lustre of the
ancient virtue ?”

«Nothing more easy to point out,” replied
Socrates ; “let but our people call to mind
what were the virtues and discipline of their
forefathers, and diligently endeavour to follow
their example, and the glory of the Athenian
name may rise again as high as ever! But, if

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

this is too much for them, let them copy at
least the people, whom, at present, they are
compelled to consider as far above them: let
them apply themselves with the same diligence
to perform the same things, and let them not
doubt of becoming again their equals: their
superiors, if so be they will but surpass them
in virtue.”’

** You speak, my Socrates, as if you thought
our Athenians at no little distance from it.
And, indeed,” continued Pericles, “when do
we see them, as at Sparta, reverencing old age?
Or, rather, do we not see them showing their
contempt of it even in the person of a father ?
Can they be expected to imitate that republic
in the exercises which render the body health-
ful, who make sport of those who do? Will
people who even glory in despising their rulers,
submit readily to their commands? Or will
’ concord and unanimity subsist among men,
who seek not to help, but injure one another,
and bear more envy to their fellow-citizens
than to any other of mankind? Our assem-
blies, both public and private, are full of quar-
rels and contentions, whilst we harass each
other with perpetual suits at law ; choosing by
that means some trifling advantage, though
with the ruin of our neighbour, rather than
content ourselves with an honest gain, where-
by each party might be equally profited. The
magistrate’s aim is altogether his own interest,
as if the welfare of the community no way
concerned him. Hence that eager contention
for places and power, that ignorance and mu-
tual hatred among those in the administration,
that animosity and intrigue which prevail among
private parties. So that I fear, my Socrates,
lest the malady should rise to such a height,
that Athens itself must, ere long, sink under it.”

‘*‘ Be not afraid, my Pericles, that the dis-
temper is incurable. You see with what rea-
diness and skill our people conduct themselves
in all naval engagements: how regular in obey-
ing those who preside over their exercises, lead
the dance, or direct the chorus.”

(61 am sensible of this,” said Pericles : “and
hence, my Socrates, is the wonder, that, being
so complying on all stich occasions, our sol-
diers, who ought to be the choice and flower
of this very people, are so frequently disrosed
to mutiny and disobedience.”

“The senate of the Areopagus,” said So-
crates, “is not this likewise composed of per-
sons of the greatest worth ?”

565

““ Most certainly.”

“ Where else do we see judges who act in
such conformity to the laws, and honour to
themselves? Who determine with so much
uprightness between man and man; or dis-
charge, with such integrity, whatever business
is brought before them ?”

“41 cannot reproach them,” said Pericles,
“with having failed in any thing.”

«« Therefore, let us not give up our Athe-
nians, my Pericles, as a people altogether de-
generate.”

“ Yet in war,” replied Pericles, ‘‘ where de-
cency, order, and obedience, are more especially
required, they seem to pay no regard to the
command of their superiors.”

‘“‘ Perhaps,” returned Socrates, “some part
of the blame may belong to those who under-
take to command them? You hardly know of
any man, I believe, pretending to preside over
a chorus, directing the dance, or giving rules
to the athletics, whilst ignorant of the matter. ἢ
They who take upon them to do any of these
things, must te!l you where, and by whom they
were instructed in the art they now pretend to
teach others; whereas the greater part of our
generals learn the first rudiments of war at the
head of their armies. But I know, my Peri-
cles, you are not of that sort of men; but have
made it your employment to study the military
art; and have gone through all the exercises so
necessary for a soldier. In the memorials of
your father, that great man! I doubt not your
having remarked, for your own advantage, many
of those refined stratagems he made use of;
and can show us many more of your own col-
lecting. ‘These you study: and to the end
that nothing may be omitted by one who hopes
to command our armies, when you find your-
self either deficient or doubtful, you are not
unwilling to own your ignorance ; but seek out
for such as you imagine more knowing; while
neither courtesy of behaviour, nor even gifts,
are wanting, whereby to engage them to give
you assistance.”

« Ah, Socrates !” cried Pericles, interrupt-
ing him, “it is not that you think I have done
these things, but wish me to do them, that you
talk in this manner.”

ἐς Τῇ may be su,” replied Socrates. <“ But to
add a word or two more. You know,” con-
tinued he, “that Attica is separated from Boeo-
tia by a long chain of mountains, through which
the roads are narrow and craggy; so that all

566 MEMOIRS

access to our country from that side, is both
difficult and dangerous.”

« T know it,” said Pericles.

* Tt has been told you too, I imagine, how
the Mysians and Pisidians, having seized for
‘themselves several considerable places, and a
large tract of land, in the territories of the king
of Persia, are able, from the advantages of their
‘situation, not dnly to secure their own liberty,
but with their light-armed horse greatly annoy
their enemies, by making perpetual inroads
upon them ?”

“ Yes, I have heard this,” replied the other.

‘© Why then may it not be supposed,” said
Socrates, “ that if we secured those passes on
the mountains which divide us from Beeotia,
and sent there our youth properly armed for
making incursions, we might in our turn give
some annoyance to our enemies ; while these
mountains, as sO many ramparts, secured us
from their hostilities ?”

“41 agree with you,” said Pericles, “ this
might turn to our advantage, and that all you
have said hath been much to the purpose.”

“If you think so,” replied Socrates, “ and
that my observations may be of service, you
have nothing more to do than to carry them
into execution. Should success be the con-
sequence, you, my friend, will have the honour,
and the republic much gain. If you fail through
want of power, no great mischief can ensue;
Athens will not be endangered ; nor shall you,
my Pericles, incur either shame or reproach,
for having engaged in such an undertaking.”

VI. Glauco, the son of Aristo, was so
strongly possessed with the desire of governing
the republic, that, although not yet twenty, he
was continually making orations to the people :
neither was it in the power of his relations,
however numerous, to prevent his exposing
himself to ridicule; though sometimes they
would drag him, by very force, from the tri-
bunal. Socrates, who loved him on the ac-
count of Plato and Charmidus, had alone the
art to succeed with him. For meeting him,
he said, ““ Your design then, my Glauco, is to
be at the very head of our republic ?”

«“ It is so,” replied the other.

«‘ Believe me,” said Socrates, “a noble aim !
For, this once accomplished, and you become,
as it were, absolute ; you may then serve your
friends, aggrandize your family, extend the
limits of your country, and make yourself re-
nowned, not only in Athens, but throughout

OF SOCRATES.

[Book 111.

all Greece: nay, it may, be, your fame will
spread abroad among the most barbarous na-
tions, like another Themistocles: while ad-
miration and applause attend wherever you go!”

Socrates having thus fired the imagination of
the young man, and secured himself a fayour-
able hearing, went on: “ But if your design is
to receive honour from your country, you in-
tend to be of use to it; for nothing but that
can secure its applause.”

** Undoubtedly,” replied Glauco.

“ Tell me then, I entreat you, what may be
the first service you intend to render the re-
public 2”

Glauco remaining silent, as not knowing
what to answer: ‘ I suppose,” said Socrates,
“you mean to enrich it? for that is generally
the method we take, when we intend to aggran-
dize the family of some friend.”

“ This is indeed my design,” returned the
other.

“« But the way to do this,” said Socrates,
“is to increase its revenues.”

“ ΤΊ is so.”

“ Tell me then, I pray you, whence the re-
venues of the republic arise, and what they
annually amount to; since I doubt not of your
having diligently inquired into each particular,
so as to be able to supply every deficienty ;
and, when one source fails, can easily have re-
course to some other.”

« T protest to you,” said Glauco, “ this is a
point I never considered.”

“ Tell me then only its annual expenses ;
for I suppose you intend to retrench whatever
appears superfluous ?”

“ I cannot say,” replied Glauco, “that I
have yet thought of this affair any more than
of the other.”

“ς We must postpone then- our design of en-
riching the republic to another time,” said So-
crates: “ for I see not how a person can exert
his endeavours to any purpose so long as he
continues ignorant both of its income and ex-
penses.”

“« Yet a state may be enriched by the spoils
of its enemies.”

“« Assuredly,” replied Socrates: “ But, in
order to this, its strength should be superior,
otherwise it may be in danger of losing what it
hath already. He, therefore, who advises war,
ought to be well acquainted not only with the
forces of his own country, but those of the
enemy; to the end, that if he finds supe-

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

riority on his side, he may boldly persist in his
first opinion, or recede in time, and dissuade
the people from the hazardous undertaking.”

ἐς It is very true,” returned the other.

ἐς I pray you, then, tell me what are our for-
ces by sea and land ; and what the enemy’s ?”

“ In truth, Socrates, I cannot pretend to tell
you, at once, either one or the other.”

* Possibly you may have a list of them in
writing ? If so, I should attend to your reading
it with pleasure.”

“ No, nor this,” replied Glauco, “ for I have
not yet begun to make any calculation of the
matter.”

“1 perceive then,” said Socrates, ‘“ we shall
not make war in a short time ; since an affair
of such moment cannot be duly considered at
the beginning of your administration. But I
take it for grauted,” continued he, “that you
have carefully attended to the guarding our
coasts ; and know where it is necessary to place
garrisons ; and what the number of soldiers to
be employed for each: that while you are dili-
gent to keep those complete which are of ser-
vice to us, you may order such to be withdrawn
as appear superfluous.”

“Itis my opinion,” replied Glauco, ‘ that
every one of them should be taken away, since
they only ravage the country they were ap-
pointed to defend.”

“But what are we to do then,” said So-
crates, ‘if our garrisons are taken away ? How
shall we prevent the enemy from overrunning
Attica at pleasure? And who gave you this
intelligence, that our guards discharge their
duty in such a manner ? Have you been among
them ?”

“No: but I much suspect it.”

« As soon then,” said Socrates, ‘‘as we can
be thoroughly informed of the matter, and have
not to proceed on conjecture only, we will
speak of it to the senate.”

« Perhaps,” replied Glauco, “this may be
the best way.”

“(1 can scarcely suppose,” continued So-
crates, “‘ that you have visited our silver mines
so frequently, as to assign the cause why they
have fallen off so much of late from their once
flourishing condition ?”

“7 have not been at all there,” answered
Glauco.

“They say, indeed,” answered Socrates,
‘¢that the air of those places is very unhealth-
ful ; and this may serve for your excuse, if the

567

affair at any time should be brought under de-
liberation.”

“ You rally me, Socrates, now,” said the
other.

“ However,” said Socrates, “ I question not
but you can easily tell us how much corn our
country produces ; how long it will serve the
city; and what more may be wanted to carry
us through the year, that so you may he able
to give out your orders in time ; that scarcity
and want may not come upon us unawares.”

“The man,” replied Glauco, “ will have no
little business on his hands, who pretends to
take care of such a variety of things.”

“Yet so it must be, my Glauco,” said So.
crates: “you see even here, in our own pri-
vate families, it is impossible for the master to
discharge the duties of his station properly, un-
less he not only inquires out what is necessary
for those who belong to him, but exerts his
utmost endeavours to supply whatever is
wanted. In the city there are more than ten’
thousand of these families to provide for ; and
it is difficult to bestow upon them, at one and
the same time, that attention and care which is
necessary for each of them. I therefore think
you had better have given the first proof of
your abilities in restoring the broken fortunes
of one in your own family, from whence, if
succeeding, you might afterwards have gone on
to better those of the whole community; or
finding yourself unable to do the one, thought
no longer of the other ; for surely the absurdity
of the man is most apparent, who knowing
himself not able to raise fifty pound weight,
shall nevertheless attempt the carrying of five

thousand.”

ἐς But I make no doubt,” replied Glauco,
“ΟΕ my having been able to have served my
uncle, and that very considerably, if he would
have followed my advice.”

* Alas !” returned Socrates, “if you could
not to this hour prevail on so near a relation as
your uncle to follow your counsel, how can
you hope that all Athens, this very man too
among others, should submit to your direction ?
Beware then, my Glauco; beware lest a too
eager desire of glory should terminate in shame.
Consider how much they hazard who under-
take things, and talk on subjects of which they
are ignorant. Call to mind those of your ac-
quaintance who have thus talked and thus done,
and see whether the purchase they made for
themselves had not more of censure than ap.

568 MEMOIRS

plause in it; of contempt than admiration.
Consider, on the other hand, with what credit
they appear, who have made themselves mas-
ters of the point in question: and when you
have done this, I doubt not your seeing that
approbation and glory are alone the attendants
of capacity and true merit; while contempt
and shame are the sure reward of ignorance
and temerity. If, therefore, you desire to be
admired and esteemed by your country beyond
all others, you must exceed all others in the
knowledge of those things which you are am-
bitious of undertaking: and thus qualified, I
shall not scruple to insure your success, when-
ever you may think proper to preside over the
commonwealth.”

VII. On the other hand, haying observed
that Charmidas, the son of Glauco, and uncle
to the young man of whom we have been
speaking, industriously declined any office in
the government, though otherwise a man of
seuse, and far greater abilities than many who
at that time were employed in the administra-
tion ; Socrates said to him, “I pray you,
Charmidas, what is your opinion of one, who
being able to win the prize at the Olympic
games, and thereby gain honour to himself and
glory to his country, shall nevertheless, decline
to make one among the combatants ?”

« J should certainly look upon him,” said
Charmidas, “as a very effeminate and mean-
spirited man.”

«* And suppose there may be one who hath
it in his power, by the wisdom of his counsels,
to augment the grandeur of the republic, and
raise at the same time his own name to no
common pitch of glory, yet timorously refusing
to engage in business; should not this man be
deemed a coward ?”

“1 believe he should,” replied Charmidas :
*‘ but wherefore this question to me?”

“ Because,” said Socrates, ‘you seem to be
this very man ; since, able as you are, you avoid
all employment ; though, as citizen of Athens,
you are certainly a member of the common-
wealth, and, consequently, ought to take some
share in serving it.”

«* But on what do you ground your opinion
of my ability?”

“1 never once doubted it,’? said Socrates,
“since I once saw you in conference with
some of our leading men: for, when they im-
parted any of their designs to you, you not only
counselled what was best to be done, but ex-

OF SOCRATES.

[BOOK lil. :

postulated freely and judiciously, when you
thought they were mistaken.”

«‘ But surely there is some difference,” said
Charmidas, “between discoursing in private
and pleading your own cause before a full as-
sembly.”

“ And yet,” said Socrates, “a good arithme-
tician will not calculate with less exactness be-
fore a multitude than when alone: and he,
who is a master of music, not only excels
while in his own chamber, but leads the con-
cert with applause in presence of the full au-
dience.”

«* But you know, Socrates, the bashfulness
and timidity nature hath implanted, operates
far more powerfully in us when before a large
assembly, than in a private conversation.”

« And is it possible,” said Socrates, “δὲ
you, who are under no sort of concern when
you speak to men who are in power, and men
who have understanding, should stand in awe
of such as are possessed of neither? For, af-
ter all, Charmidas, who are the people you are
most afraid of? Is it the masons, the shoe-
makers, the fullers, the labourers, the retailers?
Yet these are the men who compose our as-
semblies. But to converse thus at your ease,
before people who hold the highest rank in the
administration, (some of them, perhaps, not
holding you in the highest estimation,) and yet
suffer yourself to be intimidated by those who
know nothing of the business of the state, nei-
ther can be supposed at all likely to despise
you, is, certainly, no other than if he, who was
perfectly well skilled in the art of fencing,
should be afraid of one who never handled a
file. But you fear their laughing at you?”

« And do they not often laugh at our very
best speakers ?”

“ They do,” replied Socrates; ‘and so do
the others—those great men whom you con-
verse with daily. I therefore the rather mar-
vel, Charmidas, that you who have spirit and
eloquence sufficient to reduce even these last to
reason, should stand in awe of such stingless
ridiculers! But endeavour, my friend, to
know yourself better; and be not of the num-
ber of those who turn all their thoughts to the
affairs of others, and are, the meanwhile, utter
strangers at home. Be acquainted with your
own talents, and lose no occasion of exerting
them in the service of your country ; and make
Athens, if it may be, more dourishing than it
is at present. The returns they bring will be

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

glorious !
alone that shall be advantaged by them; your-
self, my Charmidas, and your best friends,
shall share the benefit.”

VIII. Aristippus being desirous to retaliate
in kind for having been formerly put to si-
lence by Socrates, proposed a question in so
artful a manner, as he doubted not would pose
him. Socrates, however, was at no loss for an
answer; though regardful rather of the im-
provement of his hearers than the ordering of
his speech. The question was, “If he knew
any thing that was good ?”—Now, had it heen
said of food, money, health, strength, courage,
or any thing else of the. like nature, that they
were good, Aristippus could with ease have
demonstrated the contrary, and shown that
each, and all of them, were oftentimes evil:
but Socrates was better provided with a reply ;
for, knowing with what eagerness we wish to be
relieved from whatever molests us—“ What,”
said he, “ Aristippus, do you ask me if I know
any thing good for a fever ?”

“ς No, not so,” returned the other.

«For an inflammation in the eye ?”

“‘ Nor that, Socrates.”

* Do you mean any thing good against a
famine ?”

“ ΝΟ, nor against a famine.”

‘“‘ Nay, then,” replied Socrates, “if you ask
me concerning a good, which is good for nothing,
I know of none such ; nor yet desire it.”

Aristippus still urging him: “ But do you

know,” said be, “any thing beautiful ?”

«“ A great many,” returned Socrates.

« Are these all like one another ?”

“Ἐὰν from it, Aristippus: there is a very
considerable difference between them.”

«« But how can beauty differ from beauty ?”

ἐς We want not many examples of it,” replied
Socrates; “for the same disposition of the
body which is beautiful in him who runs, is not
beautiful in the wrestler ; and while the beauty
of the shieldis to cover him well who wears it,
that of the dart is to be swift and piercing.”

“But you return,” said Aristippus, “the
same answer to this question as you did to the
former.”

« And why not, Aristippus? for do you sup-
pose there can be any difference between beauti-
ful and good? Know you not, that whatever is
beautiful, is, for the same reason, good? And we
cannot say of any thing,—of virtue, for example,
—that on this occasion it is good, and on the

Neither is it the commonwealth.

569

other, beautiful. Likewise, in describing the
virtuous character, say we not of it, “ It is fair
and good ὃ Even the bodies of men are said
to be fair and good, with respect to the same
purposes : and the same we declare of whatever
else we meet with, when suited to the use for
which it was intended.”

* You would, perhaps, then call a dung-cart
beautiful ?”

“1 would,” said Socrates, “if made proper
for the purpose; as I would call the shield
ugly, though made of gold, that answered not
the end for which it was designed.”

“ Possibly you will say too,” returned Aris-
tippus, that the same thing is both handsome
and ugly.”

“In truth, I will,” said Socrate ; “and I
will go still farther, and add, that the same
thing may be both good and evil: for I can
easily suppose, that which is good in the case
of hunger, may be evil in a fever; since what
would prove a cure for the one, will certainly
increase the malignity of other; and in the
same manner will beauty, in the wrestler, change
to deformity in him who runneth. For what-
soever, continued he, “is suited to the end in-
tended, with respect to that end it is good
and fair; and, contrariwise, must be deemed
evil and deformed, when it defeats the purpose
it was designed to promote.”

Thus, when Socrates said that “ beautiful
houses were ever the most convenient,” he
showed us plainly in what manner we ought to
build. Tothis end he would ask, “ Doth not
the man who buildeth a house intend, princi-
pally, the making it useful and pleasant ?”

This being granted, Socrates went on: “ But
to make a house pleasant, it should be cool in
summer and warm in winter.” This also was ac-
knowledged. “ Then,” said he, “ the building
which looketh towards the south will best serve
this purpose : for the sun, which by that means
enters and warms the rooms in winter, will, in
summer, pass over its roof. For the saine
reason, these houses ought to be carried up to a
considerable height, the better to admit the
winter sun ; whilst those to the north should be
left much lower, that they may not be exposed
to the bleak winds which blow from that quar-
ter: for in short,” continued Socrates, “that
house is to be regarded as beautiful, where a
man may pass pleasantly every season of the
year, and lodge with security whatever belongs
to him.” As for paintings, and other orna-

4C

970

ments, he thought they rather impair than im-
prove our happiness.

With regard to temples and altars, So-
crates thought the places best fitted for these
were such as lay at some distance from the
city, and were open to the view ; for, when with-
‘held from them, we should pray with more
érdour, while in sight of those sacred edifices ;
and being sequestered from the resort of men,
holy souls would approach them with more
piety and devotion.

IX. Socrates being once asked, “ Whether
he took courage to be an acquisition of our
own, or the gift of Nature ?”—* I think,” said
he, “ that, as in bodies some are more strong,
and better able to bear fatigue than others ;
even so, among minds, may be discerned the
same difference; some of these, being by Na-
ture endued with more fortitude, are able to
face dangers with greater resolution. For we
may observe,” continued he, “that all who
live under the same laws, and follow the same
customs, are not equally valiant. Neverthe-
less, I doubt not but education and instruction
may give strength to that gift Nature hath be-
stowed on us: for, from hence it is we see the
Tkracians and the Scythians fearing to meet
the Spartans with their long pikes and large
bucklers ; while, on the contrary, the Spartans
are not less afraid of the Scythians with their
bows, or of the Thracians with their small
shields and short javelins. The same difference
is likewise observable in every other instance ;
and so far as any man exceedeth anotker in na-
tural endowments, so may he, proportionably,
by exercise and meditation, make a swifter pro-
gress towards perfection. From whence it
follows, that not only the man to whom Nature
hath been less kind, but likewise he whom she
hath endowed the most liberally, ought con-
stantly to apply himself, with care and assi-
duity, to whatsoever it may be he wishes to
excel in.”!

Socrates made no distinction between wis-
dom and a virtuous temperature ; for he judged,
that he who so discerned what things were laud-
able and good, as to choose them, what evil
and. base, as to avoid them, was both wise
and virtuously tempered. And being asked,

1 Though I am sorry to lessen the merit of this excel-
lent philosopher, yet I cannot but wish the reader might
see how much more usefully this subject hath been
treated by a Christian moralist, in Number 106 of The
Adventurer

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[BOOK Il.

“© Whether those persons who knew their duty
but acted contrary to it, were wise and virtu-
ously tempered ?” his answer was, “ that they
ought rather to be ranked among the ignorant
and foolish ; for that all men whatever do those
particular things, which having first selected
out of the various things possible, they imagine
to be well for their interest. I am of opinion,
therefore,” added Socrates, “ that those who do
not act right, are, for that very reason, neither
wise nor virtuously tempered.” ε

Agreeable to this, Socrates would often say,
“ That justice, together with every other vir-
tue, was wisdom; for that all their actions
being fair and good, must be preferred as such
by all who were possessed of a right discern-
ment; but ignorance and folly could perform
nothing fair and good; because, if attempted,
it would miscarry in their hands. Whence it
follows, that as whatever is just and fair must
be the result of sound wisdom; and as no-
thing can be fair and just where virtue is want-
ing; therefore, justice, and every other virtue,
is wisdom.”

And although Socrates asserted that mad-
ress was the very reverse of wisdom, yet did
he not account all ignorance madness. But for
a man to be ignorant of himself, and‘ erect
those things into matters of opinion, belief, or
judgment, with which he was totally unac-
quainted, this he accounted a disorder of the
mind bordering on madness. He farther said,
that “the vulgar never deemed any one mad,
for not knowing what was not commonly
known ; but to be deceived in things wherein
no other is deceived, as when he thinks him-
self too tall to pass upright through the gates
of the city, or so strong as to carry the house
on his shoulders, in these, and such like eases,
they say at once, ‘the man is mad;’ but pass
over, unnoticed, mistakes that are less striking.
For, as they only give the name of love to that
which is the very excess of the passion, so
they confine their idea of madness to the very
highest pitch of disorder that can possibly arise
in the human mind.”

Considering the nature of envy, he said,
“Tt was a grief of mind which did not arise
from the prosperity of an enemy, or the misfor-
tunes of a friend ; but it was the happiness of
the last the envious man mourned at.” And
when it seemed strange that any one should
grieve at the happiness of his friend, Socrates
showed them, “ It was no uncommon thing

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

for the mind of mai to be so fantastically dis-
posed, as not to he able to bear either the pains
or the pleasures of another; but that while it
spared for no labour to remove the first, it
would sicken and repine on seeing the other :
but this,” he said, “ΚΞ was only the punishment
of minds ill-formed: the generous soul was
above such weaknesses.”

As to idleness, Socrates said he had observed
very few who had not some employment ; for
the man who spends his time at the dice, or in
playing the buffoon to make others laugh, may
be said to do something: but, with Socrates,
these, and such as these, were in reality no
better than idlers, since they might employ
themselves so much more usefully. He add-
ed, that no one thought himself at leisure to
quit a good occupation for one that was other-
wise: if he did, he was so much less excusable,
as he could not plead the want of employment.

Socrates likewise observed, that a sceptre in
the hand could not make a king; neither were
they rulers in whose favour the lot or the voice
of the people had decided, or who by force or
fraud had secured their election, unless they
understood the art of governing. And although
he would readily allow it not less the province
of the prince to command, than the subjects to
obey, yet he would afterwards demonstrate,
that the most skilful pilot would always steer
the ship; the master, no less than the mariners,
submitting to his direction. ‘ The owner of
the farm left the management of it,” he said,
“to the servant whom he thought better ac-
quainted than himself with the affairs of agri-
culture. The sick man sought the advice of
the physician ; and he, who engaged in bodily
exercises, the instructions of those who had
most experience. And whatever there may
be,” continued Socrates, “ requiring either
skill or industry to perform it, when the man
is able, he doth it himself; but if not, he hath
recourse, if prudent, to the assistance of others,
since in the management of the distaff a woman
may be his instructor; neither will he content
himself with what he can have at hand ; but
inquireth out with care for whoever can best
serve him.”

It being said by some present, “ that an ar-
bitrary prince was under ne obligation to obey
good counsel.”—‘“ And why so,” replied So-
crates; “ must not he himself pay the penalty
of not doing it? Whoever rejects good coun-.
sel commits a crime; and no crime can pass

7

571

unpunished.” It being farther said, “ That an
arbitrary prince was at liberty to rid himself
even of his ablest ministers.” He may,”
returned Socrates: “but do you suppose it no
punishment to lose his best supports ? or think
you it but a slight one ? For, which would this
be ; to establish him in his power, or the most
sure way to hasten his destruction ?”

Socrates being asked, ““ What study was the
most eligible and best for man?” answered,
“ To do well.” And being asked by the same
person, “ If good fortune was the effect of
study ?” “ So far from it,” returned Socrates,
* that I look upon good fortune and study as
two things entirely opposite to each other: for
that is good fortune, to find what we want,
without any previous care or inquiry: while
the success which is the effect of study, must
always be preceded by long searching and much
labour, and is what I call doing well: and 1
think,” added Socrates, “that he who diligently
applies himself to this study, cannot fail of suc-
cess ;' at the same time that he is securing to
himself the favour of the gods and the esteem
of men. They, likewise, most commonly ex-
cel all others in agriculture, medicine, the bu-
siness of the state, or whatever else they may
engage in; whereas they who will take no
pains, neither can know any thing perfectly, or
do any thing well, they please not the gods,
and are of no use to man.”

X. But all the conversations of Socrates
were improving. Even to the artists while
engaged in their several employments, he had
always somewhat to say which might prove in-
structive. Being on a time in the shop of
Parrhasius the painter, he asked him, “ Is not
painting, Parrhasius, a representation of what
we see? By the help of canvass and a few
colours, you can easily set before us hills and
caves, light and shade, straight and crooked,
rough and plain, and bestow youth and age
where and when it best pleaseth you: and

1 “ Since but to wish more virtue, is to gain :”

He has virtually attained his end, at the very time that
he seems only busied about the means. As the term
Εὐπραξίω, which is here translated, to do well, is equi-
vocal, and implies in it rectitude of conduct, as well as
prosperity and success, as commonly understood by
these words: it seems to be chiefly, in respect to the
first of these, viz. rectitude of conduct, that Socrates
here promises success to those who diligently make it
their study and endeavour ; not omitting to point out to
us the favourable influence care and industry commoniy
haye on whatever we engage in.

MEMOIRS OF

when you would give us perfect beauty, (not
being able to find in any one person what an-
swers your idea,) you copy from many what is
beautiful in each, in order to produce this per-
fect form.”

** We do so,” replied Parrhasius.

** But can you show us, Parrhasius, what is
stiil more charming,—a mind that is gentle,
amiable, affable, friendly? Or is this inimit-
able ?”

“ And how should it be otherwise than ini-
mitable, my Socrates, when it hath neither co-
lour, proportion, nor any of the qualities of
those things you mentioned, whereby it might
be brought within the power of the pencil ?. In
short, when it is by no means visible ?”

“Are men ever observed to regard each
other with looks of kindness or hostility 2”

“Nothing more -frequently observed,” re-
plied Parrhasius.

« The eyes, then, discover to us something ?”

“ Most undoubtedly.”

“And, in the prosperity or adversity of
friends, is the countenance of him who is anx-
iously solicitous, the same with theirs who are
indifferent about the matter ?

“ Far otherwise, Socrates: for he who is so-
licitous, hath a countenance all cheerfulness
and joy, on the prosperity of a friend; pensive
and dejected, when this friend is in affliction ?”

«« And can this also be represented ἢ

“ Certainly.”

ἐς Likewise, where there is any thing noble
and liberal ; or illiberal and mean ; honest, pru-
dent, modest ; bold, insolent, or sordid; are
any of these to be discovered in the counte-
nance and demeanour of a man, when he sits,
stands, or is in motion ?”

ΟἿ may.”

«« And imitated ?”

“ς Tmitated, no doubt of it.”

« And which yields the most pleasure, Par-
rhasius—the portrait of him on whese counte-
nance the characters of whatever is good, vir-
tuous, and amiable, are impressed ; or his, who
wears in his face all the marks of a base, evil,
and hateful disposition ?”

“ Truly,” returned Parrhasius, “the differ-
ence is too great, my Socrates, to admit of
any comparison.”

Entering another time into the shop of Clito
the statuary, he said to him: ‘“ I marvel not,
my Clito, at your being able to mark out to us
even the difference between the racer and the

572

SOCRATES.

wrestler, the pancratiast and gladiator; but
your statues are very men! Tell me, I pray,
by what means you effect this ?”

Clito hesitating, as at a loss how to reply ;
Socrates went on: “ But, perhaps, you are par-
ticularly careful to imitate persons who are
living ; and that is the reason why your statues
are so much alive ?”

“ΤΆ is,” returned Clito.

“Then you have certainly remarked, and
that with no little exactness, the natural dispo- ~
sition of all the parts, in all the different pos-.

[ΒΟΟΚ 111.

Ι tures of the body: for, whilst some of these

are extended, others remain bent; when that
is raised above its natural height, this sinks be-
low it; these are relaxed, and those again con-
tracted, to give the greater force to the medi-
tated blow; and the more these sort of things
are attended to, the nearer you approach to
human life.”

“« You are right, my Socrates.”

“ But it undoubtedly gives us the greatest
pleasure, when we see the passions of men, as
well as their actions, represented ?”

** Undoubtedly.”

‘Then the countenance of the combatant
going to engage the enemy, must be menacing
and full of fire ; that of the conqueror, all com-
placency and joy ?”

“ς They must.”

- Therefore,’ concluded Soerates, “he will
ever be deemed the best sculptor, whose statues
best express the inward workings of the mind.”

Socrates entering the shop of Pistias the
armourer, was shown some corslets that were
thought well made.

“1 cannot but admire,” said Socrates, “the
contrivance of those things which so well cover
that part of the body which most wants de-_
fending, and yet leave the hands and arms at
liberty. But tell us, Pistias, why you sell
your armour so much deare: than any other,
when it is neither better tempered, stronger,
nor the materials of it more costly ?”

“1 make it better proportioned,” said Pis-
tias ; ‘and therefore I ought to have a better
price.”

“ But how are we to find out this proportion,
Pistias? Not by weight or measure: for as
you make for different people, the weight and
the size must likewise differ, or they will not
fit.”

“ We must make them to fit,” said Pistias ;
otherwise the armour would be of little use.”

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

«« And are you aware that all bodies are not
justly proportioned ?”

“Tam.”

* How can you make a well-proportioned
suit of arms for an ill-proportioned body ?”

“ I make it fit ; and what fits is well-propor-
tioned.”’

*‘ Then you are of opinion, that when we
declare any thing well-proportioned, it must be
in reference to the use for which it was intend.
ed: at when we say of this shield, or this
cloak, it is well-proportioned, for it fits the
person for whom it was made? But I think,”
added Socrates, “ there is still another advan-
tage, and that no small one, in having arms
made to fit the wearer.”

“ Pray, what is that ?”

*« Armour which fits,” replied Socrates,
“doth not load the wearer so much as that
which is ill made, although the weight may be
the same: for that which doth not fit hangs
altogether upon the shoulders, or bears hard
upon some other part of the body ; and be-
comes, thereby, almost insupportable ; whereas
the weight of that which is well made, falls
equally on all;—the shoulders, breast, back,
loins ;—and is worn with ease, not carried as a
burthen.”

“ It is for this very same reason,” said Pis-
tias, “that I set such a value on those I make:
nevertheless, my Socrates, there are who pay
more regard to the gilding and carving of their
arms than to any other matter.”

« And yet,” answered Socrates, “these peo-
ple will make but a bad bargain with all their
gilding and various colours, if they buy such
arms as do not sit easy. But,” continued So-
crates, “since the position of the body is not
always the same, being sometimes stooping and
sometimes erect, how can the arms, that are.
made with such exactness, be at all times
easy ?” 3
‘«¢ Neither can they,” replied the other.

ἐς You think then, Pistias, the arms which
are well made are not those which are exact,
or sit close to the body, but give the least trou-
ble to him who wears them ?”

«“ You think so,” said Pistias; ‘and have
certainly taken the-matter right.”

XI. There was a courtezan at Athens, called
Theodota, of great fame on the account of.
her many lovers. It being mentioned in com-
pany that her beauty surpassed all description,
‘that painters came from all parts to draw her

573

picture, and that one was now gone to her
lodgings for that very purpose,—‘ We should
do well,” said Socrates, “to go ourselves and
see this wonder, for we may then speak with
more certainty when we speak from our own
knowledge, and do not depend on the report of
others.”

The person who first mentioned this second-
ing the proposal, they went that instant to the
lodgings of Theodota, and found her, as was
said, sitting for her picture. The painter be-
ing gone, Socrates said to those who came
along with him: ‘ What say you, 5115». which
of the two ought to think themselves the most
obliged: we to Theodota, for the sight of so
much beauty; or she to us, for coming to see
it? Now, if the advantages of showing her-
self are found to be altogether on her side,
then certainly is she indebted to us for this
visit : if otherwise, indeed, we must thank her.”

The reasonableness of what was said being
assented to by the rest, Socrates proceeded—
“ΤΠ praises we bestow at present, ought not
even these to be had in some estimation by
Theodota? But when we come to blaze
abroad the fame of her beauty, what manifold
advantages may not arise to her from it! while
all our gain from the sight of so many charms
can terminate in nothing but fruitless longing !
We take our leave with hearts full of love and
anxiety, and are henceforth no other than so
many slaves to Theodota, with whom she has
no more to do than to show them her plea-
sure !”

“ If this is the case,” replied Theodota, “1
am to thank you for coming to see me.”

Socrates, during this conyersation, had ob-
served how sumptuously she was adorned, and
that her mother was the same ; her attendants,
of whom there was no small number expen-
sively clothed, and all the furniture of her
apartment elegant and costly: he therefore
took occasion from thence to ask her concern-
ing her estate in the country; adding, it must
of necessity be very considerable ?

Being answered, “she had not any.”

‘* You have houses then,” said he, “in the
city, and they yield you a good income ?”

“ No, nor houses, Socrates.”

‘You have certainly many slaves, then,
Theodota, who by the labour of their hands
supply you with these riches ?”

“‘ So far,” replied Theodota, “from having
many, that I have not one.”

574 MEMOIRS

“ But whence then,” said Socrates, ‘* can all
this come ?”

“From my friends,” returned Theodota.

“Α fair possession, truly!” replied So-
erates ; “ and a herd of friends we find to be
a far better thing than a flock of sheep ora
herd of cattle. But tell me, pray, do you trust
fortune to bring these friends home to you, as
flies fall by chance into the spider’s web, or do
you employ some art to draw them in ?”

«But where, Socrates, shall I be furnished
with this art ?”

** You may procure it,” said Socrates, “ with
far greater ease than the spider her web. You
see how this little animal, who lives only upon
her prey, hangs her nets in the air, in order to
entangle it ?” ‘

“You advise me, then, to weave some arti-
ficial nets,” said Theodota, “in order to catch
friends ?”

“ Not so neither,” returned Socrates ; “ it is
necessary to go a little less openly to work ina
pursuit of such importance. You see what
various arts are employed by men to hunt down
hares, which, after all, are of little value. As
these are known to feed chiefly in the night,
they provide dogs to find them out at that sea-
son: and as they lie concealed in the day, the
sharp-scented hound is employed to trace them
up to their very forms: being swift of foot,
the greyhound is let loose upon them, as more
swift of foot than they; and, lest all this
should not be sufficient for the purpose, they
spread nets in the paths to catch and entangle
them.”

‘© Very well,” replied Theodota ; “ but what
art shall I make use of to catch friends ?”

“ Instead of the hunter’s dog,” said Socrates,
“you must set somebody to find out those who
are rich and well-pleased with beauty, whom
afterwards they shall force into your toils.”

“ And what are my toils?” replied Theo-
dota.

*« You are certainly mistress of many,” said
Socrates, “ and those not a little entangling.
What think you of that form of yours, Theo-
dota, accompanied as it is with a wit so pierc-
ing, as shows you at once what will be most
for your advantage? It is this which directs
the glance, tunes the tongue, and supplies it
with all the shows of courtesy and kindness.
It is this which teaches you to receive with
transport him who assiduously courts your
favour, and scorn such as show you no regard.

OF SOCRATES.

[Book 111.

If your friend is sick, you spare for no pains in
your attendance upon him: you rejoice in all
his joy, and give every proof of having be-
stowed your heart on him who seems to have
given his to you. In short, I make no doubt
of your being well versed in all the arts of
allurement, and dare venture to say, the friends
you have, if true, were not gained by compli-
ments, but substantial proofs of kindness.”

“ But,” said Theodota, “I never practise
any of the arts you mention.”

“And yet,” answered Socrates, some
management is necessary, since a friend is a
sort of prey that is neither to be catched nor
kept by force; a creature no otherwise to be
taken and tamed, but by showing it kindness,
and communicating to it pleasure.”

« You say right, Socrates; but why a you
not help me to gain friends ?”

*« And so I will,” said Socrates, “if you can
find out how to persuade me to it.”

“ But what way must I take to persuade
you ?”

“Do you ask that?” returned Socrates :
“ You will find out the way, Theodota, if you
want my assistance.”

“ Then come to me often.”

Socrates, still joking with her, said laugh-
ing :—“ But it is not so easy for me to find
leisure: I have much business both in public
and private, and have my friends too, as well
as you, who will not suffer me to be absent
night or day, but employ against me the very
charms and incantations that I formerly taught
them.”

“ You are then acquaited with those
things ?”

“ Verily!” returned Socrates; “for what
else can you suppose, Theodota, engaged
Apollodorus and Antisthenes to be always
with me? Or Cebes and Simmias, to leave
Thebes for my company, but the charms 1
speak of ?”?

1 Antisthenes lived at the port Pirzeus, about five
miles from Athens, and came from thence every day
to see Socrates. Cebes and Simmias left their native
country for his sake; and almost the whole uf what
we know of Apollodorus is the violence of his affection
for Socrates. But the proof which Euclides gave of his
was the most extraordinary ; for, when the hatred of
the Megareans was so great, that it was forbidden on
pain of death for any one of them to set foot in Attica,
and the Athenians obliged their generals to take an
oath, when they elected them, to ravage the territories
of Megara twice every year, Euclides used to disguise

™

MEMOTRS

OF SOCRATES.

975

“ Communicate these charms to me,” said: equally contemn all the advantages arising

Theodota, “and the first proof of their power
shall be upon you.”

« But I would not be attracted to you, Theo-’

dota; I would rather you should come to me.”

*‘ Give me but a favourable reception,” said
Theodota, ‘and I will certainly come.”

“50 I will,” replied Socrates, “ provided I
have then no one with me whom 1 love better.”

XII. Socrates having taken notice how very
awkward Epigenes, one of his followers, was
in all his actions, and that he was moreover
of a sickly constitution, both which he attri-
buted to a neglect of those exercises which
make so large a part of a liberal education, ? he
reproved him for it, saying, “ How unbecom-
ing it was in him to go on in such a manner !”
Epigenes only answered, “ He was under no
obligation to do otherwise.”

“ At least as much,” replied Socrates, ‘as
he who hath to prepare for Olympia. Or do
you suppose it, Epigenes, a thing of less con-
sequence to fight for your life against the ene-
mies of your country, whenever it shall please
our Athenians to command your service, than
to contend for a prize at the Olympic games?
How many do we see, who, through feebleness
and want of strength, lose their lives in battle ;
or, what is still worse, save themselves by
some dishonourable means! How many fall
alive into the enemy’s hand, endure slavery of
the most grievous kind for the remainder of
their days, unless redeemed from it by the ruin
of their families! Whilst a third procures
himself an evil fame ; and the charge of cow-
ardice is given to imbecility. But, perhaps,
Epigenes, you despise all the ills which at-
tend on bad health, or account them as evils
that may easily be borne ?”

«“ Truly,” replied the other, “I think them
rather to be chosen, than so much fatigue and
labour for the purchase of a little health.”

ἐς Τῦ may be, then,” answered Socrates, “‘ you

himself in the habit of an old woman, and covering his
head with a veil, set out in the evening from Megara ;
* and arriving in the night-time at the house of Socrates,
staid till the next evening with him, and then returned
in the same manner; so much stronger was his affec-
tion than the fear of death. And when, to friends like
these, we may stil] add many others, Plato, Cherephon,
Crito, and, to mention no more, our amiable Xenophon—
almost all of them the wisest as well as the best men of
their age—who can suspect the virtue of Socrates,—
who can doubt his being a happy man!

2 No slaves were allowed to anoint, or perform
exercises in the Palestra.—Pott. Antigq.

from a contrary complexion; yet, to me, they
seem to be many and great ; since he who is
possessed of a good constitution, is healthful,
strong, and hardy, and may acquit himself with
honour on every occasion. By the means of
this he ofttimes escapes all the dangers of war ;
he can assist his friends, do much service to
his country, and is sure of being well received
wherever he shall go. His name becomes il-
lustrious: he makes his way to the highest
offices ; passes the decline of life in tranquillity
and honour ; and leaves to his children the fair
inheritance of a good example. Neither ought
we to neglect the benefits arising from military
exercises, though we may not be called upon

to perform them in public, since we shall find

ourselves not the less fitted for whatever we
may engage in, from having a constitution
healthful and vigorous : and as the body must
bear its part, it imports us much to have it in
good order ; for who knoweth not,” continued
Socrates, “ that even there—where it seems to
have least to do—who knoweth not how much
the mind is retarded in its pursuits after know-
ledge, through indisposition of the body; so
that forgetfulness, melancholy, fretfulness, and
even madness itself, shall sometimes be the
consequence, so far as to destroy even the very
traces of all we have ever learned. But he
whose constitution is rightly tempered, need
fear none of these evils; and, therefore, he
who hath a just discernment will choose with
pleasure whatever may best secure him from
them. Neither doth an inconsiderable shame
belong to the man who suffers himself to sink
into old age, without exerting to the utmost Ὁ
those faculties nature hath bestowed on him ;
and trying how far they will carry him towards
that perfection, which laziness and despondence
can never attain to; for dexterity and strength
are not produced spontaneously.”

XIII. A certain man being angry with an-
other for not returning his salutation, Socrates
asked, “‘ Why was he not enraged whenhe met
one who had less health than himself, since it
would not be more ridiculous, than to be angry
with one who was less civil ?”

Another bemoaning himself because he
could not relish his food; ‘“ There is an ex-
cellent remedy for this complaint,” answered
Socrates ; “fast often. By this means you
will not only eat more pleasantly, but likewise
better your health, and save your money.”

576

Another complaining that the water which
ran by his house was too warm to drink; “ You
are lucky, however,” said Socrates, “in having
a bath thus ready prepared for you.”

« But it is too cold to bathe in,” replied the
other.

* Do your domestics complain of it when
they drink or bathe ?”

“ So far from it,” answered the man, “ that
it is often my wonder to see with what plea-
sure they use it for both these purposes.”

“ς Which do you account,” said Socrates,
“the warmest ; this water you speak of, or that
in the temple of Esculapius ?”

«<Q! that in the temple,” replied the other.

«¢ And how is it,” said Socrates, “ that you
do not perceive yourself more froward and
harder to please, not only than your own ser-
vants, but even people who are sick ?”

Socrates seeing one beat his servant immo-
derately, asked him, “ What offence the man
had committed ?”

“1 beat him,” replied the other, “ because
he is not only a drunkard and a glutton, but
avaricious and idle.”

“ You do well,” said Socrates; ‘but judge
for yourself which deserves the most stripes,
your servant, or you ?”

Another dreading the length of the way to
Olympia ; Socrates asked him, “ What he was
afraid of ? For is it not your custom,” said he,
“to walk up and down in your own chamber,
almost.the whole day? You need therefore
but fancy you are taking your usual exercise
between breakfast and dinner, and dinner and
supper, and you will find yourself, without much
fatigue, at the end of your journey; for you
certainly walk more in five or six days, than is
‘sufficient to carry you from Athens to Olym-
pia. And as it is pleasanter to have a day to
spare, than to want one, delay not, f advise
you; but set out in time, and let your haste
appear, not at the end, but the beginning of
your journey.” ἢ

A certain person complaining of being tired
with travelling, Socrates asked, “If he had
carried any thing ?”

“ς Nothing but my cloak,” replied the other.

WwW ~2~9«« Was you alone 2” said Socrates.
ere aad

“‘No; my servant went along with me.”

1 Many of the circumstances here mentioned seem as
if they should not be so much considered as things spoken
by Socrates, as Socrates; but by Socrates whom Xeno-
phon most tenderly loved.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[BOOK II.

* And did he carry any. thing ?”

« Yes, certainly, he carried all I wanted.”

“ And how did he bear the journey 2”

“* Much better than I.”

“ What, if you had carried the burthen ; how
then 3 ᾿

“TI could not have done it,” replied the
other. ᾿

« What a shame,” said Socrates, “ for a man
who hath gone through all his exercises not to
be able to bear as much fatigue as his servant !”.

XIV. It being generally the custom, when
they met together, for every one to bring
his own supper;* Socrates observed, that

whilst some of them took such care of them-

selves, as to have more than was sufficient ;
others were compelled to be content with less.
He, therefore, so ordered the matter, that the
small portion of him who brought little should
be offered about to all the company in such a
manner, that no one could, civilly, refuse to
partake of it; nor exempt himself from doing the
like with what he brought: by which means a
greater equality was preserved among them.
There was also this farther advantage arising
from it; the expenses of the table were con-
siderably abridged: for when they saw, that
whatever delicacy they brought thither, the
whole company would have their share of it,
few chose to be at the cost to procure it: and
thus luxury was in some degree put a stop to
in these entertainments.

Having observed at one of these meetings,

2 The feasts, or entertainments of the Grecians, were
of different sorts. In the primitive ages, entertainments
were seldom made but on the festivals of their gods;
for it was not customary with them to indulge in the
free use of wine, or delicacies, unless they did it cna
religious account. Afterwards, when a more free way
of living was introduced, they had three distinct sorts of
entertainments, of which the marriage entertainment
was one. Of the other two, one was provided at the
sole expense of one person ; the other was made at the
common expense of all present. Hither also may be re-
ferred those entertainments wherein some of the guests
contributed more than their proportion ; and that other,
(which is, I believe, what Socrates had in this place more
particularly in his eye,) in which it was the custom for
any man, after he had provided his supper (the Gre-
cian’s best meal), to put it in a basket, and go and eat
it in another man’s house.—Pott. Antig.

The Greek name for an entertainment defined by
Plutarch, ‘a mixture of seriousness and mirth, dis-
courses and actions.”

They who forced themselves into other men’s enter-
tainments were called flies; a general name of reproach
for such as insinuated themselves into company where
they were not welcome,

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

a young man who ate his meat without any
bread; and the discourse turning at that time
on the cause why this or that person had pro-
cured to themselves some particular appellation.
— Can you tell me, sirs,” said Socrates, “why
they call a man a gormandizer, since not one
of us here but takes part of whatever is set be-
fore him; and therefore we cannot suppose
this to be the reason ?”

“1 suppose it cannot,” replied one of the
company.

** But,” continued Socrates, ** when we see
any one greedily swallowing down his meat
without mixing any bread with it, may we not
call this man a gormandizer? For, if other-
wise, I know not where we shall meet with
one.” And being asked by another who was
present, What he thought of him who ate a
little bread to a great deal of meat? ‘“ The
same,” answered Socrates, “as I did of the
other; and while the rest of mankind suppli-
cate the gods to find them plenty of corn, these
men must pay for an abundance of the well-
mixed ragout.”

The young man whom this discourse glanced
at, suspecting it was meant for him, thought
proper to take a little bread, but, at the same
time continued to cram down his meat as for-
merly ; which Socrates observing, called to one
who sat near him, to take notice “ whether his
neighbour ate his meat for the sake of the
bread, or his bread for the sake of the meat.”

At another time, seeing a person dip a piece
of bread into several different sauces, Socrates
asked—‘ Whether it was possible to make a
sauce so costly, and at the same time so little
good as this person had made for himself?
For, as it consisted of a greater variety, there
could be no doubt of its costing more ; and as
he had mixed such things together as no cook

577

ever once thought of, who could doubt his
having spoiled all? Besides,” said Socrates,
“what folly to be curious in searching after
cooks, if a man is to undo at once all they have
done for us!” Moreover, he who is accustom-
ed to indulge in variety, will feel dissatisfied
when not in his power to procure it; but the
man who generally restrains himself to one
dish, will rise well satisfied from every table.
He used also to say, that the compound verb,
which in the Attic dialect signified to feast, or
fare well,! meant to eat; and that the term
WELL was added to express the eating insucha
manner as neither to disorder the body nor op-
press the mind ; and with such plainness that
the food could not be difficult to come at: so
that this Attic verb was only applicable to such
persons as ate with decency aud temperance,
and agreeably to the nature of social rational
beings.

——-—

1 The verb here mentioned by Socrates is εὐωχεῖσθαι; to
feast, or make one at a banquet, which comes from
εὐωχία, afeast or banquet. Of this last word we have
two etymologies ; the first deduces it from εὖν bene, and
ἐχὴ, cibus, because those who attend feasts are well fed,
the second deduces it from εὖ ἔχειν, bene sese habere, be-
cause those who attend feasts are well off; they find
their advantage in being there, from faring so sumptu-
ously and well. Whichever etymology we admit, the
ingenuity of Socrates remains the same ; who by trans.
ferring the term εὖ in εὐωχεῖσθαι, from its yulgar and
gross meaning into a moral and rational one, has the
address to transform a verb of luxury and excess into a
verb of temperance and decorum. This method of con-
veying knowledge, by discussing the meanings of words
and their etymologies, was much practised by Socrates.
Many instances occur in this work; in particular see
lib. iv. cap. 2, where διαλέγεσθαι is etymologized. Plato
wrote an entire dialogue, called Cratylus, upon this sub-
ject. From these early philosophers the Stoics took the
practice, as may be seen in Cicero de Natura Deor. and
also Arrian, lib. i. cap. 17; where the learned editor,
Mr Upton, has fully illustrated his author, and given a ᾿
multitude of similar passages. —Mr Harris.

4 id

foun ἐμὰ

Peg

welt oar ee
tlie pai vp apa

+ “ἡ
ΕῚ am τὰ BA)

ee Oa ee eee
ais ἀν stat pees soy ie

+e) ὃ uns i:

Γαι πὲ ἐν ἸΔΗ͂ΒΕ ut

“oe

Lad rts sees

bone ih:

“τὶ

ἊΣ

εἰ Soares

iv 54)

"oe : or righ

XENOPHON’'S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BOOK IV.

CONTENTS or BOOK IV.

i. Xenophon gives an account of the improving nature of Socrates’ conversation.—II1. Socrates discourses with
Euthedemus respecting the method of obtaining wisdom, and what constitutes goodness.—IIL Disquisition
concerning the goodness of the gods.—IV. Socrates and Hippias discuss the nature of justice —V. Arguments
which Socrates employed in order to make his hearers able to practise what was right—VL In what manner

he improved his friends in this methed of reasoning.—VII. His anxiety to have his friends become capable of
performing their own business.—VIII. His behaviour and conversation when in prison.

XENOPHON’S

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

BOOK IV.

I. In this manner would Socrates make him-
self useful to all sorts of men, of whatsoever
employment. Indeed no one can doubt the
advantages arising from his conversation, to
those who associated with him whilst living ;
since even the remembrance of him, when
dead, is still profitable to his friends. Whether
serious or gay, whatever he said carried along
with it something which was improving. He
would frequently assume the character and the
language of a lover ; but it was easy to perceive
it was the charms of the mind, not those of the
body, with which he was enamoured, as the
objects he sought after were always such as he
saw naturally inclining towards virtue. Now
he thought an aptness to learn, together with a
strength of memory to retain what was already
learned, accompanied with a busy inquisitiveness
into such things as might be of use for the right
conduct of life, whether as head only of a sin-
gle family or governor of the whole state, in-
dicated a mind well fitted for instruction, which,
if duly cultivated, would render the youth in
whom they were found not only happy in them-
selves, and their own families, but give them
the power of making many others the same ;
since the benefits arising from thence would
be diffused throughout the whole community.
His method, however, was not the same with
all; but whenever he found any who thought
so highly of themselves on the account of their
talents as to despise instruction, he would en-
deavour to convince them, that of all mankind
they stood in the greatest want of it: like to
the high-bred horse, which having more strength

and courage than others, might be made for that
very reason of so much the more use, if pro-
perly managed ; but, neglected while young,
becomes thereby the more vicious and unruly.
Also those dogs which are of the nobler kind :
these, being trained to it, are excellent in’ the
chase; but, left to themselves, are good for
nothing. And it is the same, would he say,
with respect to men; such of them to whom
nature hath dealt the most liberally, to whom
she hath given strength of body and firmness
of mind, as they can execute with greater
readiness and facility whatever they engage in,
so they become more useful than others, and
rise to nobler heights of virtue, if care is taken
to give them a right turn: but, this not being
done, they excel only in vice; and become, by
the means of these very talents, more hurtful
to society ; for, through ignorance of their duty,
they engage in a bad cause, and make them-
selves parties in evil actions; and, being
haughty and impetuous, they are with difficulty
restrained and brought back to their duty; so
that many and great are the evils they occasion.

As to those men who relied upon their riches,
and imagined they stood in no need of instruc-
tion, as their wealth would be sufficient to sup-
ply all their wants, and procure them every
honour ; these Socrates would endeavour to re-
duce to reason, by showing how foolish it was
to imagine they could of themselves distinguish
between things that were useful, and those
which were hurtful, without haying first been
shown the difference. Or, wanting this powe1

| of discriminating, still vainly supposed, that be-

582 MEMOIRS OF

cause they could purchase the things they had
a mind to, they could therefore perform what-
ever would be to their advantage; or, if not,
could yet live safe and easy, and have all things
go well with them. “ Neither was it,” he said,
*<Jess absurd in them to suppose that wealth
could supply the want of knowledge, and make
the possessor of it pass for a man of abilities ;
or at least procure for him that esteem which
is only acquired by true merit.”

II. But, on the other hand, when he met
with any who valued themselves on account of
their education, concluding they were qualified
for every undertaking ; we.see the method So-
crates took to chastise their vanity, from the
manner in which he treated Euthedemus, sur-
named the Fair.— This young man having col-
lected many of the writings of the most cele-
brated poets and sophists, was so much elated
by it, 85 to fancy himself superior to any other
of the age, both in knowledge and abilities ;
and doubted not to see himself the very first
man in Athens, whatever the business ; whe-
ther to manage the affairs of the state, or ha-
rangue the people. Being, however, as yet too
young to be admitted into the public assem-
blies, his custom was to go into a bridle-cut-
ter’s shop, which stood near to the forura, when
he had any business depending: which So-
crates observing, he also went in thither, ac-
companied by some of his friends; and one
of them asking, in the way of conversation,
‘* Whether Themistocles had been much ad-
vantaged by conversing with philosophers ; or,
whether it were not chiefly the strength of his
own natural talents which had raised him so far
above the rest of his fellow-citizens, as made
them not fail to turn their eyes towards him
whenever the state stood in need of a person of
uncommon ability ?” Socrates, willing to pique
Euthedemus, made answer: “It was mon-
strous folly for any one to imagine, that whilst
the knowledge of the very lowest mechanic art
was not to be attained without a master; the
science of governing the republic, which re-
quired for the right discharge of it all that hu-
man prudence could perform, was to be had by
intuition.”

Socrates went no further at that time ; but
plainly perceiving that Euthedemus cautiously
avoided his company, that he might not be
taken for one of his followers, he determined
to attack him something more openly. To
this purpose, when he was next along with

SOCRATES.

him, Socrates, turning to some who were pre-
sent, “ May we not expect,” said he, ‘“ from
the manner in which this young man pursues
his studies, that he will not fail to speak his
opinion even the very first time he appears in
the assembly, should there be any business: of
importance them in debate ? 1 should suppose,
too, that the proem to his speech, if he begins
with letting them know that he hath never re-
ceived any instruction, must have something in
it not unpleasant. ‘ Be it known to you,’ will
he say, ‘ Ὁ ye men of Athens! I never learnt
any thing of any man: 1 never associated with
persons of parts or experience; never sought
out for people who could instruct me: but,
on the contrary, have steadily persisted in
avoiding all such; as not only holding in ab-
horrence the being taught by others, but care-
ful to keep clear of every the least suspicion
of it: but I am ready, notwithstanding, to give
you such advice as chance shall suggest to me.’
—Not unlike the man,”’ continued Socrates,
“‘ who should tell the people, while soliciting
their voices; ‘It is true, gentlemen, I never
once thought of making physic my study; I
never once applied to any one for instruction ;
and so far was I from desiring to be well versed
in this science, I even wished not to have the
reputation of it: but, gentlemen, be so kind as
to choose me your physician; and I will gain
knowledge by making experiments upon you.’ ”
Every one present laughed at the absurdity
of such a preface ; and Euthedemus, after this,
never avoided the company of Socrates: but
still he affected the most profound silence, hop-
ing, by that means, to gain the reputation of a
modest man. Socrates, desirous to cure him
of his mistake, took an opportunity of saying
to some of his friends, Euthedemus being pre-
sent, “ Is it not strange, sirs, that while such
as wish to play well on the lute, or mount dex-
terously on horseback, are not content with
practising in private as often as may be, but
look out for masters, and submit willingly to
their commands, as the only way to become
proficients and gain fame ; the man whose aim
is to govern the republic, or speak before the
people, shall deem himself aptly qualified for
either without the trouble of any previous in-
struction? Yet surely the last must be owned the
most difficult ; since, out of the many who force
themselves into office, so few are seen to succeed
therein; and therefore it should seem, that
diligence and study are here the most needful.”

[ BOOK Iv.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

By these and the like discourses, Socrates
disposed the young man to enter into farther
conference, and give him a patient hearing.

tunity of going on a time alone into the bridle-
cutter’s shop, where Euthedemus then was ;
and sitting down by him—* Is it true,” said he,
ἐς Huthedemus, that you have collected so many
of the writings of those men whom we call
wise ἢ

“ Most undoubtedly it is true,” replied the
other ; “ neither shall I give over collecting till
I have gained as many of them as I well can.”

‘“‘ Truly,” said Socrates, “ Iadmire you much
for thus endeavouring to accumulate wisdom
rather than wealth: for by this, Huthedemus,.
you plainly discover it to be your opinion,
that gold and silver cannot add to our merit;
whereas we furnish ourselves with an inex-
haustible fund of virtue, when we thus treasure
up the writings of these great men.”

Euthedemus was not a little pleased with
hearing Socrates speak in such a manner ; con-
cluding his method of obtaining wisdom had
met with approbation; which Socrates per-
ceiving, he continued the discourse.

ςς But what employment do you intend to ex-
cel in Euthedemus, that you collect so many
books ?”

Euthedemus returning no answer, as at a
loss what to say :

«ς You perhaps intend to study physic,” said
Socrates; ‘‘and no small number of books
will be wanting for that purpose.”

“ Not I, upon my word.”

« Architecture, perhaps, then? and for this
too you will find no little knowledge necessary.”

« No, nor that,” replied Euthedemus.

«¢ You wish to be an astrologer, or a skilful
geometrician, like Theo ?”

** Not at all.”

* Then you possibly intend to become a
rhapsodist, and recite verses ; for I am told you
are in possession of all Homer’s works ?”

“ By no means,” replied Euthedemus, “ will
I do this ; for however ready these men may be
with their verses, it doth not prevent their
being thought troublesome, wherever they
come.”

ἐς Perhaps you are desirous of that know-
ledge, my Euthedemus, which makes the able
statesman or good economist ? which qualifies
for command, and renders a man useful both to
himself and others ?” ὶ

583

‘‘ This, indeed, is what I sigh for, and am in
search of,” replied Euthedemus, with no small

emotion.
Which having observed, he took an oppor- |

“ Verily!” answered Socrates, “a noble
pursuit ; for this is what we call the royal sci-
ence, as it belongeth in a peculiar manner to
kings. But have you considered the matter,
Euthedemus, whether it will not be necessary
for the man to be just, who hopes to make any
proficiency therein ?”

“ Certainly, Socrates ; for I know very well,
he who is not just cannot make even a good
citizen.”

“ Then you are a just man, Euthedemus ?”

“41 think I am, as much as any other.”

“ Pray say, Euthedemus, may one know
when a just man is engaged in his proper work,
as we can when the artist is employed in his ?”

«¢ Undoubtedly.”

“ So that—as the architect, for example, can
show us what he is doing; so the just man
likewise ?”

«« Assuredly, Socrates ; nor should there be
any great difficulty in pointing out what is just
or unjust, in actions about which we are con-
versant daily.”

“« Suppose, Euthedemus, we should make
two marks; an A here, and a D there: under
which to set down the things that belong to
justice and injustice ?”

« You may,” replied Euthedemus, “if you
think there wants any such method.”

Socrates having done this, went on.

“‘ Is there any such thing as lying.”

“ Most certainly.”

« And to which side shall we place it ?”

“To injustice, surely.”

ἐς Do mankind ever deceive each other ?”

“ Frequently.”

« And where shall we place this?”

“To injustice still.”

« And injury ?”

“ The same.”

“ Selling those into slavery who were born
free Ὁ

«‘ Still the same, certainly.”

« But suppose,” said Socrates, “ one whom
you have elected to command your armies
should take a city belonging to your enemies
and sell its inhabitants for slaves ?-—Shall we
say of this man he acts unjustly ?”

“© By no means.”

ἐς May we say he acteth justly ?”

«“ We may.”

584 MEMOIRS

“ And what if, while he is carrying on the
war, he deceiveth the enemy ?”

-ς He will do right by so doing.”

“ May he not likewise, when he ravages
their country, carry off their corn and their cat-
tle without being guilty of injustice ?”

“No doubt, Socrates; and when I seemed
to say otherwise, I thought you confined what
was spoken to our friends only.”

“ς So then, whatever we have hitherto placed
under our letter D, may be carried over, and
ranged under A ?”

‘© Tt may.”

“ But will it not be necessary to make a fur-
ther distinction, Euthedemus, and say, that to
behave in such a manner to our enemies is
just; but, to our friends, unjust: because to
these last the utmost simplicity and integrity
is due?”

“« You are in the right Socrates.”

« But how,” said Socrates, “if this general,
on seeing the courage of his troops begin to
fail, should make them believe fresh succours
are at hand; and by this means remove their
fears? To which side shall we assign this
falsehood ?”

“51 suppose to justice.”

«Οὐ if a child refuseth the physic he stands
in need of, and the father deceiveth him under
the appearance of food—where shall we place
the deceit, Euthedemus ?”

“ With the same, I imagine.”

«« And suppose a man in the height of des-
pair should attempt to kill himself; and his
friend should come and force away his sword ;
under what head are we to place this act of
violence ?”

(1 should think, where we did the former.”

«“ But take care, Euthedemus, since it seem-
eth from your answers that we ought not al-
ways to treat our friends with candour and in-
tegrity, which yet we had before agreed was to
be done.”

«It is plain we ought not,” returned Euthe-
demus ; ‘‘and J retract my former opinion, if
it is allowable for me so to do.”

«ς Most assuredly,” said Socrates ; “ for it is
far better to change our opinion, than to per-
sist ina wrong one. However,” continued he,
“that we may pass over nothing without duly
examining it: which of the two, Euthedemus,
appears to you the most unjust; he who de-
ceives his friend wittingly, or he who does it
without having any such design ?”

OF

SOCRATES.

“ Truly,” said Euthedemus, “ I am not cer-
tain what I should answer, or what 1 should
think ; for you have given such a turn to all J
have hitherto advanced, as to make it appear
very different to what I before thought it:
however, I will venture so far as to declare that
man the most unjust who deceiveth his friend
designedly.”

‘Is it your opinion, Euthedemus, that a
man must learn to be just and good, in like
manner as he learneth to write and read ?”

“1 believe so.”

“ And which,” said Socrates, “do you think ©
the most ignorant, he who writes or reads ill
designedly, or he who doth it for want of know-
ing better ?”

“‘ The last, certainly,” replied Euthedemus;
“since the other can do right whenever he
pleases.”

“ Tt then follows that he who reads ill, fics
design, knows how to read well ; but the other
doth not ?”

“ Tt is true.”

ἐς Pray tell me,” continued Socrates, “ which
of the two knoweth best what justice is, and
what he ought to do; he who offends against
the truth and deceives designedly, or he who
does it without having any such design δ᾽

“ He, no doubt, who deceives designedly,”
replied Euthedemus.

« But you said, Euthedemus, that he who
understands how to read, is more learned than
one who does not ?”

«(1 did so, Socrates; and it is certainly
true.”

«‘ Then he who knows wherein justice con-
sists, is more just than he who knows nothing
of the matter ?”

ἐς So it seems,” said Euthedemus; “and I
know not how I came to say otherwise.”

« But what would you think of the man,
Euthedemus, who, however willing he might
be to tell the truth, never tells you twice to-
gether the same thing: but if you ask him
about the road, will show you to-day to the
east, and to-morrow to the west; and make
the very same sum amount sometimes to fifty,
and sometimes to a hundred; what would you
say to this man, Euthedemus ?”

« That it was plain he knew nothing of
what he pretended to know.”

Socrates still went on, and said, “ Have
you never heard people called base and servile ?’

« Frequently.”

[ BOOK Iv.

MEMOTRS OF

« And why were they so called? for their
ignorance, or knowledge ?”

“ Not for their knowledge, certainly.”

“ What then? for their ignorance in the
business of a brazier? building a house? or
sweeping a chimney ?”

‘* Nor this, nor that,” replied Euthedemus ;
‘“‘ for the men who are the most expert in em-
ployments of this nature, are generally the most
abject and servile in their minds.”

“ὁ It should seem then, Euthedemus, these
appellatives only belong to those who are igno-
rant of what is just and good ?”

* So I imagine.”

“ Doth it not then follow, that we ought to
exert our powers to the utmost, to avoid this
ignorance, which debases men so low ?”

“ O Socrates !” cried Euthedemus, with no
little emotion, “ I will not deny to you that I
have hitherto believed I was no stranger to
philosophy, but had already gained that know-
ledge so necessary for the man who aspires
after virtue. What then must be my concern

to find, after all my labour, I am not able to.

answer those questions which most importeth
me to know? And the more,‘as 1 see not
what method to pursue whereby I may render
myself more capable !”

ἐς Have you ever been at Delphos ?”

“1 have been there twice.”

«“ Did you observe this inscription somewhere
on the front of the temple—KNow THYSELF ?”

“ Yes, I read it.”

* But it seems scarcely sufficient to have
read it, Euthedemus : did you consider it? and,
in consequence of the admonition, set yourself
diligently to find out what you are ?”!

“1 certainly did not,’ said BKuthedemus ;
“ for 1 imagined I must know this sufficiently
already: and, indeed, it will be difficult for us
to know any thing, if we can be supposed at a
loss here.”

© But for a man to know himself properly,”
said Socrates, “ it is scarcely enough that he
knows his own name. He who desires to pur-
chase a horse, doth not imagine he hath made
the proper trial of his merit, till by mounting
him he hath found out whether he is tractable
or unruly, strong or weak, fleet or heavy, with
every thing else, either good or bad, in him:
so likewise we should not say, he knows him-

1 ** The subject-matter,” said Epictetus, “ of a car-
penter, is wood; of a statuary, brass; and so of the art
of living, the subject-matter is, each person’s own life.”’

SOCRATES. 585

self as he ought, who is ‘ignorant of his own
powers ; or those duties which, as man, it is
incumbent upon him to perform.”

“ It must be confessed,” replied Euthedemus,
“that he who knoweth not his own powers
cannot be said to know himself.”

“ And yet, who seeth not,” continued So-
crates, ““ how great the advantage arising from
this knowledge ; and what misery must attend
our mistakes concerning it! For he who is
possessed of it, not only knoweth himself, but
knoweth what is best for him. He perceiveth
what he can and what he cannot do ; he applieth
himself to-the one, he gaineth what is neces-
sary, and is happy; he attempts not the other, —
and therefore incurs neither distress nor dis-
appointment. From knowing himself he is
able to form a right judgment of others, and
turn them to his advantage, either for the pro-
curing some good or preventing some evil.
On the contrary, he who is ignorant of himself,
and maketh a wrong estimate of his own powers,
will also mistake those of other men; he knows
neither what he wants or undertakes, nor yet
the means he maketh use of; so that he not
only fails of success, but ofttimes falls into
many misfortunes; while the man who sees
his way before him, most commonly obtains
the end he aims at ; and not only so, but secures
to himself renown and honour. His equals
gladly attend to his counsel and follow his
advice ; and they who, by wrong management,
have plunged themselves into difficulties, im-
plore his help, and found all their hopes of
being restored to their former ease, on the pru-
dence of his administration: while they who
blindly engage in business, as they choose ill,
so they succeed worse; nor is the damage they
then sustain the only misfortune they incur;
but they are disgraced for ever; all men ridi-
culing, despising, or blaming them. Neither
doth it fare any thing better with common-
wealths themselves,’ continued Socrates,
‘when mistaking their own strength, they
engage eagerly in war with their more power-
ful neighbours, which ends either in the ruin of
the state, or the loss of their liberty ; compelled
to receive their laws from the hand of the con-
queror.”

ις Be assured,” answered Euthedemus, “ that
I am now fully convinced of the excellence of
the precept which bids us KNOW OURSELVES ;
but from what point shall the man set out, my
Socrates, on so important aninquiry? To in-
form me of this, is now what I hope from you. *

48

586

“ You know what things are good, what evil,
Euthedemus ?”

“ Certainly,” replied Euthedemus; “ for
otherwise I should know less than the very low-
est of our slaves.”

“« Show me then, J pray you, what you think
good ; what evil.”

“« Most willingly,” answered Euthedemus ;
“ and truly, I think, the task will not be diffi-
cult.—First, then, I count sound health good ;
and sickness evil; and whatever conduces to
the one, or the other, are to be estimated
accordingly ; so that the food and exercise
which keeps us in health, we may call good;
and that which brings on us sickness and dis-
ease, evil.”

“ But might it not be as well to say, Euthe-
demus, that health and sickness are both of
them good, when they are the cause of good ;
and evil, when they are the cause of evil ?”

«« But when do we see,” replied Euthedemus,
‘<that health is the cause of evil; or sickness
of good ?”

“Jt is certainly the case,” answered So-
crates, “ when levies are raising for some un-
successful expedition ; or embarkations made,
“which afterwards suffer shipwreck: for the
healthy and the strong being selected on these
occasions, they are unhappily involved in the
same common misfortune ; while the feeble and
the infirm remain in safety.”

« That is true,” replied Euthedemus: ‘ but
then, on the other hand, you must own, my So-
crates, that the healthful and strong have their
share, and that to their no small advantage, in
more fortunate undertakings ; while the sickly
and infirm are entirely excluded.”

«« These things being so, as indeed they are,
sometimes profitable, and sometimes hurtful,
we should not do amiss to set them down,”
said Socrates, “as being in themselves not
more good than evil.”

“So indeed it appears,” said Euthedemus,
* from this way of reasoning: but knowledge,
my Socrates, must ever remain an indubitable
good; since he who hath knowledge, whatever
the business, may certainly execute it with far
greater advantage than he who wants it.”

«‘ Have you not heard then,” said Socrates,
“ how it fared with the wretched Dedalus, on
the account of his excelling in so many different

arts?! This man falling into the hands of

1 He was the most ingenious artistin the world; and
hence the proverb Dedali opera, when we would com-

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

, Minos, was detained by him in Crete :

[BOOK Iv.

at once
torn from his country, and deprived of his free-
dom: and when afterwards attempting to es-
cape with his son, he was the cause of the loss
of the miserable youth. Neither was he able
to secure himself ; but being seized by the -
Barbarians, was compelled to return, again to
endure all the evil of slavery.” :

“1 have heard this,” replied Euthedemus.

«* You know too,” continued Socrates, “ the
unhappy fate of Palamedes, whose praises all
men celebrated :? he fell a sacrifice to the envy
of Ulysses; and miserably perished, through .
the insidious artifices of his rival: and how
many are now languishing in perpetual bondage,
whom the king of Persia caused to be carried
away, and still keeps near him, merely on the
account of their superior talents ?”

“ But granting this to be as you say; yet
certainly,” replied Euthedemus, “we may es-
teem happiness an undoubted good ?”

“ We may,” answered Socrates, “ provided
this happiness ariseth from such things as are
undoubtedly good.”

“But how can those things which produce

: happiness, be otherwise than good ?”

« They cannot,” said Socrates,‘ if you admit
not of the number, health, strength, beauty,
riches, fame, and such like.”

“« But we certainly do admit such things in-
to the number,” replied Euthedemus; “ for
how are we to be happy without them ?”

«“ Rather, how are we to be happy with
them,” returned Socrates, ‘‘ seeing they are the
source of so many evils? For how often. hath
a beautiful form been the cause of defilement !
How often, from a persuasion of their strength,
have men been induced to engage in hazardous
undertakings which overwhelm them in ruin!
How many have sunk into luxury by means of
their riches, or fallen into the snares that were
insidiously laid for them, by the people whose

mend the curiousness of the workmanship. He invented
the saw, the axe, the plummet, the auger, glue, cement,
sails, and sail-yards ; and made statues, with a device
to make the eyes move as if living.

2 Falamedes invented four Greek letters, and added
them to the other sixteen already Invented by Cadmus.
He was skilful in astrology, and the first who found out
the cause of an eclipse; and brought the year to the
course of the sun, and the month to the course of the
moon: he was skilful in ordering an army, and intro-
duced the use of the watch-word; both which he took
the hint of, as was said, from the conduct and the fying
of cranes, εἰ

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

interest it was to procure their ruin! Even
that glory, my Euthedemus, which results from
our having well served our country, doth not
seldom prove fatal to the man on whom it is
bestowed.”

“If I have then erred in speaking well of
happiness,” replied Euthedemus, ‘“ I know not
what it is for which I can yet supplicate the
gods.”

<< Tt may be,” answered Socrates, “you have

not duly considered the matter, from think.

ing you were already sufficiently acquainted
with it. But, (changing the subject,) they
tell us, Euthedemus, you are preparing to take
upon you the administration of our affairs.
Now, since it is the people who bear sway in
Athens, I doubt not your having thoroughly
studied the nature of a popular government ?”

* You do right not to doubt it.”

«Pray tell us, may we understand what a
popular goverament is, without knowing who
are the people ?”

“ 1 should suppose not.”

« And who are the people ?” said Socrates.

“JT include under that denomination,” re-
plied Euthedemus, “all such citizens as are
poor.”

“οι know those who are so ἢ

“© Certainly.”

«¢ And who are rich ?”

« No doubt of it.”

« Tell me then, I pray you, whom you think
rich; whom poor.”

«1 consider those as being poor, who have
not wherewithal to defray their necessary ex-
penses,” said Euthedemus; ‘and I esteem
ihose rich who possess more than they want.”

« But have you not observed, Euthedemus,
there are people, who, although they have very
little, have not only enough for their necessary
expenses, but manage in such a manner as to
lay up a part; while others are in want, not-
withstanding their large possessions ?”

“1 own it,’ said Euthedemus; ‘and re-
collect some princes, whose necessities have
compelled them to deal injuriously by their
subjects ; even so far as to deprive them of
their possessions.”

ἐς [t will follow then, Euthedemus, that we
should place these princes among the poor,
and the frugal managers of their little fortune
among the rich, since these may truly be said
to live in affluence.”

“ They may,” replied Huthedemus; ‘< for 1

587

am not able to support any thing against your
arguments: and, indeed, I believe silence for
the future will best become me, since, after all,
I begin to suspect that I know nothing.

On saying this he hastily withdrew, full ot
confusion and contempt of himself, as begin-
ning to perceive his own insignificancy. But
it was not Euthedemus alone to whom So-
crates gave that sort of uneasiness: ' many,
who were once his followers, had forsaken
him on that account, whom Socrates estimated
accordingly: but it was otherwise with Euthe-
demus; his attachment to him after this in-
creased daily, and he thought there was no
other way to become a man of business than
by conversing with Socrates ; so that he never
left him unless compelled to it by affairs of
the greatest moment: carrying his admiration
of him so far as to imitate many of his actions:
which Socrates perceiving, he carefully avoided
saying whatever might appear harsh or dis..
gusting, but conversed with him freely, and in-
structed him, without reserve, concerning those
things which it most imported him to know
and practise.

III. Yet was not Socrates ever in haste to
make orators, artists, or able statesmen. The
first business, as he thought, was to implant in
the minds of his followers virtuous principles ;
since, these wanting, every other talent only
added to the capacity of doing greater harm,
and more especially to inspire them with piety
towards the gods. But seeing many others
have already related what they heard him speak
upon that subject, I shall content myself with
only mentioning in what manner he once dis-
coursed,—I being present with Euthedemus,—
concerning a providence ; for, turning towards
him, he said:

«« Have you never reflected, Euthedemus,
how wondrously gracious the gods have been
to men in providing all things useful for
them ?”

“1 cannot say,” replied Euthedemus, “ that
I ever did.”

a

1 “ The school of a philosopher,” says Epictetus, ‘‘ is
asurgery. Youare not to go out of it with pleasure
but with pain ; for you come there not in health, but
one of you hath a dislocated shoulder, another an ab-
scess, a third a fistula, a fourth the headache : and am IT
then to sit uttering pretty trifling exclamations, that
when you have praised me, you may go away with the
same dislocated shoulder, the same aching head, the
same fistula, and the same abscess, that vou brought 2”
—Carter’s Epict.

988

« And yet,” continued Socrates, “ you want
not to be informed how necessary this light is,
or that it is the gods who have bestowed it
. upon us.”

“1 do not,” replied Euthedemus ; “ nor yet
that our state would be no better than that of
the blind, were we deprived of it.”

“ But because we stand in need of rest after
our labour, they have likewise given to us the
night, as the more proper time to repose in.”

“« They have,” replied Euthedemus; “ and
we ought to be most thankful.”

‘¢ But, as the sun by its light not only ren-
ders each object visible, but points out the
hours of the day to us; for the stars have been
ordained, together with the moon, to mark out
the time throughout the darkness of the night
season ; whilst the last is still of farther use to
us in regulating the months, and distinguishing
the several parts of them.”

« ΤΊ is true,” answered Euthedemus.

«* And seeing that nourishment is so neces-
sary for the support of man, observe you not,
Euthedemus, how the earth hath been made to
produce it for him? The convenient chang-
ings of the seasons, all serving to the same
purpose? While such the variety and abun-
dance bestowed upon us, as not only secures
from the fear of want, but gives us wherewithal
to indulge even to luxury !”

.* Undoubtedly,” cried Euthedemus, “ this
goodness of the gods is a strong proof of their
care for man.”

«© And what think you,” continued Socrates,
“‘ of their having given to us water, so useful
and even necessary for all the affairs of life?
By the means of it the earth produces its
fruits, whilst the dews from above carry them
on to perfection. It maketh of itself a part of
our nourishment, and is of use in the dressing
and preparing our food ; rendering it not only
more beneficial but pleasant. And, seeing our
wants of it are evidently so many, how bountiful
are the gods who have supplied us with it in
such profusion !”

« A farther proof,” cried Euthedemus, “ of
their great regard for man.”

«« Likewise, what shall we say,” continued
Socrates, “ to their having provided us with
fire, which secures from the cold, dispels the
darkness, and is altogether so necessary for
carrying on the arts of life, that mankind can
produce nothing useful without it. The sun
too, Euthedemus; observe you not how, win-

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[ BOOK Iv.

ter being over, it turneth towards us ; wither-
ing those fruits whereof the season is now past,
at the same time that it matures others and
brings them to perfection? This service once
done, it retires again, that its heat may not an-
ΠΟΥ͂ us ; but having reached that point, beyond
which it cannot pass without exposing us to the
danger of perishing from its absence, it mea-
sureth back its steps to that part of the heavens
in which its influence may be of the most ad-
vantage. And because we should be unable to
bear the extreme, whether of heat or cold,

when coming upon us suddenly, how can it ~

otherwise than excite our admiration, when we
consider those almost imperceptible degrees,
whereby it advanceth to, and retireth from us:
so that we can arrive at the highest point of
either, without being, in a manner, at all sensi-
ble to the change ?”

“ Truly,” said Euthedemus, “ these things
put me in some doubt, whether the gods have
any other employment than taking care of man.
This, however, perplexes me; I see these gifts
bestowed upon him only in common with other
animals !”

“ς And see you not,” replied Socrates, ‘ that.

even all these themselves are produced and
nourished for the service of man? For what
animal, except himself, can turn to its use the
hog, the goat, the ox, and the horse, together
with the rest that everywhere surround him ?
So that it seemeth to me, that man is not more
indebted to the earth itself, than to these,
his fellow-creatures, whether for the conveni-
ences or necessaries of life; since few of us
live on the fruits of the earth, but on milk,
cheese, and the flesh of other animals; while
we break them for our use, and tame them for
our service; and receive assistance from them
in war, as well as on other occasions.”

“51 own it,” answered Euthedemus; “ for
although many of these are much stronger than
man, yet he is able to make them so far sub-
servient to him as to perform readily whatever
he commands,”

ςς Marvellous, likewise, must we acknow-
ledge the goodness of the gods, and worthy
of our consideration; inasmuch, as haying
given to man an infinite number of things, all
good in themselves, yet still differing in their
nature, they have therefore bestowed upon him
a variety of senses, each peculiarly formed for
the enjoyment of its proper object. They have
likewise endued him with reason and under-

ee

MEMOTRS

standing; by the means of which he examineth
into those things the senses have discovered to
him: he retaineth them in his memory, and
findeth out their use ; whereby they are made
to serve many admirable purposes, both for
his ease and security from danger. From the
gods likewise it is that we have received the
gift of speech, which enables us to give and
receive instruction and pleasure, unite into
societies, promulgate laws, and govern com-
munities. And, forasmuch as we are not able
to foresee what may happen hereafter, or judge
of ourselves what may be the best for us to do,
they readily incline to such as seek to them
for assistance; declaring by their oracles the
things that are to come, and instruct us so to
act as may be the most for our advantage.”

«* But,” said Euthedemus, interrupting him,
“the gods, my Socrates, deal still more favour-
ably with you, for they stay not to be consulted,
but show of themselves what things you ought
or ought not to do.”

“ But that I spake not against the truth in
so saying, you yourself shall know, if you wait
not, Euthedemus, till the gods become visible ;
but it sufficeth you to see and adore them in
their works, since it is by these alone they
choose to manifest themselves to men. Even
among all those deities who so liberally bestow
on us good things, not one of them maketh
himself an object of our sight. And He who
raised this whole universe, and still upholds
the mighty frame, who perfected every part of
it in beauty and in goodness, suffering none of
these parts to decay through age, but renewing
them daily with unfading vigour, whereby they
are able to execute whatever he ordains with
that readiness and precision which surpass
man’s imagination ; even he, the supreme God,
who performeth all these wonders, still holds
himself invisible, and it is only in his works
that we are capable of admiring him. For
consider, my Euthedemus, the sun, which
seemeth as it were set forth to the view of
all men, yet suffereth not itself to-be too curi-
ously examined; punishing those with blind-
ness who too rashly venture so to do: and
those ministers of the gods, whom they employ
to execute their bidding, remain to us invisible :
for, though the thunderbolt is shot from on
high, and breaketh in pieces whatever it findeth

in its way, yet no one seeth it when it falls,

when it strikes, or when it retires: neither are
the winds discoverable to our sight, though we

OF SOCRATES.

589

plainly behold the ravages they every where
make; and with ease perceive what time they
are rising. And if there be any thing in man,
my Euthedemus, partaking of the divine nature, -
it must surely be the soul which governs and
directs him; yet no one considers this as an
object of his sight. Learn, therefore, not to
despise those things which you cannot see;
judge of the greatness of the power by the
effects which are produced, and REVERENCE
THE Derry.”

“It is very sure,” replied Euthedemus, “1
shall never be wanting in my acknowledgments
to the gods, and it even troubleth me that we
cannot make a suitable return for the benefits
they have conferred on us.”

« Let not this afflict you,” replied Socrates:
« You know the answer which is given by the
oracle at Delphos to those who inquire what
they must do to make their sacrifices accept-
able ?—Follow, saith the god, the custom of
your country. Now this is the custom which
prevaileth every where, that each one should
offer according to his ability: and therefore,
my HEuthedemus, what better can we do to
honour the gods, and show our gratitude towards
them, than by acting in such a manner as they
themselves have commanded? Let us how-
ever beware lest we fall short of that ability
wherewith the gods have endued us ; since this
would not be to honour but express our con-
tempt: but, having done all in our power,
there is no longer any thing left us whereof to
be afraid ; nothing, indeed, which we may not
hope for. For, from whom can we reasonably
expect the most good, but from those beings
who are possessed of the greatest power?
Either what better can we do, to secure it to
ourselves, than conciliate their favour—but we
best conciliate their favour when we obey their
commands.”

In this manner did Socrates instruct his fol-
lowers in their duty to the gods: and foras-
much as all his precepts were ever accompanied
with the practice of the purest devotion, he
greatly advanced the piety of his friends.

IV. With regard to justice, no one could
doubt what were the sentiments of Socrates
concerning it; since all his actions, both pub-
lic and private, sufficiently declared them. He
was always willing to assist whoever wanted
his assistance; to observe the laws, and to
obey the legal commands of the magistrate ; so
that, whether in the city or the camp, So-

590

crates distinguished himself above all others,
for the readiness and exactness wherewith he
executed every order. When it came to his
turn to preside in the public assemblies, be
would suffer no decree to pass in them which
appeared to him contrary to the laws, but stood
up alone in defence of them; opposing, on a
time, so violent a tumult of the people, as, I
think, none but himself could possibly have
withstood ; and when the Thirty imposed upon
him things which were unjust, he paid no re-
gard to their injunctions, but continued to dis-
course with the young men as usual, after the
time they had ordered him otherwise ; neither
would obey, when they commanded him and
three others to bring a certain person to exe-
cution, as knowing he had been condemned by
them contrary to all law. And whereas it was
common for others, when on their trial, to talk
much with their judges; to flatter, and shame-
fully solicit their favour, which ofttimes they
procured, in direct opposition to the laws;
Socrates would not avail himself of these arts,
however easy it was to have brought himself
off by any the smallest compliance with the
custom ; but chose rather, as he himself said
to those friends who counselled him otherwise,
to die, continuing steadfast to the laws, than
save his life by such indirect practices.

Now, though Socrates talked to several on
that subject, yet I particularly remember a con-
versation he once had with Hippias the Elean,
concerning justice. This man, after having
been a long time absent from Athens, happened,
on his return, to come accidentally to a place
where Socrates was talking with some friends,
and saying, ‘‘ That if any one wanted to have
a person taught the trade of a carpenter, a
smith, or a shoemaker, he need not be at a loss
for somebody to instruct him: or, if his horse
was to be broke at the bit, or his ox tothe
yoke, many would be ready enough to under-
take them: but, if he wanted to learn how he
himself might become a good man, or have a
son, or any other of his family made so, it was
not an easy matter to find out whom to apply
to.”

Hippias having heard this, said to him jeer-
ingly, ‘“* What, Socrates! still saying the same
things we heard you say before 1 left Athens ?”

“61 am,” replied Socrates; ‘and, what is
still more wonderful, on the same subject ;
but you, Hippias, being so very learned, may
perhaps do otherwise.”

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book Iv.

« You are in the right,” said Hippias, “ for
I always endeavour to say something new.”

“Js it possible!” said Socrates. “ But
pray,” continued he, “suppose you were asked
how many letters there were in my name, ἀπά
what they were called, would you sometimes
say one thing, and sometimes another? And
would you not sjalways answer, when asked,
that five and five made ten ?”’

“ As to such things,” said Hippias, “ I cer-
tainly should say the same as you; but we are
now talking of justice, or the rule of right and
wrong; and 1 think J have now something to
say concerning it, as can hardly be controverted
either by you or any other.”

“«« By the gods,” replied Socrates, ‘‘ the dis-
covery will be most useful! The standard of
right and wrong once fixed, all difference of
opinion among the judges, all sedition among
the people, all lawsuits between citizens, all
wars and contentions among communities,
must be at an end! And truly it would grieve
me to leave you, Hippias, without knowing
what this inestimable secret may be that you
say you have discovered.”

“ But it is certain,” said Hippias, “ you
will not know it without first telling us your
sentiments concerning justice, or this rule of
right: for you content yourself, Socrates, with
asking questions, and afterwards confuting the
answers that are made you, in order to turn
those who make them into ridicule; but never
advance any thing of your own, that-you may
not be called upon to support your opinion.”

“ How!” said Socrates; “perceive you
not that I am continually demonstrating to the
world my sentiments concerning justice ?”

“ And in what manner do you demonstrate
them ?” said Hippias.

« By my actions,” replied Socrates; “ at
least as much deserving of credit as words.”

“ By Jupiter!” said Hippias, “I should
fancy somewhat more; for I have heard many
declaim loudly in behalf of justice who were
all the time very far from being just: but he
who is upright in his actions, must necessarily
be an upright man.’

“ But when have you known me,” said So-
crates, “ bearing false witness, or slandering
any man? Where was it that I sowed dissen-
sion between friends? stirred up sedition in
the republic? or practised any other kind of
injustice whatsoever ?”

“1 cannot say,” answered the otber.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

“«Απᾶ do you not think, that to refrain from
injustice, is to be just ?”

“« Ay, now Socrates,” said Hippias, “you
are endeavouring to get off, and care not to
give us your opinion freely; for you only tell
us what ajust man should not do, but not one
syllable of what he should.”

“1 thought,” replied Socrates, “that a vo-
luntary forbearance of all injustice was sufficient
to denominate a person just ; but, if it seemeth
not so to you, Hippias, let us see if this will
satisfy you better: I say, then, that justice is
no other than a due observance of the laws.”

** Do you mean, that to be just, and to live
agreeably to the laws, is the same thing 3"

“61 40."

“1 cannot comprehend you.”

“‘ Know you the laws of the city ?”

‘© Certainly.”

“« And what are they ?”

‘* Those things,” said Hippias, ‘ which the
people ordain in a public assembly, after having
agreed what ought or ought not to be done.”

“‘ Then he who lives in the republic accord-
ing to these ordinances, lives according to the
laws? and he who doth otherwise, must be
deemed a transgressor ?”

“ He must.”

ἐς And is not he who obeys these ordinances
just? he who doth not obey them, unjust ?”

‘© Undoubtedly.”

« But he who doth that which is just, is just :

he who doth that which is unjust, unjust.”

“Τὸ cannot be otherwise.”

“ Therefore,” said Socrates, “ they who ob-
serve the laws, are just ; they who do not ob-
serve them unjust.”

“ But,” said Hippias, “ what good can there
be in obeying the laws; or even in the very
laws themselves, when we see those who make
them not only continually altering them, but
even ofttimes abrogating them wholly ?”

“Do not cities make war, and then again
peace, with one another ?

“ς ‘They do.”

“ But may you not as well laugh at your
enemies,” said Socrates, “for putting them-
selves in a posture of defence in time of war,
because a time of peace will come; as blame
those who observe the laws, because they may
afterwards happen to be abrogated? Besides,
by so doing, you condemn all those who.nobly
expose their lives in the service of their coun-
try. And, farther—can you suppose,” con-

591

tinued he, “ that Lycurgus could have brought
the republic of Sparta to excel all others, if he
had not wrought into the very minds of his
citizens a strict observance of his laws? And
are not they who show themselves the most
diligent and active to secure this observance,
always considered as the best magistrates, see.-
ing it is the certain way to render that city not
orily the most happy in time of peace, but by
far the most formidable in time of war? Nei-
ther can you want to be informed,” said So-
crates, “‘of the benefits arising to the state
from unanimity, since the people are daily ex-
horted thereto: and, even throughout all
Greece, it is everywhere the custom to tender
an oath to each person, whereby he engages to
live in concord with his fellow-citizens. Now
this is not done, as I suppose, for this purpose

| only, that all should be of the same opinion

concerning the chorusses; admire the same
actor ; praise the same poet ; and delight in the
same pleasures; but obey the same laws, as
being what alone can give security, strength,
and happiness to any nation: a concord,” said
he, “ of that necessity, that not only states but
private families cannot be well governed where
it is wanting. For, with regard to our con-
duct, considered as individuals, what better
means can we employ to avoid the incurring
public punishment ? what better for the pro-
curing public honours and rewards, than a care-
ful and steady observance of all the laws?
What so likely to gain a process in our favour,
when we have lawsuits depending before any
of our tribunals? To whom do we intrust
with equal confidence, our wealth, our sons,
and our daughters? or even the whole city
deem so deserving of their credit? Who is he
that so faithfully dischargeth what he oweth to
his father, to his mother, to his relations, to
his domestics, to his friends, to his fellow-citi-
zens, to foreigners? With whom would our
enemies rather leave their hostages during the
truce ; or more readily depend upon for the
punctual performance of the articles of peace ;
or more desire to join with in strict alliance ?
Or to whom do our confederates rather intrust
the command of their armies, or the govern-
ment of their fortresses, than to the man who is
careful not to infringe the laws? From whom
can they, who bestow favours, be so sure of re-
ceiving the proper acknowledgments ? And con-
sequently, to whom should we rather choose
to show courtesy and kindness, than to him

592 MEMOTRS OF SOCRATES. [BOOK Iv.

who is ever ready to confess the obligation? | parents are good themselves, what should hin.
In short, who is there we should more earnestly | der their having good children ?”
desire for a friend, or less wish for an enemy, | ‘It is not enough,” said Socrates, “ that
than he whom few would willingly offend; | parents are virtuous ; they ought both of them
while many strive to obtain his favour? Now |to be im the perfection of their age, if they
these, Hippias, are the advantages that accrue | would have their children such as they wish
to us from a careful and diligent observance of them. For do you suppose, Hippias, that
the laws: but, with me, to be an observer of | children produced by parents not yet arrived to
the laws, and to be just, imply the same thing. |a state of maturity, or by such as are already
If it appears otherwise to you, show us, I be- | past it, can be compared with the offspring of
seech you, what may be your opinion.” those who are in the prime of life and perfec-
“Truly,” answered Hippias, “1 do not see | tion of their nature ?”
that what you have said of justice isat all differ- | “ I suppose they cannot.”
ent to my own notions of it.” « And which do you take to be the best ?”

“ Have you never heard,” continued So-}| ‘“ Those, no doubt,” said Hippias, “ whose
crates, “ of certain laws that are not written?” | parents are in the perfection of their nature.”

“ You mean such as are in force every! ‘“ Then children produced by such as are net
where ?” yet arrived to a state of maturity, or are

“ True :—Did all mankind concur in making | now far past it, are not good, or such as we
them ?” desire to have them ?”

“ Impossible ; since all mankind could not «“ So it seemeth.” :
assemble in one place; neither would all have | “ People, then, who are under either of these
spoken the same language.” circumstances, ought not to have children ?’-

“Whence then do you suppose we had| “ They ought not.”
them ?” « Those, therefore,” said Socrates, “ who in-

“ From the gods, I should imagine; for the | dulge themselves in this disorderly manner,
first command every where is, to adore the | what can they else than produce a miserable off-
gods.” spring ?”

« And is it not, likewise, as universally com- « They cannot, Socrates; for even in this
manded, that parents are to be honoured ?” point I am ready to agree with you.”

ἐξ Ties «But what think you, Hippias; is not this

« And, that they ought not to marry with | also an universal law, that we should do good
their children ?” to those who do good to us ?”

«“ But this last,” said Hippias, “doth not} « Certainly.’
seem to be from the gods.” “ Yet it is transgressed by many,” said So-

“ And why not?” crates: “howbeit they go not unpunished any

“ Because,” replied Hippias, “I see some more than the other, since thereby they lose

who transgress it.” their most valuable friends, and follow those
‘“< Neither, perhaps, do they observe the other | who most hate them: for are not they, Hippias,
better; nevertheless,” continued Socrates, ‘ it | our most valuable friends from whom we re-
ought always to be remembered, that no one | ceive the most essential aets of kindness? But
ever violates the laws of the gods with impu- | he who neglects to acknowledge the kindness
nity; the punishment being ever annexed to | of bis friends, or returns it with evil, must be
the commission of the crime; whereas means | hated for his ingratitude; yet because of the
are often found to elude by fraud, or escape by | advantages he still hopes to receive, he continues
force, the penalties incurred for the breach of | to pursue those who shun him, and this with
such laws as are only of human institution.” | the meanest, most servile assiduity.”

« But what is this punishment,” said Hip-| “ Assuredly,” said Hippias, ‘these things
pias, “ which you say is not to be avoided by | are of the gods! For when I consider every

those who marry with their own children ?” breach of these laws, as carrying along with it
“©The greatest of any: for what can be| the punishment of the transgressor, I cannot
worse than not to have good children ?” but allow them to proceed from a more excel-

«“ And from whence do you infer that such | lent legislator than is to be found among the
must necessarily have bad children; since, if} sons of men.” ῖ

MEMOTRS

“ But what think you, Hippias ; do the gods
make laws that are unjust ?”

So far from it,” said Hippias, “that I be-
lieve it almost impossible for any but the gods
to make such as are perfectly otherwise.”

“© Then certainly,” replied Socrates, “the
gods themselves show to us, that to obey the
laws, and to be just, is the same thing.”

After this manner would Socrates reason
concerning justice; and his actions being at all
times conformable to his words, he daily in-
creased the love of it in the minds of all his
followers.

V. I shall next relate the arguments which
Socrates employed in order to make his hearers
able to practise what was right: and being of
opinion that temperance was absolutely neces-
sary for the well performance of any thing ex-
cellent; and having, in the first place, shown
by his manner of living how far he surpassed
all others in the exercise of this virtue, he en-
deavoured by his discourses, as well as by his
example, to excite his friends to the practice
of it. And as all his thoughts were only bent
on the improvement of mankind, he never lost
an opportunity of introducing into his conver-
sation whatever he supposed might conduce to
that end ; and it was to this purpose that he
once talked, as I remember, to Euthedemus in
the following manner :

“Ts it your opinion,” said he to him, “that
liberty is a fair and valuable possession ?”

« So valuable,” replied Euthedemus, “ that I
know of nothing more valuable.”

“ But he who is so far overcome by sensual
pleasure, that he is not able to practise what is
the best, and consequently the most eligible, do
you count this man free, Euthedemus ?”

‘«‘ Far from it,” replied the other.

“ You think then,” said Socrates, “ that
freedom consists m being able to do what is
right ;—-slavery, in not being able; whatever
may be the cause that deprives us of the
power Ὁ

“1 do, most certainly.”

« The debauchee, then, you must suppose is
this state of slavery ?”

“1 do, and with good reason.”

“ But doth intemperance,”

“ only withhold from acting right? Or doth
it not frequently urge us on to the practice of
what is evil ?”

“I believe it may do both,” said Euthede-
mus.

Euthedemus,

OF SOCRATES.

593

** And what should you say to a master, who
not only opposes your applying yourself to
any one thing commendable, but obliges you
to undertake many that must bring or. you dis-
honour ?”

“41 should esteem him the worst in the
world,” replied Euthedemus.

« And what the worst servitude ?”

“‘ To serve such a master.”

“ Then it should follow,” said Socrates,
‘that he who is intemperate, is the very lowest
of all slaves ?”

41 believe it,” said Euthedemus.

“ Doth not intemperance,” continued So-
crates, ‘rob us of our reason, that chief ex-
cellence of man, and drive us on to commit
the very greatest disorders? Can he who is
immersed in pleasure, find time to turn his
thoughts on things that are useful? But, and
if he could, his judgment is so far overborne by
his appetites, that, seeing the right path, he
deliberately rejects it. Neither,” continued
Socrates, “should we expect modesty in such
a character ; it being most certain, that nothing
can well stand at a greater distance from this
than the whole life of the voluptuary.”

« That is certain,” replied Euthedemus.

ἐς But what can be so likely to obstruct either
the practice or the knowledge of our duty as in-
temperance ? What can we suppose so fatally
pernicious to man, as that which depriveth him
of his understanding ; makes him prefer with
eagerness the things that are useless ; avoid, or
reject, whatever is profitable ; and act in every
respect so unlike a wise man!”

« Nothing, that I know of,” said Euthede-
mus.

_ “Must not temperance produce the very
contrary. effects ?”

« Most assuredly.”

“‘ But whatever produceth the contrary effects
should be good ?”

“No doubt of it.”

‘* Then temperance must be deemed so ?”

(1 own it,” said Euthedemus.

ἐς But have you thoroughly considered this
point, Euthedemus ?”

« What point do you mean ?”

-ς That, however intemperance may promise
pleasure, it can never bestow any; for this
must be the gift of temperance and sobriety.”

ἐς But why not ?” answered Euthedemus.

ἐς Because the intemperate will not endure
thirst and hunger; nor submit to any other

4 F

594 MEMOTRS

want of nature; without which, however, no
pleasure can arise from any sensual gratification ;
neither is it possible for that sleep to be sweet,
which is not preceded by some degree of watch-
fulness: therefore, my Euthedemus, intem-
perance must ever be a stranger to the delight
which arises from those actions, which are not
only necessary, but of daily use; while the
temperate man, ever willing to await the call
of nature, enjoys them to the full, and tastes
pleasures that satiety cannot know.”

“1 believe it,” replied Euthedemus.

«ς Furthermore,” continued Socrates; “ it is
this virtue alone, Euthedemus, which places
both the body and the mind in their utmost
degree of perfection ; qualifying the man for
the study, the knowledge, and the practice of
his duty ; whereby he is enabled to govern his
house prudently; serve his country and his
friends usefully ; conquer his enemies glorious-
ly. Neither are they the many benefits arising
from such a conduct, that alone recommend it ;
the consciousness of being thus employed, must
yield perpetual complacency and satisfaction :
but it is a complacency and satisfaction which
belongeth not to the voluptuous : indeed, whom
do we find at a greater distance from these,
than the man whose every faculty is so entirely
engaged in the pursuit of present pleasure, as
to leave him no liberty for the performance of
what is commendable.”

“One would suppose,” said Euthedemus,
from your manner of speaking, that no one
virtue can belong to those who suffer themselves
to be led away by sensual gratifications.”

“ And where is the difference,” said So-
crates, “ between him who, staying not to
examine what is the best, eagerly rushes to
seize what seems pleasant; and the wolf, or
the sheep, or any other animal void of reason ?
But it is the temperate alone, my Euthede-
mus, who are able to inquire into the nature of
things, and find out their difference; and
carefully consulting both reason and experience,
can select what is good; reject what is evil ;
and become by that means both wise and
happy.”

Socrates likewise added, that by a constant
exercise of this discriminating power, men
were taught to reason well: and that the term
conference, given to their assemblies, implied,
that the very end of their meeting was in order
to examine into the nature of things, and class
them properly: and he advised his followers to

OF SOCRATES.

[ BOOK Iv.

the frequent holding of these conferences ;
saying, “ It would be the best means to mature
their judgment ; making them thereby truly
great, and capable of governing both themselves
and others.” !

VI. I shall next endeavour to explain in
what manner Socrates improved his friends in
this method of reasoning.

“ Now, he always held, that whoever had
acquired clear ideas himself, might, with equal

clearness, explain those ideas: but it was no —

marvel, he said, if such as were deficient in
that particular, should not only be led into
error themselves, but mislead others. He
therefore was never weary of conferring with
his friends, and searching out wherein the

peculiar property of all things consisted: but,

as it would be difficult to relate the various
subjects he endeavoured to explain, I shall
mention ne more than what I think may be
sufficient to make his method of reasoning
plainly appear: and, in the first place, he thus
inquired into the nature of piety :—

“ Can you tell us,” said he, ““ Euthedemus,
what piety is ?”

“Α most excellent thing,” replied the other.

“ And what a pious man?”

“ One who serveth the gods,” answered Eu-
thedemus.

“ But, may every one serve them in what
manner he pleaseth ?”

‘‘ Not so, assuredly,” said Euthedemus, “since
there are certain laws ; and according to these
laws we ought to serve them.”

ἐς He, then, who observeth these laws,” said
Socrates, “ shall know in what manner he
ought to serve the gods ?”

1 Socrates in this place lays the greatest stress on.

dialectic, that is to say, that species of logic which is
exercised in society and conversation by reciprocal
questioning and answering ; where, through the joint
endeavours of the parties conversing, truth is distin-
guished from falsehood, and the former established, the
latter rejected. The whole of the work here translated
is an exemplification of this practice, as are also the
dialogues of Plato, who learnt it, as well as Xenophon,
from their common great master, Socrates.

As for the etymology, it appears that Socrates derived
διαλέγεσθαι; the verb middle, signifying to discourse to-
gether upon a subject, from διαλέγεινν the verb active,
signifying to separate and distinguish, because in dis-
course things were distinguished according to the
several kinds or genera. For the truth of this assertion
Wwe may refer (as we have already) to the-whole of this
work, and in particular to the chapter following, where,
by the help of this distinctive or dialectic process, we
may find the nature and essence of many beings traced
out and ascertained.—Mr Harris.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

“So I imagine.”

“ But he who knoweth the way of serving
them, will he prefer any other to that he
knoweth ?”

“1 suppose not.”

“ Will he not rather be careful,” said So-
crates, “not to serve them, contrary to what
he knoweth ?”

“ He will.”

ἐς The man then,” Euthedemus, ‘* who know-
eth the laws that are to regulate his conduct in
serving of the gods, will serve them according
to these laws ?”

“No doubt.”

ἐς And he who serveth them according to
these laws, will serve them as he ought ?”

‘“ He will.”

“‘ But he who serveth them as he ought, is
pious ?”

“« Assuredly.”

“ Then he who knoweth how he ought to
serve the gods, may rightly be defined a p-ous
man ?” 3

“50 it seemeth.”

** But tell me,” added Socrates; ‘are we at
liberty to behave towards each other in what
manner we please ?”

_ Not so,’ answered Euthedemus :
are also certain laws to be observed by us with
regard to men.”

ἐς And do they who live together accord-
ing to these laws, live as they ought to do?”

«¢ One can suppose no other.”

«And he who lives as he ought to liye,
treats mankind properly ?”

“« He does.”

“ς And they who treat mankind properly,
execute properly all human affairs ?”

“ One should suppose so.”

2 How sophistical is this way of reasoning ; and how
pernicious the notion it is endeavouring to establish!
But I can no way so effectually show the ill tendency
of it, asin borrowing, for the purpose, the words of one
who will ever be not only a credit to her sex, but an
honour to her country. ‘* The most ignorant persons,”
says Mrs Carter, in one of her notes on Epictetus, ““ of-
ten practise what they know to be evil: and they who
voluntarily suffer, as many do, their inclinations to
blind their judgment, are not justified by foilowing it.
The doctrine of Epictetus therefore, here, and else-
where on this head, contradicts the voice of reason and
conscience. Nor is it less pernicious than ill grounded :
it destroys all guilt and merit ; ali punishment and re-
ward; all blame of ourselves or others; all sense of
misbehaviour towards our fellow-creatures, or our
Creator. No wonder that such philosophers did not
teach repentance towards God.—Page 62.

“ there |

595

“8 But do you believe, Euthedemus, there
are any who obey the laws, without knowing
what the laws enjoin ?”

“1 do not believe there are any.”

‘«¢ But when a man knows what he ought to
do, will he think he ought to act otherwise 2”

“1 do not imagine he will.”

‘“‘ Then such men as know the laws to be
observed by mankind in their dealings with
each other, will observe them ?”

“ They will.”

** And they who observe to do what the
laws command, do that which is just ?”

“ They do,” replied Euthedemus.

“ But those who act justly, are just ?”

“‘ There are no other,” said Euthedemus,
ἐς who can be so.”

“Ὁ May we not be said, then, to make a
right definition, when we call them just who
know the laws which mankind ought to ob-
serve, in their commerce with one another ?”

“Tt seems so to me,” said Euthedemus.

«© And what shall we say of wisdom, Euthe-
demus? [5 it in regard to things they know,
or do not know, that men are wise ?”

“Certainly on the account of what they do
know,” said Euthedemus ; “for how can any
one be wise, as to things which he understands
not ?”

“ Then it is on account of their knowledge
that men are wise ?”

** Most certainly.”

“‘ But wisdom is nothing else but the being
wise ?”’

“ Tt is not.”

4. Consequently,” said Socrates, “ knowledge
is wisdom ?”

“1 grant it,” said Euthedemus.

“ But do you think,” continued Socrates,
“that any one man is capable of knowing ail
things ?”

“ΝΟ; nor the thousandth part,’ returned
Euthedemus.

“Then it is impossible for him to be wise
in all things ?”

46 Tite?

“Tt must follow, then, that no one is wise
but in such things as he knoweth ?’

“ Certainly.”

ἐς But can we, Euthedemus, discover the
nature of good, by this our present method of
trying and comparing things ?”

3 As the Greek text, in this part, is somewhat con.
fused, the translation follows Mr Charpentier.

596

“© What do you mean ?” said Euthedemus.

“ Ts one and the same thing useful for all
men, and to every purpose ?”

“ No, certainly.”

Tt may then be useful to one man, and
hurtful to another ?”

“ It may, assuredly.”

* Then, to constitute any thing good, it
must be found useful ?”

“ Tt must.”

“ Consequently,” replied Socrates, ‘ that
which is useful, is good for him to whom it
is useful ?”

“1 own it.”

« And beautiful, Euthedemus ; may we not
determine the same concerning this? for we
cannot say of a body or vessel, of what kind
soever, that it is beautiful with regard to every
purpose.”

“ We cannot.”

“ Perhaps you would say then,” continued
Socrates, “ that it is beautiful with respect to
that particular thing for which it is proper?”

“ T would.”

“ But that which is beautiful on the account
of its being well suited to one thing, is it also
beautiful with respect to every other 2”

* Not at all.”

ςς Then, whatever is well suited, is beautiful
with regard to that thing to which it is well
suited ?”

“ Tt is so,” said Euthedemus.

« Also, courage, Euthedemus; do you look
upon courage as any thing excellent ?”

“ Most excellent,” answered Euthedemus.

“Ts it of much use on occasions of little
moment?”

“ The advantage of it,” said Euthedemus,
*‘ is chiefly in things of importance.”

“ΤῸ is of service to us,” said Socrates, “ not
to see our danger ?”

“ T think not.”

* But not to be frighted when we see no
danger, is scarcely being valiant ?”

“. It is not,” said Euthedemus; “for, other-
wise, there are madmen, and even cowards,
who might be called brave.”

“ And what are they,” continued Socrates,
‘‘who fear, where there is nothing to be
feared ?”

“« These I should think at a greater distance
from courage than the other.”

** They, therefore, who show themselves
brave when sensible of their danger, are va-
liant ; those who act otherwise, cowardly 3"

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[BOOK Iv.

* ΤΆ is true.” |

«« But do you think, Euthedemus, any one
can behave as he ought, if he knows not in
what manner he ought to behave?”

“ς T should imagine not.”

«* And are not they who behave ill, and they
who know not how to behave, the same peo-
ple?”

“1 believe they are.”

* Doth not every man se digesls as he thinks
he ought to behave ?”

“ς Certainly.”

“ Can we say, then, that he who behaves ill,
knows in what manner he ought to behaye 2"

« We cannot.”

“ But he who knows how to behave as Pe
ought, doth behave as he ought ?”

“ He is the only man,” said Euthedemus,
‘“* who can do it.”

“We will couclude then our discourse, my
Euthedemus, with saying, That he who
knows how to behave properly, in all cases of
difficulty and danger, is brave: he who knows
it not, a coward.”

“1 agree with you entirely,” replied Euthe-
demus.

Socrates used to say, “ That a regal govern-
ment, and a tyranny, were each of them, of
that species of dominion which is called mo-
narchical ; but differed in this particular,—that
the submission of men under a regal govern-
ment was altogether voluntary, and nothing
could be done in it which was not agreeable to
the laws ; whereas, under a tyranny, the peo-
ple were compelled to obey; the will of the
prince being the sole standard of the laws.”
As to the other forms of government, he
would say, “ That when the chief offices of
the commonwealth were lodged in the hands
of a small number of the most eminent citi-
zens, it was called an aristocracy; when with
the richest, elected on account of their riches,
a plutocracy ; and when the whole people were
admitted indifferently into power, this,” he
said, “* was a democracy.”

Now, when any one showed himself of a
different opinion to Socrates, without pro-
ducing a sufficient reason for his dissenting ;
as when, for example, on his commending any
one, tke preference was given to some other,
as more valiant, or better skilled in the affairs
of the administration; his custom was, to
carry back the argument to the very first pro-
position; and, from thence, set out in the
search of truth ; saying to them, ‘ You assert,

a ne

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

then, that the man whom you speak well of,
is a far better citizen than he whom I recom-
mend ?” And being answered, “It was
true :—‘*‘ We may not do amiss then,” said
Socrates, ‘to examine, first of all, what the
office of a good citizen is, and what the man
should be, who gains to himself the esteem of
the republic.”

“It is right,’ answered the other.

“Tf the affair, then, relates to the manage-
ment of the treasury, I suppose it must be one
who, during his administration, is the most
careful of ‘the public money? If to war, then
he who renders his country victorious over
its enemies will be held in the highest estima-
tion ?”

“ Undoubtedly.”

«‘ When treaties are forming, should not he
who, by his address, gains over to the interest
of the republic those who before were its ene-

mies, be the most sure of our approbation ?”

“« He should.”

«« And, with regard to the business carried on
in our public assemblies; to calm sedition,
break cabals, and restore concord and unanimi-
ty, should best show the good citizen ?” ‘

This likewise being granted, and application
made of these several particulars to the point
in question, the truth shone forth to the
acknowledgment of all; even of the very man
who before had opposed him. And it was
ever his manner, when he intended to examine
any thing thoroughly, to begin with such pro-
positions as were self-evident, and universally
received; and said, that herein consisted the
whole strength of reasoning. Nor have I ever
yet known any man who could so readily bring
others to admit the truth of what he wished to
prove, as Socrates: and he thought Homer
only gave Ulysses the appellation of the irre-
sistible orator, because he would lead his argu-

ΓῚ

jment, step by step, through such paths as lay

‘ obvious to the eyes of all mankind.

*~ Thus have I, as it seemeth to me, made
it sufficiently appear with what sincerity and
openness Socrates conversed with his follow-
ers, and showed them his sentiments on every
occasion.

VII. Neither must I omit to mention how

-solicitous Socrates always showed himself to
have his friends become capable of performing
their own business, that they might not stand
in need of others to perform itforthem. For
this reason, he made it his study, more than

597

any man I ever knew, to find out wherein any
of his followers were likely to excel in things
not unbecoming a wise and good man; and in
such points as he himself could give them any
instruction, he did it with the utmost readiness ;
and where he could not, was always forward to
carry them to some more skilful master. Yet
was he very careful to fix the bounds in every
science ; beyond which, he would say, no per-
son properly instructed ought to pass. And,
therefore,—in geometry, for example,—he
thought it sufficient if so much of it was known
as would secure a man from being imposed
upon in the buying and selling of land; direct
him in the proper distributions of the several
portions of an inheritance, and in measuring
out the labourer’s work: all which, he said,
was so easy to be done, that he who applied
himself to this science, though almost ever so
slightly, might soon find out in what manner
to measure the whole earth, and describe its
circumference. But to dive deep into such
things, and perplex the mind with various un-
couth figures, and hard to be understood,
although he himself had much knowledge
therein, he approved not of it, as seeing no use
in these nice inquiries; which consume all his
time, and engross the whole man, taking off
his thoughts from more profitable studies.
He also advised his friends to gain such a
knowledge of astronomy, as to be able to tell
by the stars the hours of the night, the day of
the month, and the seasons of the year, that
they should not be at a loss when to relieve the
centinel, begin a journey or.a voyage, or do any
other thing which depends on this science: all
which, he said, was easily to be learnt by con-
versing with seafaring men, or those whose
custom it was to hunt in the night. But to
go further, in order to find out what planets
were in the same declension, explain their dif-
ferent motions, tell their distances from the
earth, their influences, together with the time
necessary for the performance of their respec-
tive revolutions; these, and things like these’
he strongly dissuaded his followers from at-
tempting: not as being ignorant of them him-
self; but he judged of this science as he did
of the former, that to examine deeply into the
nature of such things, would rob us of all our
time, divert our thoughts from useful studies,
and, after all, produce nothing that could turn
to our advantage. In short, he would not that
men should too curiously search into that mar-

598

vellous art, wherewith the Maker of the uni-
verse had disposed the several parts of it, see-
ing it was a subject incomprehensible to the
mind of man; neither yet pleasing to the gods
to attempt to discover the things, which they
in their wisdom had thought fit to conceal.
He also said, “that the understanding, unable
to bear these towering speculations, ofttimes
lost itself in the inquiry ; as was the case with
Anaxagoras, who gloried not a little in the ex-
ent of his knowledge: yet this very man as-
serted, ‘that the sun was the same as fire ;’
forgetful that the eye.can bear the light of the
fire, whereas the lustre of the sun is too daz-
zling for it to behold. Neither did he consider
that the rays of the sun change the skin black,
which the fire doth not: as also, that its
warmth produces and brings to perfection trees
and flowers, and fruits of the earth, while it is
the property of the fire to wither and consume
them. He said, moreover, ‘that the sun was
no other than a stone thoroughly inflamed ;” not
perceiving,” added Socrates, ‘that the stone
shineth not in the fire; neither can remain
there any long time without wasting ; whereas
the sun abideth still the same,-—an inexhausti-
ble source of light and warmth to us.”

Socrates also recommended the study of
arithmetic to his friends ; and assisted them,
as was his custom, in tracing out the several
parts of it, as far as might be useful : but here,
as elsewhere, fixed bounds to their inquiries ;
never suffering them to run out into vain and
trifling disquisitions, which could be of no ad-
vantage either to themselves or others.

He always earnestly exhorted his friends to
be careful of their health: and, to this end,
not only advised them to consult those who
were skilful therein, but of themselves to be
continually attentive to their diet and exercise ;
always preferring what would keep them in the
best health ; since they who did this would sel-
dom, he said, want a better physician. And
when he found any who could not satisfy them-
selyes with the knowledge that lay within the
reach of human wisdom, Socrates advised that
they should diligently apply to the study of
divination: asserting, that whoever was ac-
quainted with those mediums which the gods
made use of when they communicated any
thing to man, should never be left destitute of
divine counsel.

VIII. And now, if any one should be in-
clined to conclude that Socrates asserted a

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

[Book Iv.

falsehood, when he declared himself under the
guidance of a good genius, seeing he acted in
such a manner as to incur the sentence of
death: let sucha one, I say, consider that he
was now already so far advanced in age, that if
he died not then, he must die soon after, and
that he only relinquished that part of life which
is held the most painful, and when the facul-
ties of the mind are greatly impaired: whereas
he now manifested to all the world the strength
and vigour of his soul, and gained to himself
immortal honour by the manner in which he
spake while before his judges. And, indeed,
no man was ever known to plead his own
cause with that plainness, firmness, and steady
regard to truth; at the same time that he re-
ceived his condemnation with that meekness
and magnanimity as altogether surpassed the
example of former ages; it being on all hands
universally acknowledged, that no man ever —
met death in like manner as Socrates.

After his sentence he was obliged to live
thirty days in prison, the laws forbidding any
one to be put to death until the return of the
sacred vessel: ! during which time his friends
conversed with him daily, and saw no change
in his behaviour, for he still retained that tran-
quillity of mind, and pleasing turn of humour,
which had made him so justly admired by all
mankind. Now, who could give greater proofs
of fortitude? Either, what death could be at-
tended with more honour? But the death
which is the most honourable is likewise the
most happy; and that which is the most happy
is best pleasing to the gods.

I shaJ] farther relate what I heard from
Hermogenes, the son of Hipponius, concern-
ing Socrates.. This man being along with
him, after the time that Melitus had accus-
ed him, and observing that he rather chose
to discourse on any other subject than the
business of the trial, asked, “ Whether it
was not necessary to be preparing for his
justification ?°—* And what !” answered So-
crates, “suppose you, my Hermogenes! that I
have not, throughout life, been preparing for
this very thing?” Hermogenes then desiring
him to explain his meaning: “ I have,” said
he, “ made it the business of my whole life

1 The ship which was sent every year from Athens
to Delos, in memory of the victory obtained by The-
seus over the Minotaur; when it was forbidden by the
laws to put any man to death during the time of its be-
ing absent.

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES.

to examine what things were just or unjust ;
and have as steadily persisted in practising
the one and refraining from the other; and
this I take to be the best way of preparing
for my trial.”—** But know you not,” replied
Hermogenes, “that here, in Athens, the
judges. ofttimes condemn those to death who
have no way deserved it, only because their
manner of speaking was displeasing; while,
on the other hand, they not less frequently ac-
quit the guilty ?”

“ Ido know it,” answered Socrates ; “and
be assured, my Hermogenes, that I did not
neglect to take the matter of my defence under
consideration,—but the Genius opposed me.”

Hermogenes replying, that he talked mar-
vellously ; “ But why,” said he, ‘should it
be marvellous that God should think this the
very best time for me to die? Know you not
that hitherto I have granted to no man that he
hath lived either better, or even more pleasur-
ably, than I; if, as I think it is, to be alone so-
licitous after the attainment of virtue be living
well; and the consciousness of making some
proficiency therein pleasant: and that I did
make some proficiency therein I well perceived,
by comparing myself with others, and from
the testimony of my own conscience; my
friends also saying the same concerning me.
Not for that they love me: since, if so, every
friend would think the same of him whom he
was a friend to; but because, as it seemed to
them, they themselves became better men from
having much conversed with me. But if my
life should be still prolonged, it can hardly be
but the infirmities of old age will likewise
come upon me: my sight will fail, my hearing
grow heavy, and my understanding much im-
paired ; so that I shall find it more difficult to
learn, as less easy to retain what I have learnt
already ; deprived too of the power of per-
forming many of those things which hereto-
fore I have excelled in. And if, after all, I
should become insensible to these decays, still
life would not be life, but a wearisome bur-
then. And if otherwise, if I indeed find and
feel them, how unpleasant, how afflicting, must
a state like this prove! If I die wrongfully,
the shame must be theirs who put me wrong-

599

fully to death: since, if injustice is shameful,
so likewise every act of it: but no disgrace
will it bring on me, that others have not seen
that I was innocent. The examples drawn
from former ages sufficiently show us, that
those who commit wrong, and they who suffer
it, stand not alike in the remembrance of
men: and I am persuaded, that if I now die,
I shall be held in far higher estimation by those
who come after me than any of my judges:
since posterity will not fail to testify concern-
ing me, that I neither wronged, nor yet, by my
discourses, corrupted any man ; but, contrari-
wise, strove throughout life, to the utmost of
my power, to make all those who conversed
with me happy.”

In this manner did Socrates continue to dis-
course with Hermogenes and others: nor are
there any among those who knew him, if lovers
of virtue, who do not daily regret the loss of
his conversation; convinced how much they
might have been advantaged thereby.

As to myself, knowing him of atruth to be
such a man as I have described ; so pious to-
wards the gods, as never to undertake any
thing without having first consulted them: so
just towards men, as never to do an injury,
even the very slightest, to any one; whilst
many and great were the benefits he conferred
on all with whom he had any dealings: so
temperate and chaste, as not to indulge any
appetite, or inclination, at the expense of what-
ever was modest or becoming: so prudent, as
never to err in judging of good and evil; nor
wanting the assistance of others to discriminate
rightly concerning them: so able to discourse
upon, and define with the greatest accuracy,
not only those points of which we have been
speaking, but likewise of every other; and
looking as it were into the minds of men, dis-
cover the very moment for reprehending vice, .
or stimulating to the love of virtue. Experi-
encing, as I have done, all these excellencies
in Socrates, I can never cease considering him
as the most virtuous and the most happy of all
mankind. But if there is any one who is dis-
posed to think otherwise, let him go and com-
pare Socrates with any other, and afterwards
let him determine.

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“WA ns

THE

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

TRANSLATED BY

JAMES WELWOOD, M.D.

FELLOW OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE CF PHYSICIANS, LONDON.

4, G

THE

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

1. I am of opinion, that as well the sayings as
the actions of great men deserve to be recorded,
whether they treat of serious subjects with the
greatest application of mind, or, giving them-
selves some respite, unbend their thoughts to
diversions worthy of them. You will know
by the relation I am going to make, what it
was inspired me with this thought, being my-
self present.

During the festival of Minerva, there was a
solemn tournament, whither Callias,! who ten-
derly loved Autolicus, carried him, which was
soon after the victory which that youth had
obtained at the Olympic games. When the
show was over, Callias taking Autolicus and
his father with him, went down from the city
to his house at the Pireum,* with Nicerates
the son of Nicias.

But upon the way meeting Socrates, Her-
mogenes, Critobulus, Antisthenes, and Char-
reides, discoursing together, he gave orders to
one of his people to conduct Autolicus and
those of his company to his house; and ad-
dressing himself to Socrates, and those who
were with him, “I could not,” said he, “ have
met with you more opportunely; I treat to-
day Autolicus and his father; and, if I am
not deceived, persons who like you have their
souls purified* by refined contemplations,
would do much more honour to our assembly,
than your colonels of horse, captains of foot,
and other gentlemen of business, who are full

ὀ᾽..-.-τλόὁόλπωλυΠοὺὕ..-τὃθϑσ᾽.....-...... ...--χ-.--.-- -«----ἰΣ:-οὀς-ςς..ϑ5 .. .---

1 Callias was of the noblest families in Athens, and
was surnamed the rich,

2 The sea-port town of Athens.

3 Socrates was called the purifying philosopher, be-
cause he purified the minds of those he conversed with
from vice and errors of education.

on

| which the sight of so lovely a person produced

of nothing but their offices and employments.”
—‘ You are always upon the banter,” said
Socrates ; “ for, since you gave so much money
to Protagoras, Gorgias, and Prodicas,* to be
instructed in wisdom, you make but little ac-
count of us, who have no other assistance but
from ourselves to acquire knowledge.” —* ’'Tis
true,” said Callias, “‘ hitherto I have concealed
from you a thousand fine things I learned in
the conversation of those gentlemen; but if
you will sup with me this evening, I will
teach you all I know, and after that I do
not doubt you will say I am a man of conse-
quence.”

Socrates and the rest thanked him with the
civility that was due to a person of so high a
rank, that had invited them in so obliging a
manner ; and Callias, showing an unwillingness
to be refused, they at last accepted the inyita-
tion, and went along with him. After they
had done bathing and anointing, as was the
custom before meals, they all went into the
eating-room, where Autolicus was seated by
his father’s side; and each of the rest took his
place according to his age or quality.

The whole company became immediately
sensible of the power of beauty, and every one
at the same time silently confessed, that by
natural right the sovereignty belonged to it,
especially when attended with modesty and a
ittuous bashfulness. Now Autolicus was
one of that kind of beauties; and the effect
was to attract the eyes of the whole company
to him, as one would do to flashes of lightning

—

ee
4 Three famous pedants that pretended to teach

{ wisdom, alias ophists,

604

in a dark night. All hearts surrendered to his
power, and paid homage to the sweet and noble
mien and features of his countenance, and the
manly gracefulness of his shape.

Tt is very certain, that in those who are
divinely inspired by some good demon, there
appears something which makes them behold
with the strictest attention, and a pleasing
astonishment: whereas, those who are pos-
sessed by some evil genius or power, besides
the terror that appears in their looks, they talk
in a tone that strikes horror, and have a sort
of unbounded vehemence in all they say and
do, that comes but little short of madness.
Thence it is, as it was in this casé, that those
who are touched with a just and well regulated
love, discover in their eyes a charming sweet-
ness, in the tone of the voice a musical soft-
ness, and in their whole deportment something
that expresses in dumb show the innate virtue
of their soul.

At length they sat down to supper, and a
profound silence was observed, as though it
had been enjoined: when a certain buffoon,
named Philip, knocked at the door, and bade
the servant that opened it tell the gentlemen
he was there, and that he came to sup with
them ; adding, there was no occasion to deli-
berate whether he should let him in, for that
he was perfectly well furnished with every
thing that could be necessary towards supping
well on free cost, his boy being weary with
carrying nothing in his belly, and himself ex-
tremely fatigued with running about to see
where he could fill his own.” Callias un-
derstanding the arrival of this new guest, or-
dered him to be let in, saying, “ We must not
refuse him his dish;” and at the same time
turned his eyes towards Autolicus, to discover,
probably, the judgment he made of what had
passed in the company with relation to him ;
but Philip coming into the room, “ Gentle-
men,” said he, ‘you all know I am a buffoon
by profession, and therefore am come of my
own accord. I choose rather to come unin-
vited, than put you to the trouble of a formal
invitation, having an aversion to ceremony.”—
‘© Very well,” said Callias, “ take a place then

Philip ; the gentlemen here are full of serious |

thoughts, and I fancy they will have occa
idles:

for somebody to make them laugh.”

While supper lasted, Philip failed not to
serve them up, now and then, a dish of ‘his
profession; he said a thousand ridiculous

i

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

things ; but not having provoked one smile,
he discovered sufficient dissatisfaction. Some
time after he fell tc it again, and the company
heard him again without being moved. There- ἡ
upon he got up, and throwing his cloak over
his head, 1 laid himself down at his full length
on his couch, without eating one bit more.
“« What is the matter,” said Callias; “has any
sudden illness taken you?”—* Alas !” cried
he, fetching a deep sigh from his heart, “ the
quickest and most sensible pain that ever 1
felt in my whole life; for, since there is no
more laughing in the world, it is plain my
business is at an end, and I have nothing now
to do but to make a decent exit. Heretofore
I have been called to every jolly entertain-
ment, to divert the company with my buf-
fooneries; but to what purpose should they
now invite me? I can as soon become a god
as say one serious word; and to imagine any
one will give me a meal in hopes of a return
in kind, is a mere jest, for my spit was never
yet laid down for supper ; such a custom never
entered my doors.”

While Philip talked in this manner, he held
his handkerchief to his eyes, and personated to
admiration a man grievously afflicted. Upon
which every one comforted him, and promised,
if he would eat, they would laugh as much as
he pleased. The pity which the company
showed Philip having made Critobulus? al-
most burst his sides, Philip uncovered his face
and fell to his supper again, saying, “ Rejoice,
my soul, and take courage, this will not be thy
last good meal ; I see thou wilt yet be good
for something.”

II. They had now taken away, and made
effusion of wine in honour of the gods, when
a certain Syracusan entered, leading in a hand-
some girl, who played on the flute; another,
that danced and showed very nimble feats of
activity ; and a beautiful little boy, who danced
and played perfectly well on the guitar. After
these had sufficiently diverted the company,
Socrates, addressing himself to Callias, “ In
truth,” says he, “you have treated us very
handsomely, and have added to the delicacy of
eating, other things delightful to our seeing
and hearing.”

1 The Greeks under any disgrace, threw their mantle
over their head.
_ 2 It is thought that_by Critobulus the author meant
himself.

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

** But we want perfumes® to make up the
treat,” answered Callias : “What say you to
that ?’—* Not at all,” replied Socrates ; “ per-
fumes, like habits, are to be used according to
decency ; some become men, and others wo-
men; but I would not that one man should
perfume himself for the sake of another: and
for the women, especially such as the wife of
Critobulus or Nicerates, they have no occa-
sion for perfumes, their natural sweetness sup-
plying the want of them. But it is otherwise
if we talk of the smell of that oil that is used
in the Olympic games, or other places of pub-
lic exercise.* This, indeed, is sweeter to the
men than perfumes to the women; and when
they have been for some time disused to it,
they only think on it with a greater desire.
you perfume a slave and a freeman, the differ-
ence of their birth produces none in the smell;
and the scent is perceived as soon in the one
as the other: but the odour of honourable
toil, as it is acquired with great pains and ap-
plication, so it is ever sweet, and worthy of a
brave man.”—‘“ This is agreeable to young
men,” said Lycon; ‘‘but as for you and me,
who are past the age of these public exercises,
what perfumes ought we to have ?”-—‘* That of
virtue and honour,” said Socrates.

Lycon. “ And where is this sort of perfume
to be had ?”

Soc. “ Not in the shops, I assure you.”

Lycon. * Where then ?”

Soc. “* Theognis sufficiently discovers where,
when he tells us in his poem :

«ς When virtuous thoughts warm the celestial mind
) With generous heat, cach sentiment’s refin’d :
‘Th’ immortal perfumes breathing from the heart,
With grateful odours sweeten every part.

«¢ But when our vicious passions fire the soul,

The clearest fountains grow corrupt and foul ;

-The virgin springs, which should untainted flow,

Run thick, and blacken all the stream below.”

“Do you understand this, my son?” said
Lycon to Autolicus. “ He not only under-
stands it, but will practise it too,” said Socrates,
‘‘and I am satisfied, when he comes to contend
for that noble prize, he will choose a master to
instruct him, such as you shall approve of, who

3 It was the custom of the Greeks at great entertain-
ments to perfume their guests, at which they some-
times expended great sums,

4 At the Olympic and other games of Greece they
rubbed their joints with hot oils, to make them more
supple and active.

If |

605

will be capable of giving him rules to attain
ite?
Then they began all to reassume what So-
crates had said. One affirmed there was no
master to be found that was qualified to in-
struct others in virtue; another said it could
not be taught: and a third maintained that if
virtue could not be taught nothing else could.
“ Very well,” said Socrates; “but since we
cannot agree at present in our opinions about
this matter, let us defer the question to another
opportunity, and apply ourselves to what is be-
fore us; I see the dancing girl entering at the
other end of the hall, and she has brought her
cymbals along with her.” At the same time
the other girl took her flute; the one played
and the other danced to admiration ; the danc-
ing girl throwing up and catching again her
cymbals, so as to answer exactly the cadency of
the music, and that with a surprising dexterity.
Socrates, who observed her with pleasure,
thought it deserved some reflection : and there-
fore, said he, “ This young girl has confirmed
me in the opinion I have had of a long time,
that the female sex are nothing inferior to
ours, excepting only in strength of body, or
perhaps steadiness of judgment. Now you,
gentlemen, that have wives amongst us, may
take my word for it they are capable of learning
any thing you are willing they should know to
make them more useful to you.” ‘ If so, sir,”
said Antisthenes; ‘‘if this be the real senti-
ment of your heart, how comes it you do not
instruct Xantippe, who is, beyond dispute, the
most insupportable woman that is, has been, or
ever will be ?”?—* I do with her,” said Socrates,
“like those who would learn horsemanship :

‘they do not choose easy tame horses, or such

as are manageable at pleasure, but the highest
metalled and hardest mouthed; believing, if
they can tame the natural heat and impetuosity
of these, there can be none too hard for them
to manage. I propose to myself very near the
same thing; for having designed to converse
with all sorts of people, I believed I should
find nothing to disturb me in their conversation
or manners, being once accustomed to bear the
unhappy temper of Xantippe.”

The company relished what Socrates said,
and the thought appeared very reasonable.
Then a hoop being brought in, with swords
fixed all around it, their points upwards, and .
placed in the middle of the hall, the dancing

606

girl immediately leaped head foremost into it,
through the midst of the points, and then out
again, with a wonderful agility. This sight
gave the company more surprise and fear than
pleasure, every one believing she would wound
herself; but she received no harm, and per-
formed her feats with all the courage and as-
surance imaginable.

“ς The company may say what they please,”
said Socrates: ““ but, if Iam not mistaken, no-
body will deny but courage may be learned, and
that there are masters for this virtue in parti-
cular, though they will not allow it in the other
virtues we were just now speaking of; since a
girl, you see, has the courage to throw herself
through the midst of naked swords, which I
believe none of us dare venture upon.”—
« Truly,” said Antisthenes, to whom Socrates
spoke, “the Syracusan may soon make his
fortune, if he would but show this girl in a full
theatre, and promise the Athenians that, for a
considerable sum of money, he would instruct
them to be as little afraid of the Lacedemonian
lances as this girl of her swords.”—*“ Ah!”
cries the buffoon, “ what pleasure should I
take to see Pisander, that grave counsellor of
state, taking lessons from this girl; he that is
like to swoon away at the sight of a lance, and
says it is a barbarous cruel custom to go to war
and kill men.”

After this the little boy danced, which gave
occasion to Socrates to say, “ You see this
child, who appeared beautiful enough before,
is yet much more so now, by his gesture and
motion, than when he stood still.”—«< You
talk,” said Carmides, “as if you were inclin-
able to esteem the trade of a dancing-master.”
—‘* Without doubt,” said Socrates, “ when I
observe the usefulness of that exercise, and
how the feet, the legs, the neck, and indeed
the whole body, are all in action, I believe who-
ever would have his body supple, easy, and
healthful, should learn to dance. And, in
good earnest, I am resolved to take a lesson of
the Syracusan whenever he pleases.” But it
was replied, ““ When you have learned to do
all this little boy does, what advantage can it
be to you?”—“« 1 shall then dance,” said So-
crates. At which all the company burst out a
laughing: but Socrates, with a composed and
serious countenance, “ Methinks you are plea-
sant,” said he. “ What isit tickles you? Is it
because dancing is not a wholesome exercise ?
or that after it we do not eat and sleep with

‘by exercise ?

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

more pleasure? You know those who ac-
custom themselves to the long foot-race ! have
generally thick legs and narrow shoulders ; and,
on the contrary, our gladiators [and wrestlers
have broad shoulders and small legs. Now,
instead of producing such effects, the exercise
of dancing occasions in us so many various
motions, and agitating all the members of the
body with so equal a poise, renders the whole
of a just proportion, both with regard to strength

and beauty. What reason then can you find ; ~
to laugh, when I tell you I design to dance? >

I hope you would not think it decent for a
man of my age to go into a public school, and
unrobe myself before all the company to dance ?
I need not do that ; a parlour, like this we are
in, will serve my turn. You may see, by this

little boy, that one may sweat as well in 8

little room as an academy, or a public place ;
and in winter you may dance in a warm apart-
ment; in summer, if the, heat be excessive,
in the shade. When I have told you all this,
laugh on, if you please, at my saying I design
to dance, Besides, you know I have a belly
somewhat larger than I could wish; and are
you surprised if I endeavour to bring it down
Have you not heard that Car-
mides, the other morning, when he came to
visit me, found me dancing ?”—“ Very true,”
said Carmides; “and I was extremely sur-
prised, and afraid you had lost your senses:
but when you had given me the same reasons
you have now, I went back to my house ; and,
though I cannot dance, I began to move my
hands and legs, and practise over some lessons,
which I remembered something of when I was
young.”

“ Faith!” said Philip to Socrates, “ I be-

lieve your thighs aud shoulders are exactly of

the same weight ; so that if you put one into one
scale, and the other into the other, as the civil
magistrate weighs bread in the market-place,
you will not be in danger of being forfeited,
for there is not an ounce, no not a grain dif-
ference between them.”—“ Well then,” said
Callias, “ when you have an inclination for a
lesson of dancing, Socrates, pray call upon me,
that we may learn together.”—“ With all my
heart,” answered Socrates.—‘“ And I could
wish,” said Philip, “that some one would take

1 Running was a part of the Olympic and other public
games ; and what is here called the Dolic, was the place
where they ran, about the length of two English miles.

Δ
a «» ὦὁ»Ῥ -. ᾿»γ

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

the flute, and iet Socrates and me dance before
this good company; for methinks I have a
mighty mind that way.” With that he jumped
up, and took two or three frisks round the hall,
in imitation of the dancing boy and girl.
Upon which every body took notice, that all
those gestures or motions, that were so beau-
tiful and easy in the little boy, appeared awk-
ward and ridiculous in Philip: and when the
little girl, bending backwards, touched her
heels with her head, and flung herself swiftly
round three or four times like a wheel, Philip
would needs do the same, but in a manner very
different ; for, bending himself forward, and
endeavouring to turn round, you may imagine
with what success he came off. Afterwards,
when every one praised the child for keeping
her whole body in the exactest and most re-
gular motion in the dance, Philip bade the mu-
sic strike up a brisker tune, and began to move
his head, his arms, and his heels, all at once,
till he could hold out no longer: then throwing
himself on the couch, he cried out, “1 have
exercised myself so thoroughly, that I have
already one good effect of it, I am plaguy
thirsty: boy, bring the great glass that stands
on the sideboard, and fill it up to me, for I
must drink.” —* Very well,” said Callias ;
“the whole company shall drink, if you please,
master Philip, for we are thirsty too with
laughing at you.”—“ It is my opinion too,” said
Socrates, “ that we drink ; wine moistens and
tempers the spirits, and lulls the cares of the
mind to rest, as opium does the body: on the

Ae hand, it revives our joys, and is oil to the

dying flame of life. It is with our bodies as
with seeds sown in the earth; when they are
over-watered they cannot shoot forth, and are
unable to penetrate the surface of the ground:
but when they have just so much moisture as
is requisite, we may behold them break through
the clod with vigour; and pushing boldly up-
wards, produce their flowers, and then their
fruits. It is much the same thing with us; if
we drink too much, the whole man is deluged,
his spirits are overwhelmed, and is so far from
being able to talk reasonably, or indeed to talk
at all, that it is with the utmost pain he draws
his breath: but if we drink temperately, and
small draughts at a time, the wine distils upon
our lungs like sweetest morning dew (to use
the words of that noble orator Gorgias). It is
then the wine commits no rape upon our rea-
son, but pleasantly invites us to agreeable

607

mirth.” Every one was of his opinion; and
Philip said he had something to offer, which
was this: ‘ Your servants,” said he, “ that
wait at the sideboard should imitate good
coachmen, who are never esteemed such till
they can turn dexterously and quick.” The
advice was immediately put in practice, and the
servants went round and filled every man his
glass.

111. Then the little boy, tuning his guitar to
the flute, sung and played at the same time;
which gave mighty satisfaction to all the com-
pany. Upon this Carmides spoke: ‘ What
Socrates,” said he, “ just now offered about
the effects of wine, may, in my opinion, with
little difference, be applied to music and beauty,
especially when they are found together: for
I begin in good earnest to be sensible that this
fine mixture buries sorrow, and is at the same
time the parent of love.’”? Whereupon So-
crates took occasion to say, ‘ If these people
are thus capable of diverting us, I am well
assured we are now capable ourselves, and I
believe nobody here doubts it. In my judg-
ment, it would be shameful for us, now we
are met together, not to endeavour to benefit
one another by some agreeable or serious en-
tertainment. What say you, gentlemen?”
They generally replied, “ Begin then the dis-
course from which we are to hope so good an
effect.”—“ I hope,” said Socrates, “ to obtain
that favour of Callias, if he would but give us
a taste of those fine things he learnt of Prodi-
cus : you know he promised us this when we
came to sup with him.” —“ With all my
heart,” said Callias, “Iam willing, but on
condition that you will all please to contribute
to the conversation, and every one tell, in his
turn, what_it is he values himself most upon.”
—“ Be it so,” said Socrates.—* I will tell you
then,” added Callias, ““ what I esteem most,
and value myself chiefly upon: it is this, that
I have it in my power to make men better.”—
« How so,” said Antisthenes ; ‘will you teach
them to become rich or honest ?’’—‘ Justice
is honesty,” replied Callias. ‘ You are in
the right,” said Antisthenes, “ I do not dis-
pute it; for though there are some occasions
when even courage or wisdom may be hurt-
ful to one’s friends or the government, yet
justice is ever the same, and can never mix
with dishonesty.”—‘‘ When, therefore, every
one of us,” says Callias, “ has told wherein he
chiefly values himself, and is most useful to

608

others, I shall then likewise make no scruple
to tell you by what arts Iam able to perform
what I told you: that is, to make men better.”

Soc. “ But, Nicerates, what is the thing
that you value yourself most upon ?”

1 Nic. “It is that my father, designing to
make a virtuous man of me, ordered me to get
by heart every verse of Homer ; and I believe
I can repeat you at this minute the whole Iliad
and Odyssey.”—-“ But you know very well,”
said Antisthenes, “every public rehearser, 3
or ballad-singer, does the same at all the cor-
ners of the streets.” “41 acknowledge it,”
said Nicerates ; “nor does a day pass but I go

‘to hear them.”

‘Ant. “I think them a pack of scandalous
wretches: What say you ?”

IVic. “1 am of your opinion.”

Soc. “It is certain they do not know the
sense of one verse they recite: but you, 5. who
have given so much money to Hesimbrotus,
Anaximander, and other wise men, to instruct
you in wisdom, you cannot be ignorant of any
thing.”

“Now it is your turn, Critobulus,” con-
tinued Socrates: “tell us then, if you please,
what it is you value yourself most upon ?”—
« On beauty,” replied he.—“ But will you say,
Soerates, that yours is such as will help to
make us better ?”

Soc. “I understand you: but if I do not
make that out ano, then blame me. . What
says Antisthenes? upon what does he value
himself?”

Ant. “I think I can value myself upon no-
thing in this world equal to that of being rich.”

He had scarce done speaking, when Hermo-
genes took him up, and asked him how much
he was worth? “Faith, not one halfpenny,”
said Antisthenes.

Her. “ But you have a good estate in land?”

Ant. “I may perhaps have just as much as
may afford dust for Autolicus, the next time
he has a mind to wrestle.” ¢

Soc. “ Carmides, will you, in few words,
acquaint us with what it is you value yourself
most upon ?”

.

1 Nicerates here represents a true pedant.

2 These were people who got their livelihood by
singing Homer’s verses about the streets of Athens.

3 This is spoken in railler y.

4 The wrestlers at the public games, after they had
rubbed themse]ves with oils, had dust thrown upon
them to dry it up.

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

Car. “ Poverty.” wo taniel

Soc. “ Very well; you have made an excei »
lent choice: it is fallectls in itself of an admiz-
able nature ; nobody will be your rival; you
may preserve it without care, and even negli-
gence is its str ge These are not —
reasons, you see.”

Callias. “‘ But, since you have atari the
whole company, may we not inquire of you,
Socrates, what it is you value yourself upon 2”

When Socrates, putting on a very grave and
solemn air, answered coldly, and without hesi-
tation, “ I yalue myself upon procuring.” > The
gravity of the speaker, and the manner of
speaking a word so little expected from So-
crates, set the whole company 8 laughing.
“< Very well, gentlemen,” said he, “51 am glad _
you are pleased; but I am very certain this
profession of mine, if I apply myself closely
to it, will bring in money enough if 1 pleased.”

When Lycon, pointing to Philip; “ Well,
what say you?”—‘ You, I suppose, value
yourself. upon making men laugh ?”—“ Yes,
certainly,” said Philip ; “and have I not more
reason to be proud of myself for this, thar
that fine spark, Callipides, who is so fond, you
know, of making his audience weep, when he
recites his verses in the theatre ?”—“ But,
Lycon,” said Antisthenes, “ let us know what
it is you value yourself most upon? What
gives you greatest content ?’— You know very
well,” answered he, “ what I esteem the most,
and which gives me the greatest pleasure, it is
to be the father of such a son as Autolicus.”

« And for your son,” said some of the com-
pany, “ he, no question, values himself most
upon carrying the prize the other day at the
Olympic games?”—*‘* Not so, I assure you,”
said Autolicus, blushing. And then the whole .
company turning their eyes with pleasure to-
wards him, one of them asked him, *« What is
it, then, Autolicus,” you value yourself most
upon ?’—“ It is,’ replied he, “ that I am the
son of such a father;” and at the same time
turned himself lovingly towards him for a kiss.
—Callias, who observed it, said to Lycon,
« Don’t you know yourself to be the richest
man in the world ?”—“ I cannot tell that,” re-
plied Lycon. ‘ And yet it is true,” said Cal-
lias, “‘ for you would not change this son of
yours for the wealth of Persia.”

——

5 I cannot find a softer word in English for the
Greek here. Socrates explains himself afterwards.

a

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

Ty ycon. “ Be it so; I am then the richest
man in Mi world ; nor will I contradict your
opinion.”

Then Nicerates addressing himself to Her-
mogenes: “ What is it,” said he, ‘ that you
value yourself most upon?”—*“ On virtue,”
answered he, “ and the power of my friends:
and that, with these two advantages, I have
yet the good fortune to be beloved by these
friends.”

Then every one looking upon him, began to
inquire who were his friends ?”—* I will sa-
tisfy you,” said he, ‘“‘as you shall see, when
it comes to my turn.”

IV. Then Socrates resumed the discourse :
‘¢ Now you have all,” said he, “ declared your
‘Opinions, as to what you value yourselves most
upon, it remains that you prove it. Let us
now then hear every man’s reasons, if a
please, for his opinion.”

“ Hear me first then,” said Callias: “ for
though you have all been inquiring what
justice is, I alone have found the secret to
make men just and honest.”

Soc. “ How so?”

Call. ** By giving them money.”

At these words, Antisthenes rising up,
asked him hastily, “Is justice to be found in
the heart or the pocket ?”

Call. “ In the heart.”

Ant. “ And would you then make us be-
lieve, that by filling a bag with money, you can
make the heart honest or just ?”

Call. “ Most assuredly.”

Ant. ‘ How ?”

Call. “ Because when they have all things
necessary for life, they will not, for the world,
run any hazard by committing evil actions.”

Ant. “ But do they repay bp again what
they receive of you ?”

Call. “ Not at all.”

Ant. “ Nothing but gratitude, I hope; good
thanks for good money.”

Cail. “ Not that neither: for I can tell you
something you will hardly believe; I have
found some people of so evil a nature, that
they love me less for receiving benefits from
me.” ‘Then Antisthenes replied briskly,

Ant. “ That is wonderful: you make men
just and honest to others, and they prove un-
just and dishonest only to you?”

Call. * Not so wonderful neither !”——“ Have
we not architects and masons, who build
houses for other men, and live in hired lodgings

609

themselves ?”—‘‘ Have patience, my master,”
said he, (turning to Socrates) ‘‘and I will
prove this beyond dispute.”—* You need not,’
said Socrates; ‘for, beside what you allege
for a proof, there is another that occurs to me:
Do you not see there are certain diviners who
pretend to foretell every thing to other people,
and are entirely ignorant of what is to happen
to themselves.” Socrates said no more.

“ It is now my turn to speak,” said Nicer-
ates: | “ hear then to what I am going to say,
attend to a conversation which will necessarily
make you better, and more polite. You all
know, or I am much mistaken, there is nothing
that relates to human life but Homer has
spoken of it. Whoever then would learn
economy, eloquence, arms; whoever would be
master of every qualification that is to be
found in Achilles, Ajax, Ulysses, or Nestor ;
let him but apply himself to me, and he shall
become perfect in them, for I am entirely
master of all that.”—-“ Very well,” said An-
tisthenes, “ you have learned likewise the art
of being a king; for you may remember Ho-
mer praises Agamemnon for that he was

** A noble warrior and a mighty prince.’’

Nicer. “41 learnt too, from Homer, how a
coachman ought to turn at the end of his career.
He ought to incline his body to the left, and
give the word to the horse that is on the right,
and make use at the same time of a very loose
rein. I have learnt all this from him, and an-
other secret too, which, if you please, we will
make trial of immediately: the same Homer
says somewhere, that an onion relishes well
with a bottle. Now let some of your servants
bring an onion, and you will see with what
pleasure you will drink.” I know very well,”
said Carmides, ‘what he means; Nicerates,
gentlemen, thinks deeper than you imagine.
He would willingly go home with the scent of
an onion in his mouth, that his wife may not
be jealous, or suspect he has been kissing
abroad.”——“‘ A very good thought,” said So-
crates ; ‘‘ but perhaps I have one full as whim-
sical, and worthy of him: it is, that an onion
does not only relish wine, but victuals too, and
gives a higher seasoning: but if we should eat
them now after supper, they would say we had
committed a debauch at Callias’s.”—‘* No, no,’
said Callias, “ you can never think so: but on-

1 Here Nicerates plays the pedant indeed, as if to ree
peat Homer was to be truly learned,

4u

610

1ons, they say, are very good to prepare people
for the day of battle, and inspire courage ; you
know they feed cocks so against they fight :
but our business, at present, I presume, is love,
not war; and so much for onions.”

Then Critobulus began. “I am now,”
said he, “to give my reasons why I value my-
self so much upon my beauty. If I am not
handsome (and I know very well what I think
of the matter), you ought all of you to be ac-
counted imposters, for without being obliged
to it upon oath, when you were asked what was
your opinion of me, you all swore I was hand-
some, and I thought myself obliged to believe
you, being men of honour that scorned a lie. If,
then, I am really handsome, and you feel the
same pleasure that I do when I behold another
beautiful person, I am ready to call all the gods
to witness, that were it in my choice either to
reign king of Persia, or be that beauty, I would
quit the empire to preserve my form. In
truth, nothing in this world touches me so
agreeably as the sight of Amandra, and I could
willingly be blind to all other objects, if I
might but always enjoy the sight of her I so
tenderly love.

“I curse my slumbers, doubly curse the night,

That hides the lovely maid from my desiring sight ;

But, oh! I bless the cheerful god’s return,

And welcome with my praise the ruddy morn ;

Light «with the morn returns, return my fair,
‘She is the light, the morn restores my dear.”

«There is something more in the matter, be-

‘sides this, to be considered. A person that
is vigorous and strong, cannot attain his designs
but by his strength and vigour; a brave man
by his courage; a scholar by his learning and
conversation : but the beautiful person does all
this, without any pains, by being only looked
at. I know very well how sweet the posses-
sion of wealth is, but I would sacrifice all to
Amandra: and I should with more pleasure
give all my estate to her, than to receive a thou-
sand times more from any other. I would lay
my liberty at her feet if she would accept me
for her slave: fatigue would be much more
agreeable to me than repose, and dangers than
ease, if endured in the service of Amandra.
Tf, then, you boast yourself so much, Callias,
that you can make men honester by your wealth,
I have much more reason to believe 1 am able
to produce in them all sorts of virtue by the
mere force of beauty ; for when beauty inspires,
it makes its votaries generous and industrious ;

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

they thereby acquire a noble thirst after glory,
and a contempt of dangers ; and all this attend-
ed with an humble and respectful modesty,
which makes them blush to ask what they wish
most to possess. I think the government is —
stark mad, that they do not choose for generals
the most beautiful persons in the state ; for my
part, I would go through fire to follow such a
commander, and I believe you would all do the
same forme. Doubt not then, Socrates, but
beauty may do much good to mankind ; nor does
it avail to say beauty does soon fade ; for there
is one beauty of a child, another ofa boy, another
ofaman. There is likewise abeauty of oldage,
as in those who carry the consecrated branches‘
at the feast of Minerva ; for you know for that
ceremony they make choice always of the hand-
somestold men. Now, if it is desirable to obtain
without trouble what one wishes, I am satisfied
that, without speaking one word, I should
sooner persuade that little girl to kiss me than
any of you, with all the arguments you can use;
no, not you yourself, Socrates, with all the
strength of your extolled eloquence.’—“ Why,
Critobulus, do you give yourself this air of
vanity,” said Socrates, “as if you were hand-
somer that me ?’—* Doubtless,” replied Crito-
bulus, “if I have not the advantage of you in
beauty, J must be uglier than the Sileni,* as they
are painted by the poets.” Now Socrates had
some resemblance to those figures.

Soc. “ Take notice, if you please, that this
article of beauty will be soon decided anon,
after every one has taken his turn to speak :
nor shall we call Paris to make a judgment for
us, as he did in the case of the three goddesses
about the apple: and this very young girl, who
you would make us believe had much rather
kiss you than any of us, she shall determine it?”

Crit. “ And why may not Amandra be as
good as a judge of this matter ?”

Soc. “ Amandra must needs have a large
possession of your heart, seeing, by your good
will, you would never name any other name
but hers.”

Crit. “« True; and yet when I do not speak
of her, do you think she lives not in my me-
mory? Iassure you, if I were a painter ora’

1 These were of the olive-tree, kept sacred in the cita-
del of Athens; and both old men and old women ear-
ried them by turns.

2 The Sileni were the fosterfathers of Bacchus, and
horridly deformed.

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

statuary, I could draw her picture or statue by
the idea of her in my mind, as well as if she
were to sit to it.” |

τ Soe. “ Sinee then you have her image in
your heart, and that image resembles her so
strongly, why is it that you importune me con-
tinually to carry you to places where you are
sure to meet her ?”

Crit. “ It is because the sight of Amandra
only gives me real joy.
~ The idea does no solid pleasure give ;

She must within my sight, as well as fancy, live.”

Hermogenes interrupted the discourse ; and
addressing himself to Socrates, said, “ You
ought not to abandon Critobulus in the condi-
tion he is in, for the violent transport and fury
of his passion makes me uneasy for him, and I
know not where it may end.”

Soc. “ What! do you think he is become
thus only since he was acquainted with me?
You are mightily deceived; for I can assure
you this fire has been kindled ever since they
were children. Critobulus’s father having ob-
served it, begged of me that I would take care
of his son, and endeavour, if I could, by all
means to cure him of it. He is better now;
things were worse formerly: for I have seen,
when Amandra appeared in company, Crito-
bulus, poor creature, would stand as one struck
dead, without motion, and his eyes so fixed
upon her, as if he had beheld Medusa’s head ;
insomuch, that it was impossible almost for me
to bring him to himself.

“ J remember one day, after certain amorous
glances, (this is between ourselves only,) he
ran up to her and kissed her; and, Heaven
knows, nothing gives more fuel to the fire of
love than kisses. For this pleasure is not like
others, which either lessen or vanish in the
enjoyment; on the contrary, it gathers strength
the more it is repeated; and flattering our
souls with sweet and favourable hopes, be-
witches our minds with a thousand beautiful
images. Thence it may be, that to love and
to kiss are frequently expressed by the same
word in the Greek: and it is for that reason, I
think, he that would preserve the liberty of his
soul, should abstain from kissing handsome
people.” ‘‘ What, then,” said Carmides, ‘ must
I be afraid of coming near a handsome woman ?
Nevertheless, I remember very well, and I be-
lieve you do so too, Socrates, that being one
day in company with Critobulus’s beautiful
sister, who resembles him so much, as we were

611

searching together for a passage in some au-
thor, you held your head very close to that
beautiful virgin ; and I thought you seemed to
take pleasure in touching her naked shoulder
with yours.”—** Good God !” replied Socrates,
“1 will tell you truly how I was punished for
it for five days after: I thought I felt in my
shoulder a certain tickling pain, as if I had been
bit by gnats, or pricked with nettles: and I
must confess too, that during all that time 1
felt a certain hitherto unknown pain at my
heart. But, Critobulus, take notice what I
am going to tell you before this good company :
it is, that I would not have you come too near
me, till you have as many hairs upon your chin
as your head, for fear you put me in mind of
your handsome sister.”

Thus the conversation between these gentle-
men was sometimes serious, sometimes in rail-_
lery. After this Callias took up the discourse.
“ It is your turn now,” said he, ““ Carmides,
to tell us what reasons you have for valuing
yourself so much upon poverty.”—* 1 will,”
replied Carmides, ‘‘and without delay. Is
any thing more certain, than that it is better to
be brave than a coward; a freeman, than a
slave ; to be credited, than distrusted; to be
inquired after for your conversation, than to
court others for theirs? These things, I be-
lieve, may be granted me without much diffi-
culty. Now, when I was rich, I was in con-
tinual fear of having my house broken open by |
thieves, and my money stolen, or my throat cut
upon the account of it. Besides all this, I was
forced to keep in fee with some of these petty-
fogging rascals that retain to the law, who
swarm all over the town like so many locusts.
This I was forced to do, because they were
always in a condition to hurt me; and I had no
way to retaliate upon them. Then I was ob-
liged to bear public offices at my own charges,
and to pay taxes: nor was it permitted me to
go abroad for travel, to avoid that expense. But
now that my estate, which I had without the :
frontiers of our republic, is all gone, and my
land in Attica brings me in no rent, and all my
household goods are exposed to sale, I sleep
wonderfully sound, and stretched upon my
bed as one altogether fearless of officers.
The government is now no more jealous of me,
nor I of it; thieves fright me not, and I my-
self affright others. I travel abroad when I
please; and when I please I stay at Athens.
What is to be free, if this is not? Besides,

612

rich men pay respect to me ; they run from me,
to leave me the chair, or to give me the wall.
In a word, I am now perfectly a king; I was
then perfectly a slave. I have yet another advan-
tage from my poverty; I then paid tribute to
the republic; now the republic pays tribute to
me; for it maintains me. Then every oue
snarled at me, because I was often with So-
crates. Now that Iam poor, I may converse
with him, or any other I please, without any
body’s being uneasy at it. I have yet another
satisfaction: in the days of my estate, either
the government or my ill fortune were contin-
ually clipping it: now that is all gone, it is
- impossible to get any thing of me; he that has
nothing, can lose nothing. And I have the
continual pleasure of hoping to be worth some-
thing again, one time or other.”

“Don’t you pray heartily against riches ?”
says Callias. ‘ And if you should happen to
dream you were rich, would you not sacri-
fice to the gods to avert the ill omen:”—
“‘ No, no,” replied Carmides: “ but when any
flattering hope presents, I wait patiently for the
success.” Then Socrates turning to Antis-
thenes; ‘“ And what reason have you,” said
he, ‘“ who have very little or no money, to value
yourself upon wealth ?”

Ant. “ Because I am of opinion, gentlemen,
that poverty and wealth are not in the coffers
of those we call rich or poor, but in the heart
only ; for I see numbers of very rich men, who
believe themselves poor; -nor is there any
peril or labour they would not expose them-
selves to, to acquire more wealth. I knew
two brothers, the other day, who shared equally
their father’s estate. The first had enough,
and something to spare; the other wanted every
thing. I have heard likewise of some princes
so greedy of wealth, that they were more noto-
riously criminal in the search of it than private
men: for though the latter may sometimes
steal, break houses, and sell free persons to
slavery, to support the necessities of life; yet
those do much worse: they ravage whole
countries, put nations to the sword, enslave free
states: and all this for the sake of money, and
to fill the coffers of their treasury. The truth
is, I have a great deal of compassion for these
men, when I consider the distemper that afflicts
them [5 it not an unhappy condition to have
a great deal to eat, to eat a great deal, and yet
never be satisfied? For my part, though I
confess I have no money at home, yet I want

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

none ; because I never eat but just as much as

will satisfy my hunger, nor drink but to quench
my thirst. I clothe myself in such manner
that Iam as warm abroad as Callias, with all
his great abundance. And when Iam at home,

the floor and the wall, without mats or tapestry,
make my chamber warm enough forme. And
as for my bed, such as it is, I find it more dif-
ficult to awake than to fall asleep in it. If at
any time anatural necessity requires me to con-
verse with women, I part with them as well
satisfied as another. For those to whom I
make my addresses, having not much practice
elsewhere, are as fond of me as if I were a
prince. But don’t mistake me, gentlemen, for
governing my passion in this as in other things :

I am so far from desiring to have more plea-
sure in the enjoyment, that I wish it less ; be-
cause, upon due consideration, I find those
pleasures that touch us in the most sensible
manner deserve not to be esteemed the most
worthy of us. But observe the chief advantage
I reap from my poverty ; it is, that in case the
little I have should be taken entirely from me,
there is no occupation so poor, no employment
in life so barren, but would maintain me with-
out the least uneasiness, and afford mea dinner
without any trouble. For if I have an inclina-
tion at any time to regale myself and indulge
my appetite, I can do it easily; it is but going
to market, not to buy dainties (they are too
dear,) but my temperance gives that quality to
the most common food ; and, by that means, the
contentedness of my mind supplies me with de-
licacies, that are wanting in the meat itself.
Now, it is not the excessive price of what we
eat that gives it a relish, but it is necessity
and appetite. Of this I have experience just
now, while I am speaking ; for this generous
wine of Thasos,' that I am now drinking,
the exquisite flavour of it is the occasion that
I drink it now without thirst, and consequently
without pleasure. Besides all this, I find it
is necessary to live thus, in order to live
honestly. For he that is content with

what he has, will never covet what is his

neighbour’s. Further, it is certain the wealth

I am speaking of makes men liberal. For,

Socrates, from whom I have all mine, never

gave it me by number or weight; but,

whenever I am willing to receive, he loads me

1 The noblest vines, that grew in one of the Grecian
islands.

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

~ always with as much as I can carry. Ido the.

same by my friends; I never conceal my
plenty. On the contrary, I show them all I
have, and at the same time I let them share
with me. Itis from this, likewise, Iam be-
come master of one of the most delightful
things in the world; I mean, that soft and
charming leisure, that permits me to see every
thing that is worthy to be seen, and to hear
every thing that is worthy to be heard. It is,
in one word, that which affords me the happi-
ness of hearing Socrates from morning to
night ; for he having no great veneration for
those that can only count vast sums of gold
and silver, converses only with them who he
finds are agreeable to him, and deserve. his
company.” —‘ Truly,” said Callias, ‘‘ I admire
you, and these your excellent riches, for two
reasons : first, that thereby you are no slave to
the government; and, secondly, that nobody
can take it ill you do not lend them money.”—
«“ Pray do not admire him for the last,” said
Nicerates ;* “ for I am about to borrow of him

what he most values, that is, to need nothing ;

for by reading Homer, and especially that pas-
sage where he says,

“Ten golden talents, seven three-legg’d stools,
Just twenty cisterns, and twelve charging steeds ;”

I have so accustomed myself, from this passage,
to be always upon numbering and weighing,
that I begin to fear I shall be taken for a
miser.” Upon this they all laughed heartily ;
for there was nobody there but believed Nice-
rates spoke what he really thought, and what
were his real inclinations.

After this, one spoke to Hermogenes: ‘It
is yours now,” said he, “to tell us who are
your friends ; and make it appear, that if they
have much power, they have equal will to serve
you with it, and, consequently, that you have
reason to value yourself upon them.”

Hermog. “* There is one thing, gentlemen,
universally received among barbarians as well
as Greeks; and that is, that the gods know
both the present and what is to come: and for
that reason they are consulted and applied to
by all mankind, with sacrifices, to know of
them what they ought to do. This supposes

2 Nicerates was both very rich and very covetous,
being the son of Nicias, whose life is written by Plu-

tarch.
8 This is one of the noblest periods in all antiquity.

613

that they have the power to do us good or evil;
otherwise, why should we pray to them to be
delivered from evils that threaten us, or to grant
us the good we stand in need of ? Now these
very gods, who are both all-seeing and all-
powerful, they are so much my friends, and
have so peculiar a care of me, that be it night,
be it day, whether I go any where, or take any
thing in hand, they have me ever in their view
and under their protection, and never lose me
out of their sight. They foreknow all the
events and all the thoughts and actions of us
poor mortals: they forewarn us by some se-
cret prescience impressed on our minds, or by
some good angel or dream, what we ought to
avoid, and what we ought to do. For my
part, I have never had occasion yet to repent
these secret impulses given me by the gods,
but have been often punished for neglecting
them.”—“ There is nothing in what you have
said,” added Socrates, ‘that should look in-
credible: but I would willingly hear by what
services you oblige the gods to be so much
your friends, and to love and take all this care
of you?”—‘ That is done very cheap, and at
little or no expense,” replied Hermogenes,
“ for the praises I give them cost me nothing.
If I sacrifice to them after I have received a
blessing from them, that very sacrifice is at
their own charge. I return them thanks on all
occasions ; and if at any time I call them to
witness, it is never to a lie, or against my con-
science.”—“ Truly,” said Socrates, “if such
men as you have the gods for their friends, and
I am sure they have, it is certain those gods
take pleasure in good actions and the practice
of virtue.”

Here ended their serious entertainment.
What followed was of another kind; for all
of them turning to Philip, asked him, “* What
it was he found so very valuable in his profes-
sion 3". -- Have I not reason to be proud of
my trade,” said he, “all the world knowing me
to be a buffoon? If any good fortune happens
to them, they cheerfully invite me; but when
any misfortune comes, they avoid me like the
plague, lest I should make them laugh in spite
of themselves.” Nicerates, interrupting him,
ςς You have reason indeed,” said he, ‘‘ to boast
of your profession, for it is quite otherwise
with me: when my friends have no occasion
for me, they avoid me like the plague ; but in
misfortunes they are ever about me, and, by a
forged genealogy, will needs claim kindred

“i

614

with me, and at the same time carry my family
up as high as the gods.”——“* Very well,” said
Carmides, “ now to the rest of the company.”

* Well, Mr Syracusan, What is it which gives
you the greatest satisfaction, or that you value
yourself most upon? I suppose it is that
pretty little girl of yours ?”—“ Quite con-
trary,” says he; “‘ I have much more pain than
pleasure upon her account: I am in constant
apprehension and fear when I see certain peo-
ple so busy about her, and trying all insinuat-
ing ways to ruin! her.”—‘ Good God !” said
Socrates, “ What wrong could they pretend to
have received from that poor young creature,
to do her a mischief? Would they kill her ?”

Syr. “Ido not speak of killing her; you
do not take me, they would willingly get to bed
to her.”

Soc. “ Suppose it were so, why must the
girl be ruined therefore ?”

Syr. “ Ay, doubtless.”

Soc. “ Do not you lie in bed with her your-
self 2?”

Syr. “ Most certainly, all night long.”

Soc. “ By J uno, thou art a happy fellow to
be the only man in the world that do not ruin
those you lie with. Well, then, according to
your account, what you are proudest of must
be, that you are so wholesome and so harmless
a bedfellow ?”

Syr. “ But you are mistaken; it is not her
I value myself for neither.”

Soc. ** What then ?”

Syr. “ That there are so many fools in the
world ; for it is these kind of gentlemen, who
come to see my children dance and sing, that
supply me with the necessaries of life, which
otherwise I might want.”

“1 suppose then,” said Philip, “that was
the meaning of your prayer you made the other
day before the altar, when you asked the gods
that there might be plenty of every thing in
this world wherever you came, but of judgment
and good sense ?”

«Immortal beings, grant my humble prayer ;
Give Athens all the blessings you can spare ;

Let them abound in plenty, peace, and pence,
But never let them want a dearth of sense.”

* All is well hitherto,” said Callias: “ But,
Socrates, what reason have you to make us
believe you are fond of the profession you at-

] The word in the original signifies to kill, to ruin,
or to corrupt.

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

tributed to yourself just now, for really I take
it for a scandalous one ?” ;
Soc. “First, let us understand one an-
other; and know in few words what this artist
is properly to do, whose very name has made
you so merry : but, to be brief, let us, in short,
fix upon some one thing that we may all agree
in. Shall it be so?”—“ Doubtless,” answered
all the company: and during the thread of his
discourse they made him no other answer but
* doubtless.”
certainly true,” ? said Socrates, “ that the busi-
ness of an artist of that kind is to manage so
as that the person they introduce be perfectly
agreeable to one that employs him ?”—-“ Doubt-
less,” they replied. ‘Is it not certain, too,

that a good face and fine clothes do mightily

contribute towards the making such a person
agreeable ?”—“* Doubtless.” —“ Do you not ob-
serve that the eyes of the same person look at
some times full of pleasure and kindness, and
at other times with an air of aversion and
scorn ?”—* Doubtless.”—“* What, does not the
same voice sometimes express itself with mo-
desty and sweetness, and sometimes with anger
and fierceness ?”——“ Doubtless.”——“ Are there
not some discourses that naturally beget hatred
and aversion, and others that conciliate love
and affection ?” — “ Doubtless.”—“ If, then,
this artist be excellent in his profession, ought
he not to instruct those that are under his
direction which way to make themselves agree-
able to others in all these things I have men-
tioned ?”—“ Doubtless.”—“ But who is most
to be valued; he who renders them agreeable
to one person only, or he that renders them
agreeable to many? Are you not for the last ?”
Some of them answered him as before, with

“doubtless ;” and the rest said, it was very |

plain that it was much better to please a great
many than a few. “ That is very well,” said
Socrates ; “ we agree upon every head hither-
to: but what if the person we are speaking of
can instruct his pupil to gain the hearts of a
whole state, will not you say he is excellent in
his art?” This, they all agreed, was clear.
« And if he ean raise his scholars to such
perfection, has he not reason to be proud of
his profession? And deserves he not to re-

2 It was a great advantage that Socrates had in con-

versation, that his arguments were generally by way |

of interrogation, by which he argued from the conces-
sions that were made him, what he designed te prove.

Having began so, “Is it not |

Stele tt .-

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

ceive a handsome reward?” Every one an-
swered, it was their opinion he did. ‘ Now,”
said Socrates, “Ἅ if there is such a man to be
found in the world, it is Antisthenes, or I am
mistaken.”

Ant. “ How, Socrates! Will you make me
ene of your scurvy profession ?”

Soc. “ Certainly, for I know you are per-
fectly skilled in what may properly be called
an appendix to it.”

Ant. “ What is that ?”

Soc. “ Bringing people together.”

. To this Antisthenes, with some concern,
replied, “ Did you ever know me guilty of a
thing of this kind.”

Soc. * Yes, but keep your temper. You
procured Callias for Prodicus, finding the one
was in love with philosophy, and the other in
want of money: you did the same before, in
procuring Callias for Hippias, who taught him
the art of memory; and he is become such a
proficient, that he is more amorous now than
ever ; for every woman he sees, that is tolerably
handsome, he can never forget her, so perfectly
has he learnt of Hippias the art of memory.
You have done yet more than this, Antisthe-
nes ; for lately praising a friend of yours, of
Heraclea, to me, it gave me a great desire to
be acquainted with him: at the same time you
praised me to him, which occasioned his desire
to be acquainted with me ; for which I am migh-
tily obliged to you, for I find him a very worthy
man. Praising likewise in the same manner
Esquilius to me, and me to him, did not your

discourse inflame us both with such mutual }

affection, that we searched every day for one
another with the utmost impatience till we
came acquainted? Now, having observed you
capable of bringing about such desirable things,
had not I reason to say you are an excellent
bringer of people together? I know very well,
that one who is capable of being useful to his
friend, in fomenting mutual friendship and love
between that friend and another he knows to
be worthy of him, is likewise capable of be-
getting the same disposition between towns
and states : he is able to make state-marriages ;
nor has our republic or our allies a subject that
may be more useful to them : and yet you were
angry with me, as if I had affronted you, when
I said you were master of this art.”

Ant. “‘ That is true, Socrates ; but my anger
is now over ; and were I really what you say 1
am, I must have a soul incomparably rich.”

615

Now you have heard in what manner every
one spoke, when Callias began again, and said
to Critobulus, “ Will you not then venture
into the lists with Socrates, and dispute beauty
with him ?”

Soc. “ I believe not; for he knows my art
gives me some interest with the judges.”

Crit. “« Come, I will not. refuse to enter the
lists for once with you; pray then use all your
eloquence, and let us know how you prove
yourself to be handsomer than I.”

‘Soc. ‘ That shall be done presently; bring
but a light, and the thing is done.”

Crit. “« But, in order to state the question
well, you will give me leave to ask a few ques-
tions ?””

Soc. * I will.”

Crit. “ But, on second thoughts, I will give
you leave to ask what questions you please
first.”

Soc. “ Agreed. Do you believe beauty is
no where to be found but in man?”

Crit. “ Yes certainly, in other creatures too,
whether animate, as a horse or bull, or inani-
mate things, as we say that is a handsome
sword, or a fine shield, &c.”

Soc. “ But how comes it then, that things
so very different as these should yet all of them
be handsome ?”

Crit. “ Because they are well made, either
by art or nature, for the purposes they are em-
ployed in.”

Soe. “ Do you know the use of eyes ?”

Crit. “ To see.”

Soc. “ Well! it is for that very reason mine
are handsomer than yours.”

Crit. ** Your reason 2?”

Soc. “ Yours see only in a direct line ; but,
as for mine, I can look not only dinate for-
ward, as you, but sideways too, they being
seated on a kind of ridge on my face, and
staring out.”

Crit. * At that rate, a crab has the advan-
tage of all other animals in matter of eyes ?”

Soc. * Certainly; for theirs are incomparably
more solid, and better situated than any other
creature’s.” ἢ

Crit. ““ Be it so as to eyes; but as to your
nose, would you make me believe that yours is
better shaped than mine ?” »

Soc. “ There is no room for doubt, if it be
granted that God made the nose for the sense
of smelling ; for your nostrils are turned down-
ward, but mine are wide and turned up to.

616

wards heaven, to receive smells that come from
every part, whether from above or below.”

Crit. “ What! is a short flat nose, then,
more beautiful than another?”

Soc. “ Certainly; because being such, it
never hinders the sight of both eyes at once ;
whereas a high nose parts the eyes so much by
its rising, that it hinders their seeing both of
them in a direct line.”

Crit. “ As to your mouth, I grant it you;
for if God has given us a mouth to eat with,
it is certain yours will receive and chew as
much at once as mine at thrice.”

Soc. “ Don’t you believe too that my kisses
are more luscious and sweet than yours, hay-
ing my lips so thick and large ?”

Crit. ** According to your reckoning, then,
an ass’s lips are more beautiful than mine.”

Soe. “ And lastly, I must excel you in
beauty, for this reason: the Naiades, notwith-
standing they are sea-goddesses, are said to
have brought forth the Sileni; and sure I am
much more like them than you can pretend to
be. What say you to that ?”

Crit.*“ I say it is impossible to hold a dis-
pute with you, Socrates; and therefore let us
determine this point by ballotting ; and so we
shall know presently who has the best of it,
you or I: but pray let it be done in the dark,
lest Antisthenes’s riches and your eloquence
should corrupt the judges.”

Whereupon the little dancing boy and girl
brought in the ballotting box, and Socrates
called at the same time for a flambeau to be
held before Critobulus, that the judges might
not be surprised in their judgment. He de.
sired likewise that the conqueror, instead cf
garters and ribands, as were usual in such vic-
tories, should receive a kiss from every one of
the company. After this they went to ballot-
ting, and it was carried unanimously for Crito-
bulus. Whereupon Socrates said to him,
“Indeed, Critobulus, your money has not the
same effect with Callias’s, to make men juster ;
for yours, I see, is able to corrupt a judge upon
the bench.”

VI. After this, some of the company told
Critobulus he ought to demand the kisses due
to his victory ; and the rest said, it was pro-
per to begin with him who made the proposi-
tion. In short, every one was pleasant in his
way except Hermogenes, who spoke not one
word all the time; which obliged Socrates to

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

ask him, “If he knew the meaning of the
word paroinia ?”

Her. “Τῇ you ask me what it is precisely, 1
do not know ; but if you ask my opinion of it,
perhaps I can tell you what it may be.”

Soc. “ That is enough.”

Her. “1 believe, then, that paroinia signifies
the pain and uneasiness we undergo in the
company of people that we are not pleased
with.” Be assured then,” said Socrates,
“this is what has occasioned that prudent si-
lence of yours all this time.”

Her. ““ How my silence! when you were all
speaking ?”

Soc. “ No, but your silence when we haye
done speaking and make a full stop.”

Her. “ Well said, indeed! No sooner one’

has done but another begins to speak ; and I
am so far from being able to get in a sentence,
that I cannot find room to edge in a syllable.”
—‘ Ah, then,” said Socrates to Callias, ὁ" can-
not you assist a man that is thus out of hu-
mour?’—‘* Yes,” said Callias; “for I will
be bold to say, when the music begins again,
every body will be silent as well as Hermo-
genes.”

Her. “ You would have me do then as the
poet Nicostrates, who used to recite his grand
iambics to the sound of his flute: and it would
be certainly very pretty if I should talk to you
all the time the music played.”—“ For God’s
sake do so,” said Socrates; “ for as the har-
mony is the more agreeable that the voice and
the instrument go together, so your discourse
will be more entertaining for the music that
accompanies it ; and the more delightful still,
if you give life to your words by your gesture
and motion, as the little girl does with her

flute.”—“ But when Antisthenes,” said Cal-

lias, “‘is pleased to be angry in company, what
flute will be tunable enough to his voice ?”

Ant. “ I do not know what occasion there
will be for flutes tuned to my voice; but I
know, that when I am angry with any one in
dispute, I am loud enough, and I know my
own weak side.”

As they were talking thus, the Syracusan
observing they took no great notice of any
thing he could show them, but that they enter-
tained one another on subjects out of his road,
was out of all temper with Socrates, who he saw
gave occasion at every turn for some new dis-
course. ‘ Are you,” said he to him, “ that

᾽
OL ὃ Ὁ. Ἑ ων»

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

Socrates who is sirnamed the Contempla-
tive 2” Th ag

Soc. “ Yes,” said Socrates: “ and is it not
much more preferable to be called so, than by
another name, for some opposite quality ?”

Syr. “Let that pass. But they do not
only say in general that Socrates is contem-
plative, but that he contemplates things that
are sublime.” i

1 Soe. * Know you any thing in the world so
sublime and elevated as the gods ?”

Syr. “No. But Iam told your contempla-
tions run not that way. They say they are but
trifling ; and that, in searching after things
above your reach, your inquiries are good for
nothing.”

Soc. “It is by this, if I deceive not myself,
that I attain to the knowledge of the gods: for
it is from above that the gods make us sensible
of their assistance; it is from above they in-
spire us with knowledge. But if what I have
said appears dry and insipid, you are the cause,
for forcing me to answer you.”

Syr. “ Let us then talk of something else.
Tell me then the just measure of the skip of a
flea; for I hear you are a subtle geometrician,
and understand the mathematics perfectly well.”

But Antisthenes, who was displeased with
his discourse, addressing himself to Philip, told
him: * You are wonderfully happy, I know,
in making comparisons.2. Pray who is this
Syracusan like, Philip? Does he not resem-
ble a man that is apt to give affronts, and say
shocking things in company ?”—“ Faith,” said
Philip, “ he appears so to me, and I believe to
every body else.”—‘* Have a care,” said So-
crates ; “do not affront him, lest you fall under
the character yourself that you would give him.”

Phil. “ Suppose I compare him to a well-
bred person: I hope nobody will say I affront
him then ?”

Soc. “ So much the more,” said Socrates ;
* such a comparison must needs affront him to
some purpose.”

Phil. “ Would you then that I compare
him to some one that is neither honest nor
good ?”

Soc. “ By no means.”

1 Here Socrates banters the Syracusan; and in the
Greek it is a play of words which cannot be imitated in
English.

2 To make biting comparisons was a part of the buf-
foons of that age.

617

Phil. ‘‘ Who must I compare him to then ?
To “ nobody ?”

Soc. Nobody.”

Phil. “« But it is not proper we should be
silent at a feast.”

Soc. “ That is true; but it is as true we
ought rather be silent than say any thing we
ought not to say.”

Thus ended the dispute between Socrates
and Philip.

VII. However, some of the company were for
having Philip make his comparisons ; others were
against it, as not liking that sort of diversion ;
so that there was a great noise about it in the
room: which Socrates abserving, “ Very well,”
said he, ‘‘ since youare for speaking all together,
it were as well, in my opinion, that we should
sing all together ;” and with that he began to

sing himself. When he had done, they brought

the dancing girl one of those wheels the potters
use, with which she was to divert the company
in turning herself round it. Upon which So-
crates, turning to the Syracusan: “ I believe I
shall pass for a contemplative person indeed,”
said he, “‘ as you called me just new, for Iam
now considering how it comes to pass that
those two little actors of yours give us pleasure
in seeing them perform their tricks, without
any pain to themselves, which is what I know
you design. I am sensible that for the little
girl to jump head foremost into the hoop of
swords, with their points upwards, as she has
done just now, must be a very dangerous leap ;
but I am not convinced that such a spectacle is
proper for a feast. I confess likewise, it is a
surprising sight to see a person writing and
reading at the same time that she is carried
round with the motion of the wheel, as the
girl has done; but yet I must own it gives me
no great pleasure. For would it not be much
more agreeable to see her in a natural easy pos-
ture, than putting her handsome body into an
unnatural agitation, merely to imitate the mo-
tion of awheel? Neither is it so rare to meet
with surprising and wonderful sights ; for here
is one before our eyes, if you please to take
notice of it. Why does that lamp, whose
flame is pure and bright, give all the light to the
room, when that looking-glass gives none at
all, and yet represents distinctly all objects in
its surface? Why does that oil, which is in its
own nature wet, augment the flame ; and that
water, which is wet likewise, extinguish it ?
4]

618

But these questions are not proper at this time.
And, indeed, if the two children were to
dance to the sound of the flute, dressed in the
habits of nymphs, the graces, or the four sea-
sons of the year, as they are commonly painted,
they might undergo less pain, and we receive
more pleasure.”—“ You are in the right, sir,”
said the the Syracusan to Socrates ; “‘and I
am going to represent something of that kind,
that certainly must divert you ;” and at the
same time went out to make it ready, when
Socrates began a new discourse.

VIII. “ What then,” said he, “must we
pact without saying a word of the attributes of
that great demon, or power, who is present
here, and equals in age the immortal gods,
though, to look at, he resembles but a child ?
That demon,- who by his mighty power is mas-
ter of all things, and yet is engrafted into the
very essence and constitution of the soul of
man; I mean Love. We may indeed with
reason extol his empire, as having more ex-
perience of it than the vulgar, who are not ini-
tiated into the mysteries of that great god as
we are. Truly, to speak for one, I never re-
member I was without being in love: I know,
too, that Carmides has had a great many lovers,
and being much beloved, has loved again. As
for Critobulus, he is still of an age to love, and
to be beloved ; and Nicerates too, who loves
so passionately his wife, at least as report goes,
is equally beloved by her. And who of us
does not know that the object of that noble
passion and love of Hermogenes, is virtue and
honesty? Consider, pray, the severity of his
brows, his piercing and fixed eyes, his dis-
course so composed and strong, the sweetness
of his voice, the gaiety of his manners. And
what is yet more wonderful in him, that, so
beloved as he is by his friends the gods, he
does not disdain us mortals. But for you,
Antisthenes, are you the only person in the
company that does not love 3"

Ant. © No! for in faith I love you, Socrates,
with all my heart.”

Then Socrates rallying him, and counterfeit-
ing an angry air, said, “ Do not trouble me with
it now; you see I have other business upon
my heads at present.”

Ant. “I confess you must be an expert
master of the trade you valued yourself so much
upon a while ago; for sometimes you will not
be at the pains to speak to me, and at other

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

| times you pretend your demon will not permit

you, or that you have other business.”
Soc. “Spare me a little, Antisthenes; 1
can bear well enough any other troubles that

you give me, and I will always bear them as a

friend; but I blush to speak of the passion
you have for me, since I fear you are not en-
amoured with the beauty of my soul, but with
that of my body.”

« As for you, Callias,! you love, as well as
the rest of us:
your love for Autolicus? It is the town-talk ;
and foreigners, as well as our citizens, are ac-
quainted with it. The reasons for your loving
him, I believe to be, that you are both of you
born of illustrious families ; and, at the same
time, are both possessed of personal qualities
that render you yet more illustrious.
I always admired the sweetness and evenness
of your temper; but much more, when I con-
sider that your passion for Autolicus is placed
on a person who has nothing luxurious or af-
fected in him ; but in all things shows a vigour
and temperance worthy of a virtuous soul ;
which is a proof, at the same time, that if he
is infinitely beloved, he deserves to be so.

“I confess, indeed, I am not firmly per-
suaded whether there be but one Venus or
two, the celestial and the vulgar: and it may
be with this goddess, as with Jupiter, who has
many different names, though there is still but
one Jupiter. But I know very well that both
the Venuses have altogether different altars,
temples, and sacrifices. The vulgar Venus is
worshipped after a common, negligent manner ;
whereas the celestial one is adored in purity
and sanctity of life. The vulgar inspires man-
kind with the love of the body only, but the

celestial fires the mind with the love of the |

soul, with friendship, and a generous thirst
after noble actions. I hope that it is this last
kind of love that has touched the heart of Cal-
lias. This I believe, because the person he
loves is truly virtuous ; and whenever he de-
sires to converse with him, it is in the presence
of his father, which is a proof his love is por
fectly honourable.”

Upon which Hermogenes began to speak :
“1 have always admired you, Socrates, on

1 Here Socrates shows a wonderful address in turn-
ing the passion of Callias from Autolicus, to something
more elevated, and beyond personal beauty.

for who is it that is ignorant of

For me, ©

'
a. 4

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

every occasion, but much more now than ever.
You are complaisant to Callias, and indulge
his passion. And this your complaisance is
agreeable to him ; so it is wholesome and in-
structive, teaching him in what manner he
ought to love.’——“ That is true,” said So-
crates ; “and that my advice may please him
yet the more, I will endeavour to prove that
the love of the soul is incomparably preferable
to that of thé body. Isay then, and we all
feel the truth of it, that no company can be
truly agreeable to us without friendship; and
we generally say, whoever entertains a great
value and esteem for the manners and beha-
viour of a man, he must necessarily love him.
We know, likewise, that among those who love
the body only, they many times disapprove the
humour of the person they so love, and hate
perhaps at the same time the mind and temper,
while they endeavour to possess the body. Yet
further, let us suppose a mutual passion between
two lovers of this kind; itis very certain that the
power of beauty, which gives birth to that
love, does soon decay and vanish: and how is
it possible that love, built on such a weak
foundation, should subsist, when the cause that
produced it has ceased? But it is other-
wise with the soul ; for the more she ripens,
and the longer she endures, the more lovely
she becomes. Besides, as the constant use of
the finest delicacies is attended, in progress of
time, with disgust: so the constant enjoyment
of the finest beauty palls the appetite at last.
But that love that terminates on the bright
qualities of the soul, becomes still more and
more ardent: and, because it is in its nature
altogether pure and chaste, it admits of no sa-
tiety. Neither let us think, with some people
that this passion, so pure and so chaste, is less
charming, or less strong than the other. On
the contrary, those who love in this manner are
possessed of all that we ask in that our com-
mon prayer to Venus: ‘ Grant, O goddess!
that we may say nothing but what is agreeable,
and do nothing but what does please.’ Now,
I think it is needless to prove, that a person
of a noble mien, generous and polite, modest
and well-bred, and in a fair way to rise in the
state, ought first to be touched with a’ just
esteem for the good qualities of the person he
courts, for this will be granted by all. But I
am going to prove, in few words, that the per-
son thus addressed to must infallibly return
the love of a man that is thus endued with

619

such shining accomplishments. For, is it pos-
sible for a woman to hate a man, who she be-
lieves has infinite merit, and who makes his
addresses to her upon the motive of doing jus-
tice to her honour and virtue, rather than from
a principle of pleasing his appetite? And how
great is the contentment we feel, when we are
persuaded that no light faults or errors shall
ever disturb the course of a friendship so hap-
pily begun, or that the diminution of beauty
shall never lessen one’s affection? How
can it ever happen otherwise, but that per-
sons who love one another thus tenderly,
and with all the liberties of a pure and sacred
friendship, should take the utmost satisfaction
in one another’s company, in discoursing to-
gether with an entire confidence, in mingling
their mutual interests, and rejoicing in their
good fortune, and bearing a share in their bad?
Such lovers must needs partake of one an-
other's joy or grief, be merry and rejoice with
one another in health, and pay the closest and
tenderest attendance on one another when
sick, and express rather a greater concern for
them when absent, than present. Does not
Venus and the Graces shower down their
blessings on those who love thus? For my
part, I take such to be perfectly happy; and a
friendship like this must necessarily persevere
to the end of their lives, uninterrupted and alto-
gether pure. But I confess I cannot see any
reason why one that loves only the exterior
beauty of the person he courts, should be
loved again. Is it because he endeavours to
obtain something from her, that gives him
pleasure, but her shame? Or is it, because
in the conduct of their passion they carefully
conceal the knowledge of it from their parents
or friends? Somebody, perhaps, may object,
that we ought to make a different judgment
of those who use violence, and of those who
endeavour to gain their point by the force of.
persuasion ; but, I say, these last deserve more
hatred than the first. The first appear in their
proper colours, for wicked persons ; and so
every one is on their guard against such open
villany ; whereas the last, by sly insinuations,
insensibly corrupt and defile the mind of the
person they pretend to love. Besides, why
should they, who barter their beauty for money,
be supposed to have a greater affection for the
purchasers, than the trader, who sells his goods
in the market-place, has for his chapmen that
pays him down the price. Do not be surprised,

620

then, if such lovers as these meet often with
the contempt they deserve. There is one
thing more in this case worthy of your consi-
deration ; we shall never find that the love
which terminates in the noble qualities of the
mind has ever produced any dismal effects.
But there are innumerable examples of tragi-
cal consequences, which have attended that
love which is fixed only on the beauty of the
body. Chiron and Phenix loved Achilles,
but after a virtuous manner, without any other
design than to render him a more accomplish-
ed person. Achilles likewise loved and ho-
noured them in return, and held them both in
the highest veneration. And indeed I should
wonder, if one that is perfectly accomplished
should not entertain the last contempt for
those who admire only their personal beauty.
Nor is it hard to prove, Callias, that gods and
heroes have always had more passion and es-
teem for the charms of the soul, than those of
the body : at least this seems to have been the
opinion of our ancient authors. For we may
observe in the fables of antiquity, that Jupiter,
who loved several mortals upon the account of
their personal beauty only, never conferred up-
on them immortality. Whereas it was other-
wise with Hercules, Castor, Pollux, and se-
veral others ; for having admired and applauded
the greatness of their courage, and the beauty
of their minds, he enrolled them in the num-
ber of the gods. And, whatever some affirm
to the contrary of Ganymede, I take it he was
carried up to heaven from mount Olympus,
not for the beauty of his body, but that of his
mind. At least his name seems to confirm
my opinion, which in the Greek seems to ex-
press as much as, ‘to take pleasure in good
counsel, and in the practice of wisdom.’ When
Homer represents Achilles so gloriously re-
venging the death of Patroclus, it was not pro-
perly the passion of love that produced that
noble resentment, but that pure friendship and
esteem he had for his partner in arms. Why
is it, that the memory of Pylades and Orestes,
Theseus and Perithous, and other demigods,
are to this day so highly celebrated? Was it
for the love of the body, think you? No! by
no means: it was the particular esteem and
friendship they had for one another, and the
mutual assistance every one gave to his friend,
in those renowned and immortal enterprises,
which are to this day the subject of our his-
tories and hymns, And, pray, who are they

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

that performed those glorious actions? Not
they that abandoned themselves to pleasure,
but they that thirsted after glory ; and who, to
acquire that glory, underwent the severest toils,
and almost insuperable difficulties.

‘** You are then infinitely obliged to the gods,
Callias, who have inspired you with love and
friendship for Autolicus, as they have inspired
Critobulus with the same for Amandra; for
real and pure friendship knows no difference in
sexes. It is certain Autolicus has the most
ardent passion for glory; since, in order to
carry the prize at.the Olympic games, and he
proclaimed victor by the heralds, with sound
of trumpet, as he lately was, he must needs
have undergone numberless hardships and the
greatest fatigues: for no less was required to-
wards gaining the victory in so many different
exercises.! But if he proposes to himself, as
I am sure he does, to acquire further glory, to
become an ornament to his family, beneficent
to his friends, to extend the limits of his coun-
try by his valour, and by all honest endeavours
to gain the esteem of Barbarians as well as
Greeks : do not you believe he will always have
the greatest value for one who he believes may
be useful and assistant to him in so noblea
design? If you would then prove acceptable,
Callias, to any one you love, you ought to con-
sider and imitate those methods by which The-
mistocles rose to the first dignities of the state,
and acquired the glorious title of The Deliver-
er of Greece ; the methods by which Pericles
acquired that consummate wisdom, which
proved so beneficial, and brought immortal
honour to his native country. You ought to
ponder well how it was, that Solon became the
lawgiver to this republic of Athens, and by
what honourable means the Lacedzmonians
have arrived to such wonderful skill in the art
of war: and this last you may easily acquire,
by entertaining, as you do, at your house, some
of the most accomplished Spartans. When
you have sufficiently pondered all these things,
and imprinted those noble images upon your
mind, doubt not but your country will some
time or other court you to accept the reins of
government, you having already the advantage
of anoble birth, and that important office of
high priest, which gives you a greater lustre

1 There were five exercises, leaping, running, throw-
ing the javelin, fighting with the whirlbat, and wrest-
ling, and the victor was to conquer in them all.

BANQUET OF XENOPHON.

already, than any of your renowned ancestors
could ever boast of: and let me add that air of
greatness, which shines in your person, and
that strength and vigour that is lodged in so
handsome a body, capable of the severest toils,
and the most difficult enterprises.”

Socrates having said all this to Callias, ad-
dressed himself to the company, and said: “1
know very well this discourse is too serious
for a feast, but you will not be surprised, when
you consider that our commonwealth has been
always fond of those who, to the goodness of
their natural temper, have added an indefatiga-

ble search after glory and virtue. And in this
fondness of mine for such men, I but imitate
the genius of my country.”

After this the company began to entertain
one another, upon the subject of this last dis-
course of Socrates: when Callias, with a mo-
dest blush in his face, addressed himself to
him: “ You must then lend me,” said he,
“the assistance of your art, to which you gave
such a surprising name* a while ago, to ren-
der me acceptable to the commonwealth, and
that when it shall please my country to in-
trust me with the care of its affairs, I may so
behave myself as to preserve its good opinion,
and never do any thing, but what tends to the
public good.”—“ You will certainly succeed ;
do not doubt it,” said Socrates. ‘ You must
apply yourself in good earnest to virtue, and
not content yourself, as some people do, with
the appearance of it only, as if that might suf-

_ fice. For know, Callias, that false glory can
never subsist long. Flattery or dissimulation
may for a while varnish over such a rotten
structure; but it must tumble down at last.
On the contrary, solid glory will always main-
tain its post ; unless God, for some secret rea-
sons, hid from us, think fit to oppose its pro-
gress: otherwise, that sublime virtue, which
every man of honour should aim at, does na-
turally reflect back upon him such rays of
glory, as grow brighter and brighter every day,
in proportion as his virtue rises higher and
higher.”

1X. The discourse being ended, Autolicus
rose to take a walk, and his father following
turned towards Socrates, and said, “ Socrates,
I must declare my opinion, that you are a truly
honest man.”

After this, there was an elbow chair brought

2 Procuring.

6
621

into the middle of the room, and the Syracus-
an appearing at the same time ; “ Gentlemen,”
said he, * Ariadne is just now entering; and
Bacchus, who has made a debauch to day with
the gods, is coming down to wait upon her:
and I can assure you, they will both divert the
company and one another. Immediately Ari-
adne entered the room, richly dressed, in the
habit of a bride, and placed herself in the el-
bow chair. Α little after Bacchus appeared,
while at the same time the girl that played on
the flute struck up an air that used to be sung ,
at the festival of that god. It was then that
the Syracusan was admired for an excellent
master in his art: for Ariadne being perfectly
well instructed in her part, failed not to show,
by her pretty insinuating manner, that she was
touched with the air of the music; and that
though she rose not from her chair to meet
her lover, she yet expressed sufficiently the
great desire she had to doit. Bacchus per-.-
ceiving it, came on dancing toward her, in the
most passionate manner, then sat himself
down on her lap, and taking her in his arms,
kissed her. As for Ariadne, she personated
to the life a bride’s modesty ; and for a while,
looking down to the ground, appeared in the
greatest confusion; but at length recovering
herself, she threw her arms about her lover’s
neck, and returned his kisses. All the com-
pany expressed the great satisfaction the per-
formance gave them; and, indeed nothing
could be better acted, nor accompanied with
more grace in the acting. But when Bacchus
rose, and took Ariadne by the hand to lead her
out, they were still more pleased; for the pretty
couple appeared to embrace and kiss one an-
other after a much more feeling manner than
is generally acted on the stage. ‘Then Bac-
chus addressing himself to Ariadne, said,
“ Dost thou love me, my dearest creature ?”
“Yes, yes,” answered she, “let me die if I do
not ; and will love thee to the last moment of
my life.” In fine, the performance was so
lively and natural that the company came to be
fully convinced of what they never dreamt of
before; that the little boy and girl were really
in love with one another: which occasioned
both the married guests, and some of those
that were not, to take horse immediately, and
ride back full speed to Athens, with the
briskest resolutions imaginable. I know not
what happened afterwards ; but for Socrates,
and some who staid behind, they went a-walk-
ing with Lycon, Autolicus, and Callias.

oe:
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ἘΝ ἊΣ -

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ran ay

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“yoy

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ον Ύ ὍΝ

HIERO:

ON THE
CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

TRANSLATED BY

THE REV. R. GRAVES.

OAPI KN ORAS

Pe Ata (2

ἐν» « Aas
"i

he

HIERO:

ON THE

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

A CONVERSATION BETWEEN HIERO AND SIMONIDES.

1. THE poet Simonides being come to reside
at the court of Hiero king of Syracuse, one day
as they were conversing at their leisure, “ Will
you, Hiero,” said Simonides, “inform me of
some particulars, which, it is reasonable to sup-
pose, you must know much better than I can
do?”

“ What particulars then do you imagine,”
said Hiero, “I can possibly know better than
so learned and wise a man as you are generally
acknowledged to be ?”

“ Why,” replied Simonides, “ I have known
you, when you were yet a private man, and
now see you advanced to royalty. It is pro-
bable, therefore, that you, who have experi-
enced both these states, should know better
than I can do, wherein the life of a king differs
from that of a private man, in regard to the
pleasures or inconveniences attendant on each
state.”

“ Well then,” said Hiero, “but as you are
now in a private station, ought not you first to
recall to my remembrance the pleasures and
inconveniences of a private life? By which
means, I shall be better enabled to show you
the difference of the two states in question.”

To this Simonides thus replied: “ I think
then, Hiero, I have observed, that men in pri-
vate life possess all the genuine feelings of na-
ture.
the proper objects of their several senses ; from
_ visible objects by their eyes ; of sounds by their

They receive pleasure and pain from.

ears ; of scents by their nostrils ; of food by the

palate; and other sensual enjoyments, the
source of which every one knows.

“It appears to me likewise,” added he,
“that we receive agreeable or painful sensa-
tions from heat and cold, from things hard and
soft, heavy and light, in the whole and in every
part of the body. But to perceive pleasure or
pain from what is good or evil (in a moral
sense), belongs, I think, to the mind alone:
yet in some sense, to the mind and body in
conjunction. !

“1 find by experience also, that we receive
pleasure from sleep; but, from what source,
and from what kind of sleep, and when this
pleasure arises, I own myself at a loss to ex-
plain. Neither is this at all surprising, as we
certainly have less distinct perceptions when
asleep, than when we are awake.”

To this Hiero answered: “TI confess Si-
monides, I know not any sensations of pleasure
or pain that a king can receive, besides those
which you have mentioned. And consequent-
ly I do not see, hitherto, in what the life ofa
king differs from that of a private person.”

“ Yet even in these particulars,” answered
Simonides, “there is a very material differ-
ence. And, in each of these, kings experience
infinitely more pleasure and less pain than pri-
vate persons,”

- 1 The meaning here is not very obvious.

4K

a

626 HIERO:

« Ah!” cried Hiero, “this is by no means
the case: but be assured, that in all these re-
spects, kings taste much less pleasure, and feel
much more chagrin, than those individuals who
are placed in the middle ranks of life.”

‘‘ What you say,” replied Simonides, “is
altogether incredible. For, if it were so, why
should such numbers, and those who are es-
teemed for their sense and wisdom, be so am-
bitious of royalty? And why do all mankind
envy kings ?”

“ς Because,” said Hiero, “they form their
opinions without haying experienced both these
conditions of life. But 1 will endeavour to

“convince you of the truth of what I assert, and
will proceed in the same order which you have
suggested, and begin with the pleasures of
sight: for it was thence, I think, that you
commenced this discourse.

II. “In the first place, then, if we reason
from the objects of sight, I am convinced that
kings have the least share of pleasure in that
respect.

“ Every country has its curiosities; which
deserve to be visited and viewed by strangers.
Now men in private stations can come or go to
any part of the world without ceremony; and
into whatever cities they please, for the sake
of the public spectacles ; and into those general
assemblies ' of all Greece, where are collected
together, whatever is thought worthy of the
attention and curiosity of mankind.

ἐς As for kings,? they can rarely amuse them-
selves with spectacles of any kind. For
neither would it be safe for them to go, where
they would not be superior to any force which
could be exerted against them; nor are their
affairs usually so firmly established at home,
that they could securely trust the administra-
tion of them to others, and go out of their king-
doms. They could not do it without the dan-
ger of being deprived of their sovereignty ; and,
at the same time, of being unable to avenge
themselves on those who had injured them.

« Yet you will tell me, perhaps, that specta-
cles of this kind may be presented to kings,
though they remain at home. But I assure
you, Simonides, this is the case only with re-
gard to a very few: and even for those, such
as they are, kings must generally pay extremely
dear. As they who have obliged a king with

1 The Olympic games. See the Appendix.
2 The word kings must here mean tyrants.

ON THE

any trifling exhibition of this kind, expect to be
dismissed at once with a greater reward than
they could hope for from any other man after a
whole life’s attendance.”

III. «« Well then,” said Simonides, “ grant-
ing that you are in a worse condition, with re-
gard to the objects of sight, yet you have greatly
the advantage from the sense of hearing; as
you are incessantly entertained with the most
delightful of all music, that of your own praises.
For all those who approach vou, applaud every
thing you say and every thing you do. And,
on the contrary, you are never exposed to what
is most painful, the hearing yourself censured
or reproached. For no one will venture to
rebuke a king to his face.”

« Alas!” answered Hiero, “ what pleasure
do you imagine a king can receive from those
who do not speak ill of him, when he is con-
vinced that, although they are silent, they think
every thing that is bad of him? Or what de-
light can they afford, who applaud him when
he has so much reason to suspect their praises
of adulation ?”

“ Why, really,” replied Simonides, “1 must.
so far entirely agree with you, that those praises ©
must be most agreeable, which are bestowed Ὁ
on us by men who are entirely free and inde-
pendent.* i

LV. “ However,” added Simonides, “ with
regard to the sense of taste, you surely cannot
convince any one but that you enjoy the plea-
sures of the table more than the rest of man-
kind.”

«(1 know,” said Hiero, ‘‘that most men
imagine we must necessarily receive more plea-
sure in eating and drinking; because they would
do the same, from the variety with which our
tables are served, than from what they usually
meet with at their own. For whatever is rare,
and excels what we are accustomed to, affords
a greater pleasure. For which reason all men
expect with joy the approach of a feast, except
kings; for their tables being constantly provided
to the full, can have no sort of addition on any
festival occasions. In this respect then, in the
first place, by being deprived of hope, kings are
less happy than private men.

3 It is probably a common remark, whieh I often heard
from a man of rank and large fortune, that he could not
afford to receive presents.

4 Xenophon says of Agesilaus, ‘‘ That he was much
pleased with the praises of those who would have blamed
him with equal freedom, if he had acted improperly.”—
AGEsIL. ch, ii. § 5.

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

ἐς 1 ‘make no doubt, likewise, but you your-
self have experienced that the more superfluous
dishes are set before us, the sooner we are
cloyed with eating. So that, with regard to
the duration of this pleasure, he who is served
with such profusion is in a much worse con-
dition than one who lives in a more frugal and
less plentiful style.” |

ἐς But after all,” replied Simonides, “as long
as the appetite for food continues, those must
certainly find more pleasure who feed at a
sumptuous table, than those who are confined
to cheap and ordinary provisions.”

«“ Do not you imagine then, Simonides,”
said Hiero, “ that in proportion to the delight
which any one takes in any thing, the more
fondly he is usually attached to it ?”

‘“ Undoubtedly,” says Simonides.

«© Have you then ever remarked, that kings
approach with greater delight to the food which
is prepared for them, than private persons do to
their frugal viands ?”

“No, really,” answered Simonides, “ the
"very reverse seems to me to be the truth of the
case.”

“ For have you not observed,” says Hiero,
- those many artificial preparations and variety
τ of sauces, of a sharp and poignant relish, to
stimulate the appetite, which are served up at
the table of kings ?”

“41 certainly have,” replied Simonides ; “ and
am convinced these high sauces are quite un-
natural, and inimical to the health of man.”

*“ Do you think then,” said Hiero, “ that.

these unnatural delicacies can afford pleasure
to any one, but to those whose palates are
vitiated by luxury and indulgence? For my
part, I know by experience, and you cannot be
ignorant, that those who have a good appetite
want no artificial preparations of this kind.”

V. “ Then as to those expensive perfumes
which you make use of,” said Simonides, “ I
really believe that those who approach your
persons have more enjoyment of them than you
yourselves have. As in respect to those who
have eaten any thing of a disagreeable odour,
the person himself is not so much incommoded
by it, as those who come too near him.”

“ That is precisely the case,” replied Hiero,
‘“‘ with those who have constantly a variety of
food set before them. They eat nothing with
an appetite: whereas he who but rarely meets
with any delicacy, feeds upon it with a true
relish, whenever it makes its appearance.”

627

VI. “ But, after all,” says Simonides, “ per-
haps the greatest incitement to your aspiring
after royalty are the pleasures of love. For in
this respect it is in your power to enjoy every
object, the most beautiful in its kind.”

_ © Alas!” cries Hiero, “ you have now pro-
duced an instance, in which you must certainiy
know we are far less happy than private per-
sons. For, in the first place, those marriages
are generally esteemed most honourable, and to
confer the greatest dignity, as well as pleasure,
which we contract with our superiors in rank
and fortune : and in the second place, are those
of equals with their equals: but to form an al-
liance of that kind with an inferior, is disgrace-
ful and injurious to our character. Unless a
king marries a stranger, therefore, he must ne-
cessarily marry an inferior ; so that he can never
enjoy what is most agreeable in the married state.

ἐς The attention and respect also which is
paid us by a woman of birth and spirit gives a
man great pleasure; but, when paid us by a
slave, it affords us very little satisfaction. Yet
if they fail of that respect which is our due,
we are provoked and chagrined.

‘ In short, with regard to the mere sensual
pleasures of love, where marriage is out of the
question, kings have still less of that pleasure
to boast of: for we all know, that it is love
alone which renders fruition so exquisitely de-
lightful ; but love is more rarely excited in the
breast of kings than of any other men. For
we despise easy and obvious pleasures ; but the
passion is nourished by hope. And as a per-
son who is not thirsty never drinks with plea-
sure, so he who is not stimulated by love knows
not the true pleasure of enjoyment.”

Hiero having thus spoken, Simonides, with
a smile, replied: ‘«‘ What is this which you
assert, O Hiero! that love cannot be excited
in the breast of kings? Whence comes it to
pass then, that you are so fond of Dailocha,
the most beautiful of her sex ?”

“ Why truly, my Simonides,” said he, “ it
is not for what I could with so much ease
obtain of her, but for what it is least of all in
the power of kings to effect.

“ IT own I love Dailocha for what we na-
turally desire to obtain from a beautiful object.
Those favours, however, which I so earnestly
wish to receive voluntarily, and with mutual
affection, I could no more endure to extort by
force, than I could to do violence to my own
person.

628 HIERO:

“ To plunder and take by force from an
enemy, we consider as a real cause of exulta-
tion: but no favours from a beloved object can
give us any joy, except those which are volun-
tarily bestowed. From such an object, who
returns our passion, every thing is agreeable:
her slightest regards; her trifling questions ;
her childish answers; and the most agreeable
of all, perhaps, and the most alluring, are her
struggles and counterfeited resentments. But,
to possess by force a woman whom we love, is,
in my opinion, to act more like a robber than a
lover. A robber indeed receives some grati-
fication from the idea of gain, and perhaps from
having done an injury to an adversary; but to
take a pleasure in giving pain to a person whom
we love, and to treat one for whom we profess
a regard, as if we really hated them; and to
torment a woman, to whom our caresses are
odious and disgusting, is surely most detestable
and inhuman.

«ς In short, if a private person receives favours
from a woman whom he loves, it is an un-
equivocal pledge of her affection ; as he knows
she is under no necessity to comply with his
solicitations.

ἐς But a king has no right to imagine that he
is ever sincerely beloved.’ For we know,
that those who submit to our pleasure through
fear, counterfeit as much as is in their power
the air and manner of those whose compliance
is the effect of a sincere affection. Yet never
are conspiracies against kings so frequently con-
ducted as by those who affect to love them with
the greatest sincerity.”

VII. Toall this Simonides replied : “ Well,
my good Hiero, in regard to what you have
hitherto alleged, I confess they are but trifles ;
for I see many men of respectable characters,
who voluntarily refrain from the pleasures of
the table, and are indifferent to what they eat
or drink, and also entirely abstain from all in-
tercourse with the fair sex.

ἐς But in another respect there is certainly a
striking superiority of kings over private men;
that you conceive and readily execute great pro-
jects; that you have a greater abundance of
whatever is excellent in its kind ; you possess
the finest and most spirited horses ; the most
beautiful arms ; the richest ornaments for your

1 Un roy, qui peut s’ assurer de cent mille bras, ne
peut gueres s’ assurer d’un cceur.—Fontenelle Dialog.
des Morts.

ON THE

Ι women; the most magnificent palaces, and those

adorned with the most sumptuous furniture ;
you are attended with a greater number of
domestics, and those of the most expert and
dexterous that can be found. Add to this,
that you have the most ample means of aveng-
ing yourselves on your enemies, and of reward-
ing your friends.” “

« Alas! my Simonides,” said Hiero, “ that |
the multitude are dazzled with the splendour |
of royalty I am not at all surprised; for the
‘vulgar in general seem to me to judge of hap-
piness and misery merely by appearances.
Now, as royalty displays to the eyes of the
world those possessions which are commonly —
esteemed the most valuable, so it conceals the
evils to which kings are exposed in the inmost
recesses of their soul, where alone real happi-
ness or misery resides.

“ That these things, therefore, should eseape
the notice of the multitude, I am not at all
surprised, as I said; but, that you should be
under the same mistake, who form your judg-
ment from reflection more than external appear-
ances, I own, excites my astonishment. For
my part, Simonides, I assure you, from my
own experience, that kings have the least share
of the greatest goods, and much the largest
portion of the greatest evils, incident to human
life.

“ For instance, if peace is esteemed in the
opinion of mankind the greatest good, it is cer-
tain, the smallest portion of that good is allotted
to kings: and likewise, if war is the greatest
evil, the greatest part of that evil is the portion
of kings.

“In the first place, then, unless the whole
country be engaged in a civil war, private
individuals may securely go where they please,
without danger to their persons. Whereas
kings * find it always necessary to march as
through an enemy’s country ; armed themselves,
and attended by guards completely armed.

‘¢ Moreover, private persons, if they go to
make war in an enemy’s country, as soon as
they return home find themselves again in per-

2 The reader must here advert, that in the Attic wri-
ters, the word “ tyrant” has three distinct senses. Some-
times,—lIst, a lawful king, appointed by the constitution _
of any country: 2dly, one who usurps the sovereign
power in a free state, whether he exercise it with mo-
deration, or with cruelty and injustice: 3dly, a despot,
or absolute monarch; who rules by force. Inthe sequel
of this discourse it is generally used in the last sense.

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

629

fect security ; but kings, (I mean arbitrary des- | man who does not magnify his own prowess, and
pots) when they return to their own capitals, | pretend to have slain more with bis own hand,
find themselves in the midst of the greatest | than perhaps were left dead on the field of battle.

number of enemies. And if a more powerful
enemy make war upon any city, those who are
attacked may be in danger so long as they are
without the walls ; but as soon as they have
retreated within their intrenchments, they find
themselves in perfect security: whereas a ty-
rant, far from finding himself safe, even within
his own palace, has then the greatest cause to
be upon his guard.

ἐς Again, when by negotiation peace is re-
stored, private persons find themselves freed
from the inconveniences of war: but tyrants
never really are at peace with those whom they
hold in subjection; nor dares a tyrant rely upon
the faith of any treaty which he makes with the
rest of mankind.

ἐς In short, there are wars indeed which free
states are obliged to carry on with each other,
as there are those which kings are forced to
wage with those whom they have deprived of
their liberty: but whatever inconveniences
these states may experience from such wars,
the same occur in those which kings are obliged
to maintain.

“ Both the one and the other are under a ne-
cessity of being always armed, and continually
upon their guard, and of exposing themselves
to great dangers : and if they chance to lose a
battle, or meet with any disaster, they are both
thrown into equal consternation,

« And thus far wars are neariy upon the
same footing, both with kings and free states.
But then the agreeable circumstances which
those experience from victory who serve under
a free state, to these tyrants are entirely stran-
gers. For when the individuals of a free city
gain the advantage over their adversaries in a
battle, it is ποῦ easy to express the pleasure
which they feel to see their enemies put to
flight; their alacrity in the pursuit, and their de-
light even in the havoc which they make of their
foes : how much they glory in such an exploit ;
how splendid their triumph; and how much

᾿ they exult in the idea of having augmented the

strength of the commonwealth ;? every indivi-
dual gives himself the credit of having had a
part in planning the expedition, and of contri-
buting to its success. Nay, you will hardly find a

3 Xenophon seems to speak with the feelings of a sol-
dier and a patriotic statesman.

So glorious to every individual does the vic-
tory appear which was obtained by a free state.*

ἐς. As for a king, or tyrant, when he suspects
and is actually convinced that his subjects are
forming dangerous designs against him, if he
puts some of them to death, he is certain that
he shall not by that means bring over the whole
city to his interest ; and is sensible at the same
time, that he is diminishing the number of his
subjects: of course he can neither rejoice
(much less can he pride himself) on such an
achievement. Nay, he extenuates, as far as is in
his power, and makes an apology for what be
has done, as having been void of any ill inten-
tion.

‘« And even after the death of those who were
the chief objects of his fear, he is so far from
being freed from his apprehensions, that he
finds it necessary to be still more upon his
guard than he was before. And thus doesa
tyrant live in a continual state of war ; as, from
experience, I can testify.

VIIL. “ Observe, in the next place, what kind
of friendships kings are capable of enjoying :
but let us first consider how great a blessing
friendship is to mankind. For when a man is
sincerely beloved, his friends are always happy
in his presence, and delight in serving and do-
ing him good. When he is absent, they anx-
iously wish for his return; and when he does
return, receive him with transports of joy:
they rejoice with him in his good fortune, and
are eager to assist him in his adversity.

ἐς Neither has it escaped the attention of se-
veral states, that friendship is the greatest and
most valuable good that mortals can enjoy.
For, under many governments, the laws permit
adulterers alone to be slain with impunity.
And for this reason ; that they suppose them
to alienate that affection and friendship which
a woman ought to have for her husband. For
if a woman, by any extraordinary concurrence
of circumstances, should be guilty of an act of
infidelity, the husband may not perhaps esteem
her the less, if he is convinced that her friendship
for him continues invioiate and undiminished.®

4 We might add here what Rousseau observes, “ How
many sovereigns have been made unhappy by the loss
of countries which they had never seen !”

5 Comfortable doctrine. If a china dish happens to

stip out of a poor girl’s hand, and is broken, who can
blame her ?

Rina

630 HIERO:

ἐς For my part, I esteem it so great a happi-
ness to be beloved by our friends, that we can
hardly have any thing further to wish for from
gods or men. But of this happiness, I am con-
vinced, no one enjoys less than tyrants or
kings. That what Jassert is true, Simonides,
attend to the following particular.

«‘ The firmest friendships then seem to be
those which reciprocally subsist between pa-
rents and their children ; between brothers and
brothers ; between husbands and their wives ;
and lastly, those which a daily intercourse pro-
duces between companions and acquaintance.

« Now, if you consider the affair attentively,
Simonides, you will find that private persons
enjoy the greatest share of this affection: but
amongst kings or tyrants, how many do you
find who have put to death their own children ;
or, on the contrary, have perished by their own
offspring ! How many brothers who have slain
each other to arrive at the sovereign power!
How many tyrants, possessed of that power,
have been murdered by their wives, and by
their associates who have professed the great-
est friendship for them? If, therefore, those
who were prompted by natural affection, or
obliged by the laws, to show a regard to kings,
have nevertheless expressed their detestation of
them ; how is it probable, do you think, that
any others should entertain any friendship for
them ?

IX. “ Again; as mutual confidence among
mankind is a very great blessing, is not he who
has the least share of this confidence deprived
of a very great blessing? For, with what plea-
sure can men converse familiarly together with-
out mutual confidence ? What happiness can
exist between the sexes in marriage, if this
confidence is banished? or, how can we bear
even a domestic in our family, if we have not
an opinion of his fidelity ?

ἐς Of this happiness then, I mean, of relying
with confidence on those about us, no one par-
takes less than a tyrant: since he lives in a con-
tinual state of suspicion, even when the most
delicious food, or the most exquisite liquors,
are set before him. Insomuch that, before he
makes any offering or libation to the gods, he
obliges some domestic first to taste it, lest
even in those sacred viands something poison-
ous should be concealed.

X. “ Moreover, to every other mortal, their
country is held dear, and the chief object of
their affection: and the citizens of the same

ON THE

state protect each other, without stipend,
against their slaves, and against other base
assassins, that no one may be exposed to any
violent death. And this precaution has been
carried so far, that many laws have been en-—
acted, declaring those polluted who should as-
sociate or converse with a homicide. Thus
every private citizen lives in security under the
protection procured him by his country; but
even in this respect the very reverse is the case _
with tyrants. For, so far from punishing those
who put a tyrant to death, they usually reward
them with distinguished honours. And, in-
stead of excluding them from the religious
rites, as they do those who have murdered a
private citizen, they generally erect statues to
them in the temples of the gods.

“ But should you imagine, that a king is is
more happy, from possessing more wealth,
than a private individual,’in this, my Simoni-
des, you are extremely mistaken. For as an
athlete never prides himself on vanquishing
one who is ignorant of the gymnastic exercises,
but is sensibly mortified if he is overcome by
his antagonist; thus a king takes no pleasure in
having larger possessions than a private subject ;
bnt he is greatly chagrined to see other kings
more opulent than himself; for these only he
considers as his antagonists, or rivals, with re-
gard to riches.

XI. “« Neither can a king, in general, gratify
his wishes more readily than a private man.
For the object of a private man’s utmost am-
bition is, perhaps, no more than a house, a
field, or a slave ; but a king usually aims at the
acquisition of cities, of extensive provinces,
harbours, or fortified citadels; which are ob-
tained with much more difficulty and danger
than those objects which excite the wishes of
private individuals.

«« Nay, you will find but few that are really
poor amongst private persons, in comparison
with those who may be called so amongst so.
vereigns: for an abundance, or a sufficiency, ὦ
is not to be estimated by the number of our
possessions, but by the exigencies of our sta-
tion: and, according to this idea, whatever
exceeds a sufficiency, may be called too much,
and what falls short of it, too little. Now,
much more ample revenues may not be sufli-
cient for the necessary expenses of a king,

1 See this subject elegantly treated by our author, at

the beginning of his Economics, infra.

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

than what would suffice a private person. As
for private persons, they are at liberty to con-
tract their daily expenses, as they find it con-
venient ; but kings have not the same privilege :
for, as their greatest and most necessary ex-
penses are employed for the maintenance of
those who guard their persons, to retrench
these expenses, seems to threaten their imme-
diate destruction.

«« Then, how can we consider those as poor,
and the objects of compassion, who can obtain,
by lawful means, whatever they stand in need
of? But those who are under a necessity of
being guilty of unjust and dishonourable ac-
tions, how can we but esteem them really poor
and miserable beings? But tyrants are often
forced to pillage the temples of the gods, and
plunder men, through mere want of their ne-
cessary supplies: for when engaged in war,
they must either keep on foot a sufficient force,
or inevitably perish by their adversaries.”

XII. ‘* But give me leave, my Simonides,
to mention another difficulty to which kings
are exposed. ‘They are equally capable, with
private persons, of distinguishing the merit of
accomplished, of wise, and of virtuous men.
But, instead of viewing them with pleasure
and admiration, they behold them with fear.
They dread men of courage, lest they should
make some bold attempt in favour of liberty.
They dread men of great parts, lest they shonld
engage in some dangerous plot; and virtuous
men, lest the multitude should wish to raise
them to the sovereign power.

“ Now when, from suspicion, they have se-
cretly freed themselves from men of this re-
spectable character, whom have they left to
employ in their service, but dishonest, or de-
bauched, or slavish wretches? They trust
these dishonest miscreants, because men of
that character must fear, as much as the tyrant
himself, that if a city become free, they will
‘meet with their deserts; the debauched, be-
cause from their luxury and sloth they will be
attached to the present power; slaves, because,
being accustomed to the yoke, they will not
wish to be free. This then, in my opinion, is
a most mortifying reflection, to behold with
approbation men of virtue, and to be under a
necessity of employing men of a character en-
tirely the reverse.

XIII. “It is likewise necessary for a tyrant
to show a love and regard for the city under
his dominion: for he cannot be happy, nor

631

even safe, independently of the affection of the
citizens. And yet the necessity he is under
to support his authority, obliges him, in some
measure, to treat them with severity. For
tyrants do not wish to render their subjects
brave, or to see them well armed; but they
love to raise the power of a foreign force over
their countrymen, and to use them as the
guards of their person.

‘«‘ Neither do they rejoice with their fellow-
citizens, when a fruitful year of corn pro-
duces every thing in abundance. For the
more indigent the people are, the more hum-
ble and more submissive they expect to find
them.

XIV. “ But I will now lay before you, my
Simonides,” added Hiero, “a true account of
those pleasures which I enjoyed, when I was
a private man, and which I find myself de-
prived of since I became aking. I then con-
versed familiarly with my equals; delighted
with their company, as they were with mine:
and I conversed also with myself, whenever I
chose to indulge in the calm of solitude.

“JT frequently spent my time in convivial
entertainments, and drinking with my friends,
so as to forget the chagrins to which human
life is obnoxious; nay, often to a degree of
extravagance; to singing, dancing, and every
degree of festivity, unrestrained but by our
own inclinations. But I am now debarred
from the society of those who could afford me
any delight, as I have slaves alone for my com-
panions, instead of friends: nor can I converse
agreeably with men in whom 1 cannot discover
the least benevolence or attachment to me;
and I am forced to guard against intoxication
or sleep, as a most dangerous snare.

«ς But now, to be continually alarmed, either
in a crowd, or in solitude: to be in fear when’
without guards, and to be afraid of the guards
themselves; to be unwilling to have them
about me without their arms, and to be under
apprehensions to see them armed; what a
wretched state of existence is this !

ἐς Moreover, to place a greater confidence in
strangers than in one’s own countrymen; in
Barbarians, than in Greeks; to be under a
necessity of treating freemen like slaves, and
to give slaves their freedom ; are not all these
things evident symptoms of a mind disturbed
and quite deranged by fear? Now this passion
of fear not only creates uneasiness, and diffuses
a constant gloom over the mind, but, being

632

kind of enjoyment.

« But, if you have had any experience of
military affairs, Simonides, and have ever been
posted near a body of the enemy, only recol-
lect how little you were disposed either to eat
or to sleep in that situation. Such as were
your uneasy sensations on that occasion, such,
or rather more dreadful, are those to which
tyrants are continually exposed ; for their ima-
gination not only represents their enemies as
encamped in their sight, but as surrounding
them on every side.”

To this Simonides answered, “ Your obser-
vation is extremely just. War is undoubtedly
subject to continual alarms. Nevertheless,
even during a campaign, when we have pre-
viously disposed our sentinels, we eat and
sleep in the utmost security.”

«That is very true,” said Hiero, “ for the
laws watch over the guards themselves; so
that they are as much in fear on their own ac-
count as on yours. But kings have only mer-
cenaries for their guards, whom they pay as
they do their labourers in the harvest. And
though the principal duty of guards is to be
faithful to their trust, yet it is more difficult to
find one of that description faithful, than the
generality of workmen in any branch of busi-
ness; especially when these guards enlist
themselves for the sake of the stipend, and
have it in their power, in a short sime, to gain
a much larger sum, by assassinating a tyrant,
than they would receive from the tyrant by
many years’ faithful attendance.

XV. “As for what you observed,” con-
tinued Hiero, ‘‘ that kings were to be envied
for the power which they enjoy, of serving
their friends, and of subduing their enemies ;
ες neither is this by any means true. As for our
friends, how can you suppose that we should
be very desirous to serve them, when we are
‘ convinced, that he who is under the greatest
obligation to us, will be the first to withdraw
himself from our sight, and to avoid any fur-
ther intercourse with us; for no one considers
what he has received from a tyrant as his pro-
perty, till he is escaped from his power.

“ Then as for his enemies, how can you
say that tyrants can so readily subdue them,
when they are sensible that every one is their
enemy who is subject to their power. They
cannot put them all to death, nor confine them
allin prison, For over whom could they, in

HIERO: ON. THE

mixed with all our pleasures, deprives us of all | that case, exercise their dominion ?

But al-
though he knows them all to be his enemies,
he is under a necessity, at the same time, both
to guard himself against them, and yet to make
use of their service.

‘Be assured of this then, my Simonides,
that with regard to their fellow-citizens, whom
they thus fear, it is equally painful to tyrants
to see them alive, and to put them to death.
It is with them as with a spirited horse, which
we are afraid to mount, yet are unwilling to
put him to death on account of his good qua-
lities, though we dare not make use of him for ~
fear of some fatal accident.

“The same is applicable to other posses-
sions, which are useful, and yet attended with
some inconvenience; though we possess them
with anxiety, we cannot lose them without
pain and vexation.”

XVI. Simonides, having listened to Hiero,
replied: ‘ Well then, Hiero; but honour and
respect appear to me to be objects of so much
importance, that men submit to every kind of
toil and danger to obtain them. And you
yourself, it should seem, notwithstanding the
many inconveniences which you say attend on
royalty, yet are thus strongly attached to it,
that you may be honoured and respected; that
all your orders may be implicitly obeyed ; that
all men may have their eyes upon you; may
rise from their seats, or give you the way on
your approach: in short, that all who are about
you, may testify their respect by their words
and their actions ; for it is by these, and every
other instance of deference, that subjects con-
tinually show their respect to their kings.

«“ For my part, Hiero, I confess that I
think this desire of esteem and honour is the
distinguishing characteristic of man from other
animals; for it appears probable, that the
pleasure arising from eating, drinking, sleep-
ing, and other natural functions, are common
to all animals. But the love of honour is not
discoverable in brutes, nor in all men: inso-
much, that those in whom the love of honour
or glory is most conspicuous, are usually the
furthest removed from mere brutes; and are
commonly named men,' in its most noble sense,
by way of eminence. So that it is not with-
out reason, in my opinion, that you submit to
all these inconveniences which attend on royal-

1 The Greek has two words to express this: a&vdce,
and ἄνθρωποι.

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

ty, when you are so much more honoured and
respected than other men. For, of all the
pleasures which mankind can enjoy, no one
seems to approach nearer to divine than that
which they receive from being honoured and
respected.”

To this Hiero replied: ‘ But, I assure you,
my Simonides, that the honours which are
paid to kings are extremely similar to the
pleasures which, I have already shown you,
they receive from love.* For neither are those
compliances which are shown us by them who
are void of a reciprocal affection, to be esteemed
as favours; nor can those which are extorted
by force, give us any pleasure. In like man-
ner, we ought not to consider as marks of re-
spect, those honours which are paid us by such
as fear us.* For how can we suppose, that
they who rise from their seats to those who
have injured them, or that give the way to
those who tyrannise over them, can possibly
entertain any real honour or regard for them ?
We, every day, make presents to those whom
we hate: and this at the very time when we
are most apprehensive of suffering from their
power : but those things ought certainly to be
considered as acts of servility ; whereas real re-
spect must proceed from quite contrary causes.
For when we think a man is capable to do us
service, and we really enjoy the effects of his
good-will, we then celebrate his praises with
pleasure ; every one considers him as his bene-
factor; pays him the utmost deference ; rises
from his seat on his approach, not from fear,
but love; they present him with crowns* and
other donations, as a tribute to his virtue and
public spirit. In this case, in my opinion,
both those who bestow these marks of respect
on such a man confer substantial honour, and
he who is thought worthy of them is truly and
effectually honoured; and I cannot but pro-
nounce him a happy man who is thus honoured
and respected. For, instead of forming conspi-

.Tacies against such a man, I observe, that every
one is solicitous to prevent his suffering any in-
jury: so that he spends his life happily, free from
fears, from envy, and from danger ; a tyrant, on
the contrary, assure yourself, Simonides, passes

2 See chap. vi. 3 See the Appendix.

4 This is to be taken in its literal sense, as it was a cus-
tom among the Athenians to present a crown to any
citizen who had signalised himself on any particular oc-
casion. This gave rise to Demosthenes’s well-known
Oration, **de Corona.”

633

every day and night as if all mankind had al-
ready condemned him to death for his injus-
tice.”

XVII. Having heard all these particulars,
‘«‘ Whence comes it to pass then,” cries Simo-
nides, “if the condition of royalty is so wretch-
ed, and you are convinced that it is so, that
you, Hiero, do not free yourself from so great
an evil? Yet neither you, nor any one else,
who was in possession of royalty, ever yolun-
tarily resigned it.”

“Tt is for that very reason, my Simonides,”
replied he, ‘that the condition of a king is the
most wretched state imaginable: for there is
really no possibility of resigning it with safety.
Indeed, how can a tyrant find sufficient re-
sources, either to restore that wealth which he
has extorted from his subjects ; or to recom-
pense those whom he has suffered to languish
in prison? or how can he restore life to those
whom he has put to death ?

“In short, my Simonides, if ever any man
could be a gainer by hanging® himself, a tyrant
would be so, for he alone is in a situation to
which he can hardly submit, nor yet gain any
thing by quitting it.’

XVIII. Simonides, resuming the discourse,
thus replied: ‘“‘ Now then, O Hiero! I am
no longer surprised, that you speak so disad-
vantageously of the condition of royalty: since,
ambitious as you are to gain the friendship
of mankind, you find it an invincible obstacle
to your wishes. I think, however, I can con-
vince you, that sovereign power is so far
from preventing one who is possessed of it
from being beloved, that it gives him a great
advantage in that respect over a private indi-
vidual,

“ In considering this subject, however, I will
not insist, that, because a king has more power,
he therefore can bestow greater favours upon his
friends: but, suppose a private person and a
king do the same thing, let us inquire which
confers the greatest obligation.— To begin with
matters of the least importance.

‘¢ Suppose a king and a private person to
address any one whom they chance to see in an
obliging and affectionate manner ; to which of
the two will such a one listen with the greatest
satisfaction? Or, let them proceed to praise
or compliment him; whose praises, do you

5 Απαγξασϑαι: literally so.
L

634

imagine, would affect him the most sensibly?
Or, let each of them invite him to an enter-
tainment after the sacrifice ;! to which of the
two do you think he would esteem himself the
most obliged for that honour? Let both of
them pay him the same attention when he is sick ;
is it not evident likewise, that the kind offices
of those who have the most power, give him
the most sensible pleasure? Lastly, let each
of them make him equal presents; is it not
visible also, that favours of half the value from
a great man have more weight, and impress
him with a deeper sense of gratitude, than
those of double the value from a private person ?

“« Nay, there appears to me a certain dignity
and grace which the gods have attached to the
very person of a king; which not only adds a
lustre to his appearance, but makes us really
behold the same man with more pleasure, when
vested with authority, than when in a private
station; and, in general, we certainly take a
pride and are more delighted to converse with
our superiors than with our equals.”

“ As for the favours of the fair sex, which
supplied you with the principal complaint
against the condition of royalty, they are the
least disgusted with the old age of a prince,
and the reputation of those with whom he has
an amour do not suffer any diminution. For
the honour which he does them, adds a lustre
to their character: so that what is ignominious
in such a connexion seems to disappear, and
what is honourable appears with more splen-
dour. —

ἐς Then, as by equal services -you confer
greater obligations, why ought not you to be
more beloved than private persons, since you
have it in your power to be much more useful
to mankind, and to bestow more liberal dona-
tions than any private individual can pos-
sibly do?”

«Tt is,” replied Hiero, with some vivacity,
“because, my Simonides, we are under the
necessity of doing more invidious and unpopular
acts than private persons usually do. We must
raise money by imposing taxes, if we would

I Among the Greeks, they usually invited their
friends, after the sacrifice, to partake of what remained
of the victims ; that is, the best and greatest part, says
Mons. Coste.

2 This sentiment will not be relished in this enlighten-
ed age; but, perhaps, the philosopher intended it as a
delicate compliment to Hiero, who had been a private
man,

HIERO: ON THE

have sufficient for our ordinary expenses: we
must have persons to guard what is necessary
to be guarded: we must punish crimes, and
restrain the injurious and petulant ; and when
any occasion requires expedition, and an attack
is to be made, either by sea or land, we are
responsible for the success, and must take care
not to give the charge either to negligent or
cowardly commanders.

“‘ Moreover, a king is obliged to have merce-
nary troops, and nothing is more odious or in-
supportable to a free city, than the burthen of
such an expense: for they naturally suppose,
that these troops are kept in pay, not merely
for state, but to enable him to tyrannise over
his subjects.”

XIX. To this Simonides again replied:
“1 do not deny, O Hiero! that all these affairs
must be carefully managed. But, amidst this
variety of concerns, as there are some which
render those who have the charge of them ex-
tremely odious, there are others which have a
contrary effect.

« Thus, to instruct mankind in things the
most excellent, and to honour and applaud
those learned men who perform this service
with industry and care, is a duty, the perform-
ance of which must procure the love of all good
men. On the contrary, to be forced to rebuke
and treat with severity, to fine and chastise
those who do ill, these things must certainly
render a king odious and unpopular.

“1 should think it advisable, therefore, fora
prince, when the occasion requires it, to employ
others to inflict punishments, and to reserve to
himself the distribution of rewards. And that
this conduct is attended with good effects, ex-
perience testifies.

‘Thus, for instance, at our public solem-
nities, when the different choirs contend for
victory, he that presides over the contest, dis-
tributes the prizes, but leaves to the magistrate
the care of collecting the bands, and to others,
that of instructing them, and of correcting
those who are defective in the performance.
By this means the agreeable part is executed
by the president, and whatever is of a con-
trary kind is committed to others. What
forbids, therefore, to manage other political
affairs in the same manner? For all cities
are usually divided, some into tribes, others
into classes, and others inte centuries and the
like ; and each of these divisions has its proper
chief, who presides over them.

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

“ If, therefore, we were to propose rewards
to these different bodies, as we do in the
musical contests to the different choirs, to
those who were the best armed, or who kept
their ranks best, or showed most skill in horse-
manship, or most courage in an engagement,
or most justice in their civil transactions, it is
reasonable to suppose, that, through emulation,
all these several duties would be more strenu-
ously performed ; and, animated by the love of
glory, they would be more ready to march
whenever the service required, and would more
cheerfully contribute to the necessities of the
public.

“ Again; one of the most useful employ-
ments in any state, but which it never has been
usual to encourage by motives of emulation, is
agriculture. Now this would flourish much
more, if rewards were publicly established in
different parts of the country and the villages,
for those who showed the greatest skill in the
cultivation of their land; and from thence great
advantages would accrue to those individuals
who diligently applied themselves to their oc-
cupation: the public revenues would be greatly
augmented; temperance and sobriety would
attend this laborious occupation, as vice and
immorality seldom spring up amongst those who
are constantly employed.

“ Tf, likewise, trade or commerce is advan- |

tageous to the commonwealth ; if he were to
be the most honoured, who applied himself
with the greatest diligence to trade, the number
of merchants would be increased in proportion.
And if it were publicly made known, that he
who should discover any new method of increas-
ing the public revenue, without detriment to
individuals, should be well rewarded; neither
would this kind of speculation be so much
neglected.

“‘ In short, if, in every branch of science, it
were made manifest, that no one who discovered
or introduced any thing useful to the state
would be unrewarded, this consideration would
excite numbers to apply themselves strenuously
to make such discoveries. And when many
rival competitors for this honour were thus
constantly employed in the service of the public,
a greater number of useful discoveries must
necessarily be made.

“ But if you are apprehensive that all these
prizes and rewards should be attended with too
great expense, consider, O Hiero! that there
are no commodities that cost less than those

635
which are purchased by this means. Do you
not see, every day, to what vast expense, to
what cares and toils, men submit, for a very
trifling reward, in the chariot-races, the gym-
nastic exercises, and in the musical contests be-
tween the several choirs ?”%

XX. “ What you observe, my Simonides, is
extremely reasonable,” said Hiero; “but. in
regard to the troops which I have in pay, can
you give me any advice how to render myself
less odious to my subjects on that account ? or,
would you say, perhaps, that if a prince could
make himself beloved, he would have no longei
need of guards ?”

“ΒΥ no means,” replied Simonides, “ he cer-
tainly would still want guards. For, I am sen-
sible, it is with some men, as with some horses,
the more plenty they have, and the better they
are fed, the more fierce and unmanageable they
are. Now nothing can keep in awe these tur-
bulent spirits, but a strong military force, such
as you now employ.

“ΑΒ for the virtuous and peaceable citizens,
you cannot, in my opinion, do them a greater
service, than by maintaining these troops in
your pay. You maintain these mercenaries,
’tis true, as guards of your own person: but it
frequently happens, that the masters have been
massacred by their slaves. You ought, there-
fore, particularly to give it in charge to your
guards, to consider themselves as the protectors
of the citizens in general: and to give them
immediate assistance if ever they perceive them
forming any such dangerous designs against
them. For there are, as every one knows, in
all cities those desperate villains, over whom,
if your guards are ordered to keen a watchful
eye, the citizens, in this respect, would acknow-
ledge their utility.

“ Further yet, your troops may probably give
protection and security to the labourers and to
the cattle in the country : not only to your own
private possessions, but to the proprietors in
general. And, likewise, by guarding certain
advantageous posts, leave the citizens at leisure
to attend their private affairs in the utmost
tranquillity.

ἐς Add to this, that to discover and prevent
any secret and sudden irruption of enemies to
the state, who can be more alert or more ready
at hand, than such a standing force, always un-

»-.».ΦἝἜ-΄ᾺὉἉ ΦἈ «.....

3 At the public festivals and solemnities.

HIERO:

der arms and united in one body? And, in
time of war, what can be more useful to the
citizens, than these mercenary troops? For it
is natural to suppose, that they will be more
willing to undergo fatigue, and to expose them-
selves to danger, and more eres for the pub-
lic good.

“In fine, the neighbouring states must ne-
cessarily be more desirous to live in peace with
those who have constantly an armed force on
foot ; for these regular troops have it most in
their power to protect their friends, and to
annoy their enemies.

“‘ Now, if your subjects are convinced that
these forces never injure those who do no in-
jury to others ; but, on the contrary, keep in
awe the turbulent, and assist those who are un-
justly oppressed ; watch over and expose them-
selves to danger for the public good: how can
they avoid contributing with pleasure to their
support? At least they often maintain guards
at their own private expense for things of in-
finitely less moment.

XXI. “It is necessary likewise, Hiero !
that you should contribute cheerfully part of
your own revenues for the service of the public.
For it appears to me, that what a king lays out
for the public, is more usefully bestowed than
what he spends on his own private account.
Let us consider the affair more minutely.
Which of the two, do you imagine, would be
most to your credit ;—a palace, built in an ele-
gant style, at an enormous expense, for your
own use; or to adorn the whole city with pub-
lic edifices, walls, temples, porticoes, squares,
and harbours? Or which would make you
more formidable to your enemies ;—to be
adorned yourself with the most splendid ar-
mour, or to have the whole city completely
armed ?

“ Or, which do you think the most probable
method of augmenting your revenues ;—by
managing to advantage your own private pro-
perty alone, or by contriving by what means
the industry of the whole city may turn to the
best account ?

«« As the breeding horses for the chariot race
is esteemed one of the most noble and most
magnificent amusements for a prince, which do
you suppose is most honourable ;—that you

636

—

4 Hiero, it is well known from the Odes of Pindar,
was particularly attached to the Olympic games, Sce
West’s and Banister’s translations of Pindar.

ON THE

alone should provide and send to the public
games more chariots than all the rest of Greece ;
or, that the greatest part of your subjects should
breed horses and contend for the prize at those
games? Which do you deem the most noble :
—the superiority which you gain over others
in the managing your chariot ; or that which
you acquire by making happy the city My, OPE
which you preside ?

«For my part, Hiero! I think it by no
means consistent with propriety, or even de-
cent, for a prince to enter the list with private
persons; for, if you are victorious, you would ᾿
be so far from being applauded, that you would
incur the odium of the public, as having sup-
plied the expenses of your victory from the
substance of many wretched families And
if you were vanquished, you would be exposed
to more ridicule than any private individual.

“ But, if you would listen to me, Hiero,
permit me to advise you to enter the lists
against the governors of other states: and if

| you can render the city over which you preside,

more happy than those, you may be assured,
that you obtain the victory in the most noble
contest in which a mortal can engage.

« And, in the first place, you will succeed
immediately in the grand object of your ambi-
tion, the gaining the love of your fellow-citi_
zens: and, in the next place, this victory of
yours will not merely be proclaimed by a single
herald, as at the Olympic games, but all man- .
kind will concur in celebrating your virtue.

«¢ And you will not only attract the respect
of a few individuals, but the love of whole
cities ; and not only be admired privately with-
in the walls of your own palace, but publicly,
and by the whole world.

ἐς You may also, if you desire it, either go
abroad to see any thing rare or curious, or
satisfy your curiosity though you remain at
home. For there will always be a crowd of
those about you, who will be proud to exhibit
whatever they have discovered, either ingeni-
ous, beautiful, or useful; and of those who
will be ambitious to serve you.

ἐς Every one who is admitted to your pre-
sence will be devoted to your person; and
those who live at a distance will passionately
desire to see you. So that you will not only
be respected, but sincerely and cordially beloved
by all men. You will be under no necessity
of soliciting the favours of the fair sex, but
must even suffer yourself to be solicited by

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

them. You will not be afraid of any one, but
every one will be anxious for your perserva-
tion.

“Your subjects will pay you a voluntary
obedience, and carefully watch for the safety of
your person. And should you be exposed to
any danger, you will find them alert, not only
to assist you, but to protect you,? and avert the
danger, at the hazard of their own lives. You
will be loaded with presents ; nor will you want
friends to whom you may have the pleasure of
imparting them. All men will rejoice in your
prosperity, and will contend for your rights as
earnestly as for their own. And you may con-
sider the wealth of your friends* as treasure
laid up for your use.

“ Take courage then, Hiero, enrich your

2 Προμαῦους. 3 See Appendix.

637

friends with a liberal hand; tor by that means
you will enrich yourself. Augment the power
of the state, for thus you will render yourself
more powerful, and secure alliances in time of
war.

“Ina word, regard your country as your own
family ; your fellow-citizens, as your friends ;
your friends, as your own children; and your
children as your own life; but endeavour to
surpass them all in acts of kindness and bene-
ficence. For if you thus secure the attachment
of your friends by acts of beneficence, your
enemies will not be able to resist you.

To conclude: if you regulate your conduct
according to these maxims, be assured, Hiero,
you will obtain the most honourable and most
valuable possession which mortals can possibly
enjoy ; you will 5 bei. κὐδον happy, yet un-
envied by any one.’

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APPENDIX.

No. I.

ReEspPusBLica, res est populi, cum bene et juste
geritur; sive ab uno rege, sive a paucis opti-
matibus, sive ab universo populo. Cum vero
injustus est rex, quem tyrannum voco ; aut in-
justi optimates, quorum consensus factio est ;
aut injustus est populus, cui nomen usitatum
nullum reperio; nisi ut etiam ipsum tyrannum,
adpellem ; non jam vitiosa sed omnino nulla
respublica est: Quoniam non est res populi,
cum tyrannus eam factiove capessat ; nec ipse
populus jam populus est, si sit injustus ; quo-
niam non est multitudo juris consensu et utili-
‘ tatis communione sociata.
Frac. 1. 3. de Republica.
ἐς A legitimate commonwealth is where the
commonweal or good of the whole is consulted ;
whether under a king, an aristocracy, or a de-
mocracy. But if either of these act unjustly,
or in defiance of the law, there is no longer a
commonwealth; nor are the people properly a
people, but a mob; because not united under
common laws, or a community of rights and
advantages.” This is partly the sense, but it
cannot well be literally translated.

No. II.

Tully, in his pleadings against Verres, not
only calls Syracuse, “‘ maximam Greciz urbem
pulcherrimamque,”—the largest and most beau-
tiful city of Greece,—but is so minute in his
description of its harbours, temples, and thea-
tres, and of the statues and pictures of which
Verres plundered them, that it seems to have
exceeded almost any other city in the world;
which is partly confirmed by the ruins yet re-
maining, as described by Mr Brydone, Wat-
kins, δες,

No. ITI.

Diodorus Siculus calls him φιλάργυρος καὶ
βίαιος, covetous and cruel, &c. But Pindar,
who resided much at the court of Hiero, and
has celebrated his victories at the Olympic
games, speaks of him as a truly virtuous cha-
racter. And indeed a man that was notorious
for any crime or depraved morals, could not
be a candidate at those games. And the glory
acquired by a victory in the chariot-races, or in
the gymnastic exercises, or the more liberal arts,
history, poetry, &c. seemed to supersede all
other virtues.

The mere English reader, who has taken his
ideas of the Olympic and other games of ancient
Greece, from what he has seen or heard of our
Newmarket sports, or our boxing-matches,
which are usually an assembly of gamblers and
pickpockets, attended with every species of
profligacy and blackguardism, will be astonished
at the veneration in which those games were
held by all ranks of people, and the almost
divine honours which were paid to them who
gained the prize on those occasions, who were
almost literally exalted to the rank of demigods,
as Horace has observed :

** Palmaque nobilis
** Terrarum dominos evehit ad deos.”’
ΟΡ, i. b. 1.

But these solemn games were originally in-
stituted by the command of the Delphic oracle,
to put a stop to a great pestilence, which, with
the continual wars between the petty states of
Greece, had almost depopulated the country :
so that they had partly a religious and partly a
political view: as, during these solemnities,
even states that were at war with each other
were obliged to suspend their hostilities, and
join the general assembly of all Greece.

The utility of the gymnastic exercises, to

640

render the body more hardy and active; and
of the chariot races, to encourage the breed-
ing and management of horses,’ was indeed in
time defeated, by their sacrificing the end to
the means, and making them mere prize-fight-
ers, instead of good soldiers, &c.?

Plutarch has recorded a few wise sayings
and anecdotes of Hiero, which seem to indi-
cate this mixed and motley character.

He said, “ That no man was impertinent,
who told him freely what ought not to be con-
cealed ; but that he who told what ought to be
concealed, did an injury to the person to whom
he told the secret: for we not only hate the
man who discovers, but him who has heard
what we wish to conceal.”

It is a common anecdote of Hiero, that a
stranger having hinted to him that his breath
was offensive, he expostulated with his wife for
having never mentioned that circumstance to
him. “41 thought,” said she, (with great sim-
plicity) “all men’s breaths smelled the same.”
An amiable and artless proof of her fidelity to
a suspicious husband !

I am sorry to add, “that Hiero fined the
celebrated comic-poet, Epicharmes, for having
uttered something indecent when his wife was
present.” A frown from a king would have
been sufficient, and have shown a love of vir-
tue; a fine savoured rather of the love of
money.

No. IV.

** Non enim poeta solum suavis, verum etiam cetero-
qui doctus sapiensque.”

De Nat. Deorum, lib. i.

Simonides seems to have been a very ele-
gant writer, from the fragments which remain
of his poetry.

The coarseness of his satire on women
must be imputed to the simplicity of the age
in which he lived; (about four hundred and
fifty years after the Trojan war) and to the
low rank of the ladies who were the subject of
his satire.

Mr Addison has given the substance of this
satire in the third volume of the Spectator,

] The Greeks were so ignorant, in the earlier ages,
of the management of horses, that the fable of the Cen-
taurs probably took its rise from seeing some Thessa-
lians on their backs at a distance.

2 See West on the Olympic Games, p. 184.

HIERO: ON THE

[ APP.

No. 209. But, in the character of a slut,
whom Simonides compares to a sow, Mr A.
has, out of delicacy, lost the idea of the origi-
nal, wiaiveras, “ she grows fat amidst the filth of

her sty ;” which he translates, “her family is

no better than a dunghill.” He concludes his
satire with a description of a good woman,
whom he compares to a bee. Solomon con-
cludes his book of Proverbs in the like man-

ner; but as that of Simonides isa mere sketch,

it cannot be compared with Solomon’s beauti-
ful picture.® ᾿

Horace has almost literally translated some
of his moral sentences, L. ii. Od. 13; and L.
ili. Od. 2.

** Mors et fugacem persequitur virum.”
Θάνατος ἐφῆκε καὶ τὸν φυγόμαχον.

Tully has recorded his answer to Hiero, who
asked him ‘* what God was ?” Simonides de-
sired a day to consider of it, Being asked the
same question the next day, he desired two
days for that purpose, and thus often doubled
the number.

Hiero, being greatly surprised at this, in-
quired the reason of his conduct. ‘ Because,’
said Simonides, “the longer I consider the
subject, the more obscure it seems to be.”—
De Natura Deor. lib. i.

The following reflections of human life,
though now trite, were not so, probably, three
thousand years ago. It appears to have been
the received opinion at that time, that Homer
was a native of Chios; that, at least, was his
chief residence, where the present inhabitants
pretend to point out the very place in which
he established a school in the latter part of his
life.

ON THE BREVITY OF HUMAN LIFE.

FROM SIMONIDES.

How swiftly glide life’s transient scenes away!
*¢ Like vernal leaves men flourish and decay.”
Thus sung, in days of yore, the Chian bard ;
This maxim all have heard, but none regard.
None keep in mind this salutary truth,

Hope still survives, that flatters us in youth.
What fruitless schemes amuse our blooming years!
The man in health, nor age nor sickness fears ;
Nay, youth’s and life’s contracted space forgot,
Scarce.thinks that death will ever be his lot.
But thou thy mind’s fair bias still obey,

Nor from the paths of virtue ever stray.

3 Proyerbs, chap. Xx Xi.

APP. |

The original seems to inculcate the Epicu-
rean maxim of “indulge genio,” as Buchanan
translates it; which would incline one to be-
lieve that these lines were of an age subsequent
to Simonides.

No. V.

Nothing can give us a more lively idea of
the perpetual alarms and anxiety of a tyrant,
than Tully’s sketch of the elder Dionysius ;
which, though familiar to every scholar, may
not be disagreeable to the English reader.

After describing him as possessed of many
natural advantages, and as a man of great abili-
ties, and (as an ingredient of happiness) very
temperate in his way of life, he proceeds :—

*< Though Dionysius,” says he, “ had a num-
ber of friends and relations, with whom he
lived on the most intimate and familiar terms,
yet he placed no confidence in any of them;
but committed to those slaves whom he had
selected from wealthy families, and given them
their freedom, and to some foreign mercenaries,
the guard of his person. ‘Thus, from an un-
justifiable ambition of domineering over other
people, he delivered himself up to a kind of
voluntary imprisonment.

“ Nay, he grew at length so astonishingly
suspicious, that he would not trust his throat
to a barber, but taught his own daughters to
shave: so that these young princesses, like
little female barbers,* performed the mean and
servile offices of shaving and cutting the hair of
their own father. And even from them, when
they grew up, he took away his razors and
every thing of steel, and instructed them to
burn off his beard with the inner rinds* and
shells of the walnut.

“ Neither did he ever go to the apartments
of his two wives,® by night, till it had been
first searched and scrutinized with the utmost
care. And having his bed-chamber surrounded
with a broad ditch, the passage was secured by
a narrow wooden bridge, which, after fastening
his door, he himself drew up. In short, to

such an extreme did his apprehensions carry

4 Ut Tonstricule. 5 Putaminibus.

6 If may be worth while to read the account of the
magnificence with which he brought home his two
wives,—one drawn by four white horses, &c.— Univer.
Hist. from Diod. Sic.

CONDITION OF ROYALTY.

641

him, that he never ventured to harangue the
people but from the top of a lofty tower.

« But this tyrant himself has sufficiently
shown us what degree of happiness he en-
joyed. For when Damocles, one of his flat-
terers, was enumerating the abundance of his
wealth, his grandeur, his power, and the mag-
nificence of his royal palaces; and, in a strain
of adulation, insisted upon it, that there never
was a more happy man existed. ‘ Will you
then, Damocles,’ says the tyrant, ‘since you
are so delighted with my way of life, have
yourself a taste of it, and make the experi-
ment?” As Damocles, of course, answered
in the affirmative, he ordered him to be seated
on a golden sofa, covered with a fine mattress,
and sumptuous carpets, highly wrought in the
most elegant taste ; the table set out with the
most exquisite dainties; the room adorned
with cabinets, with gold and silver vases highly
embossed ; perfumes, garlands of flowers, and
incense burning: to crown all, he was served
by the most beautiful slaves, who were ordered
carefully to watch his eye, and attend his nod.
In short, Damocles felt himself the happiest of
mortals. .

* But, alas! in the midst of these splendid
preparations, Dionysius had ordered a glitter-
ing naked sword to be suspended from the
ceiling, by a single horse hair, immediately
over the head of this happy man.

“‘ Now, therefore, the whole visionary scene
instantly vanished: he no longer beheld the
beautiful attendants, nor the plate, so artifi-
cially carved ; nor could he touch any of the
delicacies on the table; the garlands dropped
from his head. In short, he begged of the
tyrant to let him depart, for he did not wish to
be happy upon such terms.” Does not Diony-
sius himself, then, sufficiently demonstrate,
that no one can possibly be happy in a state
of continual terror and anxiety, like that of
the tyrant ?— Tusc. Quest. lib. v. c. xx.

“1 cannot forbear mentioning a peculiar
source of misery to Dionysius; he unfortu-
nately took it into his head, that he excelled all
others in poetry as well as in power ; and was
so offended with his friend Philoxenus for at-
tempting to undeceive him in that particular,
that he in his wrath sent him instantly to
that horrible dungeon, called the Latumiz, or
Stone-Quarries. He was set at liberty, how-
ever, the very next day, and restored to favour:
and the tyrant made a noble entertainment οἱ

4M

642

the occasion. But in the midst of their jollity,
the prince was determined to gain the applause
of Philoxenus, whose approbation he preferred
to that of a thousand flatterers. He desired
him, therefore, to divest himself of envy, (for
Philoxenus was a poet as well as a critic) and
declare his real sentiments. Philoxenus could
not dissemble; and therefore, without making
any answer to Dionysius, turned to the guards,
who always attended, and with a humorous
air, desired them to carry him back to the stone-
quarries.

Dionysius (though probably piqued) said, the
wit of the poet had atoned for his freedom.—
Plut. Moral.

N. B. It was Dionysius the younger, who,
after enduring the miseries of royalty, was con-
demned to be a schoolmaster.

No. VI.

Montaigne, who has pillaged every ancient
classic author, quotes and enlarges upon some
of Hiero’s sentiments; but gives them the
vulgar turn, to prove that kings and beggars, if
stripped of their external appendages, are upon
a level, which few people now a-day will dis-
pute. The following, however, are put in a
striking light.

- © The honour we receive from those that
fear us does not deserve the name ; that respect
is paid to my royalty, not to me. Do I not
see, that the wicked and the good king, he that
is hated, and he that is beloved, has the one as

HIERO: &e.

Lapp.

much reverence paid him as the other? My
predecessor was, and my successor will be,
served with the same ceremony and parade as
myself. If my subjects do not injure me, it is
no proof of their good-will towards me. It is
not in their power, if they were inclined to do

| it. No one follows me from any friendship

which subsists between us: there can be no
friendship contracted, where there is so little
connection or correspondence. ΑἹ] that they
say or do is pretence and show: I see nothing
around me but disguise and dissimulation.”—

Lib. i. c. 42.

No. VII.

I shall conclude these extracts with a short
one from Lord Bolingbroke’s “ Letter on
Patriotism.” Speaking of superior spirits,
whether invested with royalty, or placed in
other elevated situations, “‘ They either ap-
pear,” says he, “ like ministers of divine ven-
geance, and their course through the world is
marked by desolation and oppression, by poverty
and servitude ; or, they are the guardian angels
of the country they inhabit ; busy to avert even
the most distant evil, and to maintain or to
procure peace, plenty, and the greatest of hu-
man blessings, LIBERTY.”

P. S. I have availed myself of Peter Coste’s
French translation, but have never adopted an
expression without having first examined the
original with the most scrupulous attention.

THE SCIENCE

GOOD HUSBANDRY;

THE ECONOMICS OF XENOPHON.

TRANSLATED BY

Re BRAD TE EY. R. Ss.

PROFESSOR OF BOTANY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMERIDGE,.

THE

SCIENCE OF GOOD HUSBANDRY;

OR

THE ECONOMICS

OF XENOPHON.

J. I remember once to have heard the learned
Socrates reasoning with Critobulus, concerning
the management of a house, in the following
manner :

Soc. “ Tell me, Critobulus, whether the or-
dering of a house is a science, such as that of
physic, or the brasiers, and of the masons ?”

Crit. ** My opinion is, that the good manage-
ment of a house is as great a science as either
masonry, or physic, or any other ; from whence
we may infer there is a distinct business or duty
belonging to an economist or housekeeper, as
well as to any science whatever : a farmer or a
master of a family ought to be a good judge of
every particular which relates to the good or-
dering of his farm or house.”

Soc. ““ But may we not find a trusty stew-
ard well skilled in this science, who may take
the management of the household upon him,
and save the master the trouble? for a master
mason employs a deputy under him, who will
do his work as well as himself; and for the
same reason we may expect that a steward well
skilled in the management of a house, may be
as serviceable to his master as the mason’s de-
puty.”

Crit. “Iam of the same opinon, good So-
crates.”

Soc. “ Then the man who is well skilled in
this science, though he has no property of his
own, may gain a comfortable living by direct-
ing another man’s house. For the man would
be worthy of the master’s favour, and a good

steward, if in the discharging of his stewardship
he could improve his master’s house. But what
do we mean by the word house, or the economy
of it? Is it only the good distribution of the
things that are in the house? or is it the good
management and improvement of every thing
belonging to a house, and the master of it.”

Crit. “ It is my opinion, that a man’s estate,
whether it lie in or about the house, or remote
from it, yet every branch of that estate may be
said to belong to the house ; nay every thing
that a man has, except his enemies, which some
men have in great numbers, but these are not
to be reckoned among his goods or substance.
It would be ridiculous if we were to say that
the man who had been the occasion of making
us more enemies than we had before, should be
rewarded with favour or money; but a man’s
enemies, or any thing which he possesses to
his hurt or prejudice, must not I suppose, be
reckoned among his goods: therefore I con-
clude, that those things only which contribute
to the welfare of a man may be reckoned
among his riches, or be properly called his
goods.”

Soc. * I am of the same mind, that whatever
is injurious to a man must not be esteemed a
part of his goods ; for if a man buy a horse, and
for want of skill to manage him, he falls from
him and hurts himself, can that horse be rec-
koned amongst his goods? No, certainly; be-
cause those things should be called goods that
are beneficial to the master. Neither can these

ae
“eee

os
Sin

646

lands be called goods, which by a man’s unskil-
ful management put him to more expense than
he receives profit by them; nor may those
lands be called goods, which do not bring a good
farmer such a profit as may give him a good
living: so likewise if a man has a flock of
sheep, and they come to damage by his unskil-
ful management, he cannot reckon them among
his goods.”

Crit. “So these may only be called goods
which are profitable, and those which are hurt.
ful be deemed the contrary.”

Soc. “ You distinguish right, that nothing
ought to be esteemed goods to any man which
he does not receive advantage by; and that
those things which bring him disprofit must be
esteemed the contrary. A flute, when it is in
the hands of a person who can play well upon
it, is an advantage, and may be reckoned among
his goods; but the same instrument in the pos-
session of one who does not know the use of
it, is no better to him than a stone, unless he
sells it, and then the price of it may be ac-
counted among his goods; but if he keeps it,
when he has no knowledge of its use, it can.
not be ranked among them.”

Crit. ‘* T agree with you in this point, that
those things only which are profitable may be
called goods: the flute, while we keep it un-
employed, is no part of our goods, for we have
no advantage from it; but if we sell it, it is
then profitable to us.”

Soc. ““ You say right, if aman has wit enough
to sell it well: but when it is sold, and the
man has not wisdom enough to use the value
of it to his advantage, yet whatever price he

~ gets for it cannot be esteemed to be good.”

Crit. “ By this you seem to intimate that
money itself is not good, if it is in the hands of
one who does not know how to use it.”

Soc. “ Yes, certainly ; for we have already
agreed that nothing may be esteemed good but
what we can get profit by. Ifaman bestow
the money he gets upon harlots, and by con-
‘tinual conversing with them he impairs his
health, and abandons the care of his estate,
then his money is no profit to him; but, on
the contrary, is an errant poison, which will
shortly bring him to destruction: therefore,
friend Critobulus, money is good only to those
who know how to use it; but to those who
know not rightly the value of it, it were better
for them to cast it away, to avoid the damage
it would do them.”

THE SCIENCE OF

Crit. “ But what say you of friends? If a
man knows how to use them, and make them
profitable to him, what shall we esteem them
to be ?”

Soc. “ These may truly be called goods;
they ought to be preferred before our houses,
our land, our cattle, or our flocks; the profit
which may arise by them may be superior to
all others.”

Crit. « Then by the same rule our enemies. ~
may be esteemed goods, if we know how to
profit ourselves by them.”

Soc. “ Undoubtedly they are so; therefore
it behoves a master of a house to use his ene-
“es with that discretion that he may make
them advantageous to him by any means: for
how many instances have we, good Critobu-
lus, of ordinary men, as well as of noblemen
and kings, who have increased and amplified
their fortunes by law, and isis with their
enemies.”

Crit. ‘‘ You reason well, good Socrates, of
these matters. But what think you of those
who have good learning, and many other good
properties, whereby they have every opportu-
nity of improving their estates, and yet never
put their minds to it? We have many instan.
ces of men with these qualifications, who never
regard the advancement of their fortunes ; shall
we then reckon their learning, or their other
properties, among their goods, seeing they
make no advantage of them, or ought we to es-
teem them the contrary ?”

Soc. “I imagine you mean bondmen, or
such other vile persons.”

Crit. “ No, good Socrates ; but the persons
I speak of are young gentlemen, who are ex-
pert in affairs of war, as well as peace ; and yet
they abandon their knowledge for trifles; and
such as them 1 esteem in a worse condition than
bondmen ; for I suppose they do not employ
themselves in the sciences they have been bred
to, because they have not masters to direct
them or set them to work.”

Soc. * How can that be, friend Critobulus,
that they are without directors? they have
many masters, which, when they would study
their felicity and their advantage, lead them
away from their virtuous inclinations.”

Crit. “ These masters then are invisible !”

Soc. “Not so invisible, good Critobulus,
but that we may easily discover them to be the
most mischievous of any that reign upon earth.
What think you of sloth, idleness, negligence,

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

want of public spirit? Where these govern,
what can we expect but mischief? But, be-
sides these, there are others which govern un-
der the name of pleasures; as gaming, lewd
company, rioting, and such others, which in
process of time teach their adherents that plea-
sures are not without their inconveniences.
These rulers keep them so much in servitude,
that they do not allow them the least liberty to
do any thing for their advantage.”

Crit. “ But there are others, friend Socrates,
who have none of these directors to prevent
their welfare, but apply themselves assiduously
to business, and give their minds entirely to
the advancement of their fortunes, and yet
waste their estates, ruin their families, and de-
stroy themselves, without hope of redemption.”

Soc. “ These also are bondmen, and are ra-
ther worse slaves than the others, for these
have the most severe masters of the two:
some are under the tyranny of drunkenness,
others slaves to gluttony, and some to vanity
and vain-glory ; all which keep their subjects
in that severity of servitude, that as long as
they find them young, lusty, and able to work,
they make them bring all that they can get by
any means to bestow upon these lusts and plea-
sures; but as soon as they-perceive them to grow
so old, that they can labour no longer for them,
they are then turned off to lead the remainder
of their days in want and misery, while their
quondam masters are contriving to ensnare
others in their room. Wherefore, good Crito-
bulus, we ought by all means to resist such in-
vaders of our liberties, even with as much
force and resolution as we would oppose an
enemy who with sword in hand attempts to
bring us into slavery. There are some ene-
mies who have wisdom and goodness. enough,
when they have brought men into their subjec-
tion, to learn them government and modera-
tion, which before were proud and arrogant.
But as for the tyrants I have mentioned before,
they never cease harassing and tormenting both
the bodies and estates of those which fall into
their hands, till they have utterly destroyed
them.”

11. Crit. “ You have sufficiently spoken to
this point; and, now I examine myself, I
verily believe I have conduct and courage
enough to resist such deceitful invaders; and I
now desire your advice concerning the manage-
ment of my house, that both myself and for-
tune may be improved; for I am persuaded I

647

shall not be overcome by those enemies to rea-
son which you have so largely exposed. And
therefore, good Socrates, give me your deli-
berate opinion how I shall act for the good of
myself and estate ; although perhaps you may
think that we are already rich enough.”

Soc. “ For my own part, if I am one of
those you speak of, I want nothing, I have
riches enough; but for yourself, Critobulus, I
esteem you a very poor man; and, by the faith
I owe to the gods, I often pity you.”

Crit. ** Your discourse makes me laugh! If
you are so very rich as you esteem yourself,
pray inform me what may be the value of all
your estate if it were sold, and what do you
imagine is the worth of all my possessions ?”

Soc. ““ Perhaps, if I sell all my possessions
at a good market, I may gain five or six pounds
for them: but I know very well, that were
your whole estate to be sold, the price would
be more than a thousand times as much ; and
yet though you know this, you are still desir-
ous to increase your estate, and upbraid me
with my poverty. What I possess is enough
to supply me with necessaries ; but to support
your grandeur, and draw the respect due to
your quality and the post you possess, I am of
opinion, that were you master of four times as
much as you have already, you would still be
in want.”
¢ Crit. “ I do not conceive how that can be.”

Soc. ““ In the first place, your rank requires
you to feast and make entertainments for the
people, to gain their good-will, and command
their respect. In the next place, you must
live hospitably, and receive and entertain all
strangers, and gain their esteem. And in-the
third place, you must continually be doing good
offices to your fellow citizens, that upon an
emergency you may find friends. Besides, I
already observe that the city of Athens begins
to put you upon expensive works; viz. to fur-
nish them with horses, to raise public build-
ings, to muster men, to erect theatres, and to
treat the citizens with plays. But if this na-
tion should be once involved in war, I am sure
their demand upon you in taxes, and other du-
ties, will be as much as your purse will be able
to bear. And when that happens, if you are
discovered to conceal any of your riches, or do
not answer their demands to your full power,
you must undergo the same punishment as if
you had robbed the common treasury. And
besides, I find you possessed with the opinion:

648

that you have riches enough, and therefore give
yourself up to vain and trifling pleasures, which
is the effect of your riches. It is for these
reasons, good Critobulus, that I grieve for you
lest you fall under misfortunes that may end
in the greatest poverty without remedy: and
for myself, if I should be necessitous, you know
very well that many would relieve me; and if
I received but a little of every one, I should
have: more money than would satisfy my wants :
but, as for your friends, though they have more
riches in their stations, than you possess in
yours, they have yet expectations of preferment
from you.”

Crit. “ I confess I find nothing amiss in your
discourse. Iso much approve of it, that my
greatest desire is, that you will instruct me
- with such good precepts as may preserve me
from the misery you speak of, and that I may
never be an object of your compassion, unless
it be in a good cause.”

Soc. “ I suppose then, friend Critobulus, you
are not now in the same laughing mind you
was in, when I told you I had riches enough ;
do you now believe I know wherein consists
the value of riches? You ridiculed me when
you made me confess that I had not by a thou-
sandth part so much as you have, and now you
desire my most friendly instructions to keep
you from extreme poverty.”

Crit. “I perceive, good Socrates, that you
have sufficient wisdom to instruct a man how
to gain true riches, even in the greatest plenty :
and I am persuaded, that the man who knows
how to make the most of a little, is no Jess
capable of managing the greatest fortune.”

Soc. ‘“ You may remember, that towards the
beginning of our, discourse I told you that
horses ought not to be reckoned among the
goods of those who know not how to use them,
nor land, nor sheep, nor money, or any other
thing whatever ; and yet every one of these are
profitable, when they are used discreetly. As
for my own part, I have never had any of these ;
and. how then should I be able to inform you of
the use of them? But though a man has
neither money nor goods, yet 1 am persuaded
there is such a science as the good ordering of
a house. Why then, good Critobulus, should
you not be master of this science? For the
reason why every man cannot play well upon
the flute, is either because he has not a flute
of his own, or cannot borrow a flute of another
to practise upon. The same impediment have

THE SCIENCE OF

I in the science of ordering a house ; for I was
never yet master of the implements belonging
to housekeeping, neither goods nor money;

nor was there ever any who intrusted me with

the management of their house, or estate, al-
though you now desire my directions. But
you are sensible, that learners of music in the
beginning spoil their instruments : so that were

I now to begin my practice upon your estate, I

should destroy it.”
Crit. “'Thus you endeavour to evade the

business I desire you to undertake, and would -

shun taking share with me in the management
of my affairs.”

Soc. “ That is not thecase. Iam willing to
serve you in any thing within the bounds of
my capacity. But suppose you was in want of
fire, and came to me for it, and I had none, but
directed you to a place where you might have
it: would not that be of the same account?
Or if you want water, and I have it not, but
direct you where to have it, will not that be as
agreeable to you? And if you would be in-
structed in music, and I directed you to a bet-
ter judge in music than myself, would not that
answer your design? ‘Therefore, since I have
no knowledge of myself in the affair you speak
of, the best pleasure I can do you, is to recom-
mend you to such persons who are most expert
in the business you require ; and that, I judge,
I am able to do; for I have made it my busi-
ness to search out the most ingenious of all
sorts in every quarter of the city, having ob-
served that among the practisers of the same
service, and the same trade, some of the practi-
tioners were hardly capable of subsisting, or
getting their bread, while others got estates.
This, I confess, made me admire ; till at length

I discovered that some men ran headlong uvon -

their business without any consideration, and
are so rash in their undertakings, that they
always come off losers; while, on the other
hand, 1 observed that all those who went about
their work deliberately, and advised well upon
their business before they set about it, these
men accomplished their affairs with more
facility, more despatch, and to more advantage.
Which observation may serve, as a lesson, to
instruct you how your fortune may be advanced
upon a sure foundation.” 1

III. Crit. “ Then I am resolved not to part
from you till you have acquainted me with
those wise men you speak of, who are capable
of informing me of the matters I want.”

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

Soc. “ Will it be amiss if I show you some
men who have been at vast expenses in building,
and set about their work with so little judg-
ment or consideration, that after an immense
treasure has been spent by them, they have
only raised an unprofitable pile to their dis-
credit? And, on the contrary, there are other
men, who with much less charge have erected
useful and profitable buildings. Will not this
be one step towards the good ordering of a
house ?”

Crit. “ You are surely right.”

Soc. “ Will it then be improper, if I show
you, in the next place, that some men have
plenty of rich and useful furniture for their
houses, and for all uses ; and when any part of
it should be used, it is out of the way, and to
seek, and it is not known whether it be lost,
or laid in safety? This, wherever it happens,
discomposes the master of the house, and oc-
casions him to be angry with his servants.
But there are others, who have no more goods
or furniture, or, perhaps, have not half so much,
and yet have every thing ready at hand to
answer their occasions.”

Crit. ‘* The reason is plain, good Socrates ;
-the first have no order in the distribution of
their goods, but let them lie in confusion ; the
others have a regard that every thing should be
laid up in its proper place.”

Soc. “You are in the right, good Crito-
bulus ; but it is not only necessary that every
thing should be set in its place, but also, that
there should be a proper and convenient place
to set it in.”

Crit. “ This also is necessary towards the
good ordering of a house.”

Soc. “ Suppose I likewise show you, that in
some places the slaves and servants are chained
and strictly watched, and yet often run away
from their masters; while in other places,
where they are in freedom, and have their
liberty, they work heartily for their masters,
and are perpetually striving who shall act most
for their advantage. [5 not this a point worthy
the regard of a housekeeper ?”

Crit. “ Certainly, it is very worthy the re-
gard of a master.”

Soc. “ Nor will it be of less use, if I show
you that some husbandmen continually com-
plain of want, and are in a starving condition ;
while others, who practise the same science of
husbandry, have every thing necessary about
them, and live upon the fat of the land.”

649

Crit. “This will surely be of good use.
But perhaps the first you speak of bestow
their money and goods improperly; or dispose
of what they get to the disadvantage of them-
selves and their families.”

Soc. “ There are surely some such husband-
men ; but 1 only speak of those who call them-
selves husbandmen, and yet can hardly find
themselves with a sufficiency of meat and
drink.”

Crit. “ What should be the cause of this ?”

Soc. “I will bring you among them, that
you may learn by their example.”

Crit. “ That is my desire, good Socrates.”

Soc. “ But first you must learn how to dis-
tinguish between the good and the bad, when
you see them. I have known you rise early in
the morning, and travel long journeys to see a
comedy, and you have pressed my company
with you; but you never invited me to such a
sight as this we speak of.”

Crit. “Dear Socrates, forbear your banter,
and proceed in your good instructions.”

Soc. * Suppose I show you some men, who
by keeping great stables of horses are reduced
to extreme poverty; while others, by the same
means, have got great estates, and live splen-
didly 2”

Crit. “1 have seen them, and know them
both; but J cannot discern what advantage
that will be to me.”

Soc. “ The reason is, that you see them as
you do plays, not with a design of becoming a
poet, but purely for amusement and recreation ;
and perhaps you do not amiss in that, if your
genius does not'lead you to be a poet; but as
you are obliged to keep horses, is it not neces-
sary that you should understand what belongs
to them, that by your skill you may reap an
advantage by them ?”

Crit. “ You mean that I should breed horses.”

Soc. “ By no means; for you may have a
good servant without the trouble of bringing
him up from achild. There are ages both of
horses and men wherein they are immediately
profitable, and will improve every day upon
your hands. Moreover, J can show you some
men, who have been so discreet in the manage-
ment of their wives, that their estates have
been greatly advantaged by them; but there
are others, and not a few, who by means of
their wives have been utterly ruined.”

Crit. “ But who is to be blamed for this ; the
husband, or the wife?

ΦΝ

€50 THE SCIENCE OF

Soc. “If a sheep is out of order, we com-
monly blame the shepherd ; and if a horse have
not his goings as he should, but is skittish and
mischievous, we blame the breaker ; and as for
a wife, if her husband instruct her well in his
affairs, and she neglect them, she is not wise: but
if her husband does not his part, in giving her
proper instructions for her government, and
she behaves herself disorderly, and unbecoming
ner sex, or herself as a mistress of a house, is
not then the man to blame ?” :

Crit. ** Yes, without doubt ; and it is a sub-

ject that I should be glad to discourse with you

about; and, by the friendship we owe one an-
other, tell me sincerely and freely, Is there
any one among all your friends whom you in-
trust with so great a share of your household
affairs as your wife ?”

Soc. “Τῷ is true, I do not: but tell me like-
wise, Is there one you converse with seldom-
er upon that subject than — do with your
wife 2”

Crit. “« You judge right ; for if there are any,

there are very few, who know less of my af-

fairs than my wife.”

Soc. “ You married her very young, before
she had seen or heard much of the world ; there-
fore it would be more to be admired if she
acted as she ought to do, than if she did
amiss.”

Crit. Then, good Socrates, do you imagine
that those, who bear the character of good
housewives, have been taught to be so 2”

Soc. “I will not dispute that with you at
present, but refer you to my wife Aspasia,
who will inform you better than I can myself.
But, to proceed ; I esteem a wife to be a good
and necessary companion for the master of a
house, and one who ought to bear the next share
of government under the master of the house ;
there is only a little more power in the hukband
than in the wife: the substance of the estate
is generally increased by the industry and labour
of the man; but the wife, for the most part,
has the care upon her to distribute and order
those things that are brought into the house ;
and if, therefore, the husband and wife agree
in their management, the houses and estates im-
prove; but where there isnot this harmony, they
must necessarily decay. I could likewise in-
form you in many other sciences, if the in-
struction were needful.”

Crit. “« There is no occasion, good Socrates;
for the richest man has not occasion to employ

men of all faculties, vor is there any man whe
has occasion to practise them all. But suc4
sciences as are honourable and becoming my
province to understand, those 1 desire to learn,

as well from the persons you may judge most —

capable of teaching me, as from yourself, whom
principally I shall depend upon to give the fin-
ishing stroke.”

Soe. “ You reason well, friend Critobulus ;
for there are many crafts which are not neces-
sary for you to know: those are called handi-
craft, and are the least regarded in our city and
commonwealth ; for they destroy the health of ᾿
those who practise them, by keeping their
bodies in the shade, and confining them to a
sedentary habit, or else by employing them all
day over the fire, which is yet as unhealthful ;
and when once the body is tender and feeble,
the stomach and spirits must certainly be weak.
And besides, men of such occupations can. have
no time to bend their minds either to do their
friends any good, or can have leisure to assist
the commonwealth : therefore such people can-
not readily serve their friends, if they should hap-
pen to be in distress ; nor are persons fit to serve
their country in time of adversity. For which
reason, in some cities and commonwealths,
especially such as are deeply engaged in war,
a citizen is not suffered to practise any handi-
craft.”

Crit. “ What faculties then, good Socrates,
would you advise me to use 2”

Soc. “ The king of Persia, I think, may set
us a good example ; for we are told that the
sciences which are most esteemed by him are
war and husbandry; these, of all others, he
reckons the most honourable as well as the
most see: and accordingly gives them en-
couragement.”

Crit. * And can you imagine, good detedess
that the king of Persia has any regard for hus-
bandry ?”

Soc. “41 shall endeavour to satisfy you whe-
ther he has or not. You will allow with all
the world that he delights in war, because of his
obligations on the princes under him to furnish
him with certain numbers of troops by way
of tribute; either to keep his subjects in
awe and prevent rebellion, or to gaurd his
country against foreign enemies that may
come to invade it. Besides these, ke keeps
large garrisons in several castles, and ap-
points a treasurer to pay their wages duly,
that they may be kept in good order. His

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

tributary troops are all mustered once in
twelve months, that they may be disciplined
and ready for an engagement, if any commo-
tion or invasion should happen; but the garri-
soned forces and his own guards he reviews
himself, and intrusts the inspection of his re-
moter troops to such a lieutenant as he can
best confide in, upon whose report he either
rewards or punishes the leaders of the several
legions, according as they have acted for his
honour in their several stations. Those espe-
cially who have their troops in the best order
and discipline, he confers on them the greatest
honours, and rewards them with such pre-
sents as may put them above the world ever
after ; and for those who have neglected their
duty and abused the soldiers under them, he
dismisses them from their governments, and
loads them with shame. It cannot be doubted
but a prince that acts with this conduct must
understand war, and is well skilled in the
military science. 5

** On the other hand, he employs great part
of his time in riding about his neighbouring
part of the country, and observing the state of
husbandry, whether the lands are tilled as they
ought to be; and for the remote parts, he
sends such deputies to examine them as are
esteemed to be the properest judges; and
when he finds that his governors and deputies
have kept their several countries well inha-
bited, and the ground weil cultivated, with
such produce as it will best bear, he raises
them in honours, loads them with presents,
and enlarges their governments; but if he
finds the country thin of people, or the ground
uncultivated, or that extortions or cruelties
have been committed by his governors, he in-
flicts severe punishments on them, and dis-
charges them from their employments. From
these examples, do you believe that the king
of Persia has not as great regard to the peo-
pling his country, and the science of husbandry,
as he has to keeping an army in such an order
as may defend it? But it is to be observed
among his high officers, that no one of them
has the charge of two commissions at one time ;
for some are appointed to be overseers of his
lands and husbandmen, and to receive his tri-
butes that arise by them, while others are em-
ployed to overlook the soldiery and garrisons ;
so that if the governor of the garrison neglects
his duty in keeping good order or defending
his country, the lieutenant over the affairs of

651

husbandry accuses him, that his land is not
cultivated for want of a sufficient defence
against the encroaching parties, which are
common enough in those parts. But if the
governor of the garrison performs his duty, and
keeps the country under his jurisdiction in
peace ; and the director of affairs of husbandry
neglects his business, so that the country is in
want of people, and the lands are rot ordered
as they ought to be, then he is accused by the
governor of the garrison; for if the husbandry
is neglected, the soldiers must starve, and the
king himself must lose his tribute. But in
some part of Persia there is a great prince
called Satrapa, who takes upon him the office
both of soldiery and husbandry.”

Crit. “If the king acts as you inform me,
he seems to take as much delight in husban-
dry as he does in war.”

Soc. “I have not yet done concerning him ;
for in every country where he resides, or passes
a little time, he takes care to have excellent
gardens, filled with every kind of flower or
plant that can by any means be collected, and
in these places are his chief delight.”

Crit. ‘‘ By your discourse it appears also,
that he has a great delight in gardening; for,
as you intimate, his gardens are furnished with
every tree and plant that the ground is capable
of bringing forth.”

Soc. “ We are told likewise, that when the
king distributes any rewards, he first appoints
the principal officers of his soldiery, who have
the greatest right to his favour, to appear be-
fore him, and then bestows on them presents
according to their deserts: for the tilling of
ground would be of no effect, unless there
were forces well managed to defend it. And
after the soldiers he next distributes his ho-
nours and preferments among those who have
taken good care that his lands were well culti-
vated and the people kept from idleness; ob-
serving at the same time that vigilant soldiers
could not subsist without the care of the in-
dustrious husbandmen. We are told likewise,
that Cyrus, a king famed for his wisdom and
warlike disposition, was of the same mind
with regard to husbandry ; and used to distri-
bute rewards to his most deserving soldiers
and husbandmen, telling them at the same
time, that he himself had deserved the presents
he gave away, because he had taken care of
the tillage of his country, and had also taken
care to defend it.”

652 THE

Crit. “If this is true of Cyrus, it is evident
enough that he had as much love for husban-
dry as he had for war.”

Soc. “ If Cyrus had lived, he would have
proved a very wise prince, for we have many
extraordinary proofs of his wisdom and con-
duct: one passage in particular I may take
notice of, which is, when he met his brother
in battle to decide the dispute who should be
king, from Cyrus no man deserted, but many
thousands deserted from the king to Cyrus ;
which surely must be the effect of his virtue,
for there is no greater argument of a prince’s
goodness, than the love of the people, and
especially when they pay him a voluntary obe-
dience, and stand by him in time of distress:
In this great contest, the friends of Cyrus
stood fighting about him while he was yet
alive, and even after his fall, maintained their
post till they were all slain by his side, except
Arizus, who was posted in the left wing of the
army. When Lysander brought presents to
Cyrus from the cities of Greece that were his
confederates, he received him with the greatest
humanity, and among other things showed him
his garden, which was called “ the Paradise of
Sardis ;” which when Lysander beheld, he was
struck with admiration of the beauty of the
trees, the regularity of their planting, the even-
ness of their rows, and their making regular
angles one to another; or, in a word, the
beauty of the quincunx order in which they
were planted, and the delightful odours which
issued from them. Lysander could no longer
refrain from extolling the beauty of their order,
but more particularly admired the excellent
skill of the hand that had so curiously disposed
them ; which Cyrus perceiving, answered him:
* All the trees that you here behold are of my
own appointment; I it was that ccntrived,
measured, and laid out the ground for planting
these trees, and I can even show you some
of them that I planted with my own hands.’
When Lysander heard this, and saw the rich-
ness of his robes, and the splendour of his
dress, his chains of gold, and the number and
curiosity of the jewels about him, he cried out
with astonishment, ‘ Is it possible, great king,
that you could condescend to plant any of
these trees with your own hands ?—‘ Do you
wonder at that, Lysander?’ answered Cyrus.
‘I assure you, that whenever I have leisure
{rom war, or am the most at ease, I never
dine till I have either done some exercise in

SCIENCE OF

arms, or employed myself in some point of
husbandry, till I sweat.” To which Lysander
replied: ‘ You are truly fortunate, great king,
in being a wise and good man.’

VY. “ This, good Critobulus, I thought pro- |
per to acquaint you of, that you may know
how much the richest and most fortunate
among men delight themselves in husbandry :
for it is a business of that nature, that at the
same time it is delightful and profitable, both
to the body and estate, affording such exercise
as will increase a man’s health and strength, and
such advantages as may greatly improve his for-
tune. By husbandry the ground gives us every
thing necessary for our food and nourishment,
and such things likewise as afford the greatest
pleasures. Moreover, it furnishes us with
beautiful flowers, and other excellent materials
for the ornament and decoration of the tem-
ples and altars, affording the richest gayety,
and most fragrant odours. So likewise it pro-
duces meats for the use of men ; some without
much trouble, others with more labour; for
the keeping of sheep is a branch of husbandry.
But though it gives us plenty of all kinds of
things, yet it does not allow us to reap them in
sloth and idleness, but excites us to health and
strength by the labour it appoints us. In the
winter, by reason of the cold; and in summer,
by reason of heat; and for them who labour
with their hands, it makes them robust and
mighty; and those who only oversee their
works, are quickened and prompted to act
like men; for they must rise early in the
morning, and must exercise themselves with
walking from one place to another. For, both
in the fields and in cities, whatever is un-
dertaken to the purpose, must be done in a
proper time and season. Again: if a man-is
inclined to practise horsemanship, and grow ex-
pert in that science for the defence of his coun-
try, a horse can be nowhere better kept, than
in the country ; or if a man choose to exercise
himself on foot, or in running, husbandry gives
him strength of body, and he may exercise
himself in hunting: here is also meat for his
dogs, as well as entertainment for wild beasts,
and beasts of the game: and the horses and
dogs, thus assisted by husbandry, return as
good service to the ground; for the horse may
carry his master early in the morning to over-
see that the workmen and labourers do their
duty in the fields, and returns with the master
again at night at the latest hour, if his pre-

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

sence should be required till that time; and
the dogs are a defence against wild beasts,
that they spoil not the fruits of the earth, nor
destroy the sheep, and even keep a man safe
in a wilderness, Again; the practice of hus-
bandry makes men strong and bold enabling
them to defend their country; for in open
countries the husbandmen are not without rob-
bers, who would invade their lands, and carry
off their crops, if they had not strength and
courage enough to resist them. What faculty
will sooner encourage a man to leap, to run, or
_ draw a bow, than husbandry ? and what science
is there that brings a man more advantage for
his labour ? What science is more agreeable to
a studious man ? for he finds in it every thing
he can have occasion for. Where shall a
stranger be better received and entertained ?
or where shall a man live more commodiously
in winter, than in the place where he may be
accommodated with firing enough and hot
baths? Where can we abide with greater
pleasure in summer, than near rivers, springs,
woods, groves, and fields, where gentle breezes
fan the air? Where may a man treat his guests
more agreeably or make more triumphant ban-

quets? What place do servants delight in
more? Or what other place is more agreeable
to the wife? Where do children covet more

tobe? Or where are friends better received,
or better satisfied? There is no science, in
my mind, more delightful than this, if a man
has a conyenient substance to put him to work ;
nor any business more profitable to a man, if
he has skill and industry. Again: the ground
may teach men justice, if they have discretion
enough to observe it ; for it rewards those very
liberally, who take care of it and assistit. But
if it should happen that a country, by means of
wars, should be obliged to lie uncultivated ;
yet those who have been bred up to husbandry
are hardy and fit for soldiers, and may by that
means get their living; and oftentimes it is
more certain seeking a livelihood with weapons
of war, in time of war, than with instruments
of husbandry.

‘“‘ The science of husbandry also brings men
to good discipline, and prepares them to-go to
war when there is occasion. For the ground
cannot be tilled without men ; and a good hus-
bandman will always provide the strongest,
lustiest workmen he can get for that purpose,
and such especially as will readily obey his
commands, and are tractable in their business ;

653

and this is much the same with the business of
a general when he is ordering his army: in
either case those are rewarded that behave
themselves well, or those are punished who are
obstinate and neglect their duty. A good
husbandman must as often call upon his work-
men and encourage them, as a general or leader
of an army ought to encourage his soldiers ;
for bondmen should be no less encouraged and
fed with hopes by their masters than freemen ;
nay, rather more, that their inclinations may
bind them to their masters, and keep them
from running away. He was surely a wise man
who said, that husbandry was the mother and
nurse of all other sciences; for if husbandry
flourish, all other sciences and faculties fare
the better; but whenever the ground lies un

cultivated, and brings no crop, all other scien-
ces are at a loss both by sea and land.”

Crit. “ Good Socrates, you reason well of
this matter; but you are sensible there are
many unforeseen accidents that happen in hus-
bandry, which sometimes will destroy all our
hopes of profit, though a husbandman has
acted with the greatest skill and diligence ;
sometimes hail, droughts, mildews, or continual
rains, spoil our crops, or vermin will even eat
up the seed in the ground; and also sheep,
though they never have so good pasture, are
sometimes infected with distempers, which
destroy them.”

Soc. “I thought, good Critobulus, that you
allowed the gods to have the direction of hus-
bandry, as well as the battle. We all know
that before our generals lead forth their armies,
they make vows, prayers, and offer sacrifices to
the gods, to bribe them in favour of their en-
terprise, and consult the oracles what is best to
do. And think you that, in the business of
husbandry, we ought not to implore the favour
of the gods as much as we do in the affair of
war? Be assured, friend Critobulus, that all
virtuous men attend the temples with sacrifices,
prayers, and oblations for the welfare of all
their fruits, their oxen, their sheep, their horses,
and of every thing else that they possess.”

VI. Crit. “ Iagree with you, good Socrates,
thatin all our undertakings we ought, before we
set about them, to consult and implore the plea-
sure of the gods, as their power is superior to
all others, as well in war as in peace: but our
purpose is to consult about the well-ordering
of a house ; therefore I desire you will resume
your discourse, and proceed to the purport ot

654

our design: for I confess you have already made
such an impression on me with regard to the
ordering of a house, and how a man ought to
live, that I long for your farther instructions.”

Soc. “ Will it not then be proper to have a
respect to our foregoing arguments, and make
a recapitulation of those things that we have
agreed in, that in the progress of our discourse
we may know what has been settled between
us ?”

Crit. “Τὸ will be a great pleasure ; for when
two men have lent money to one another, there
is nothing more agreeable to them both, than
to agree in their reckoning: so now in our dis-
course it will be no less agreeable to know
what particulars we have settled betwixt us.”

Soc. “ We first agreed, that the ordering of
a house is the name of a science; and that
to act for the increase and welfare of a house,
is that science.

“ς Secondly, we agreed, that by the word
house, we mean all a man’s possessions, and
such goods as are useful to a man’s life; and
we found that every thing was profitable to a
man that he knew how to use with judgment :
wherefore we concluded it was impossible for
a man to learn all manner of sciences: and as
for the handicrafts, we thought proper to ex.
clude them, as many cities and commonwealths
do, because they seem to destroy bodily health ;
and this particularly where there is danger of
enemies invading the country, or where there
are wars ; for were we on that occasion to set
the handicraftmen on one side, and the hus-
bandmen on the other, and ask them whether
they would rather go out against their enemies,
or give up their fields and defend the cities;
those who had been used to the labour of the
field would rather go out to fight and deliver
their country, and the artificers would choose
rather to sit still in the way they had been
brought up, than put themselves into the least
danger : we, moreover, recommended husband-
ry as a good exercise, and a calling of that
profit that will bring its master every thing that
is necessary: besides, it is a business soon

learned, and extremely pleasant to them who!

practise it; it also makes the body robust and
strong, gives a bloom to the face, and qualifies
a man with a generosity of spirit to assist his
friends and his country: besides this, we have
also joined in opinion, that the practice of
husbandry makes men hardy and courageous,
aid able to defend their country ; because, by

THE SCIENCE

OF

the fields lying open and exposed to invaders,
they have frequent skirmishes, and therefore
know the better how to fight. It is for these
reasons that husbandry is esteemed the mother
of sciences and the most honourable in all
governments: it is healthful, and breeds good
men, and occasions generosity of spirit and
good will towards one’s friends and country.”

Crit. “ You have fully persuaded me that
husbandry is a most pleasant and profitable oc-
cupation ; but I remember in your discourse you’
told me of some husbandmen who get plentiful
fortunes by their practice, and that there were
others who through mismanagement became
beggars by it: I desire you would clear up
these two things to me, that when I come to
practise this science, I may follow that way
which will be the most advantageous, and avoid
the contrary.”

Soc. “ But suppose I should first tell you,
good Critobulus, of a discourse I once had
with a man who might truly be called good
and honest; for it will assist in what you de-
sire.”

Crit. “51 shall be glad to hear that discourse,
which may inform me how to gain the worthy
name of a truly good and honest man.”

Soc. “ That which first led me to consider
the value of one man more than of another, was
by finding among the artificers, such as build-
ers, painters, and statuaries, those were always
esteemed the best and most worthy whose
works were the most perfect ; so that it was
their works that gained them the applause of
the people. I had likewise heard that there
were those among the people, who had so be-
haved themselves, that they were esteemed
good and honest men: these men, above all
others, I coveted to converse with, that I might
learn how they gained that character ; and be-
cause I observed that good and honest were
companions in their character, I saluted the
first man I met that had a goodly presence, ex-
pecting to find the character of good and hon-
est in the most comely personage, rather than
any other: but I soon found I was far from
my aim, and began to recollect myself that
there are many fair faces, and personages of
graceful appearance, that possess the most
sordid dispositions, and ungenerous souls; so
that now I was sensible the good and honest
man was not to be known by the external
appearance, but that the surest way to find
what I sought for, was to search for one of

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

those that bore the character. In the course
of my inquiries I was recommended to
one whose name is Ischomachus, a man
esteemed by both the sexes, citizens and
strangers, as truly worthy the character I sought
for; and I soon made it my business to a
him out.

VII. “ When I first saw him, 1 found him
sitting in a portico of one of the temples alone ;
and as I concluded he was then at leisure, I
placed myself by him, and addressed myself
to him in the following manner :—

‘Good Ischomachus, I much wonder to see
you thus unemployed, whose industry leads
you ever to be stirring for the good of some
one or other.”— Nor should you now have
found me here, good Socrates,” said Ischo-
machus, ‘if I had not appointed some strangers
to meet me at this place.”—“ And if you had
not been here,” said Socrates, “ where would
you have been? or, I pray you, how would
you have employed yourself? for I wish to
learn what it is that you do to gain the charac-
ter from all people of a good and honest man:
the good complexion of your features seems to
denote, that you do not always confine your-
self to home.” At this, Ischomachus, smiling,
seemed to express a satisfaction in what I had
said, and replied; “I know not that people
give me the character of a good and honest
man, for when I am obliged to pay money
either for taxes, subsidies, or on other occa-
sions, the people call me plainly Ischomachus :
and for what you say concerning my not being
much at home, you conjecture right, for my
wife is capable of ordering such things as be-
long to the house.”—‘‘ But pray tell me,” said
Socrates, ‘did you instruct your wife how to
manage your house, or was it her father and
- mother that gave her sufficient instructions to
order a house before she came to you?”—
“ My wife,” answered Ischomachus, ‘ was but
fifteen years old when I married her; and till
then she had been so negligently brought up,
that she hardly knew any thing of worldly
affairs.”—‘‘ I suppose,” said Socrates, “she
could Ae seg and card, or set her servants to
work.”—*“ As for such things, good Socrates,”
μα ἘΞ Ischomachus, ‘‘she had her share of
knowledge.”—-* And did you teach her all the
rest,” said Socrates, “which relates to the
management of a house ?”—“J did,” replied
Ischormmachus, “ but not before I had implored
the assistance of the gods, to show me what

655

instructions were necessary fur her; and that
she might have a heart to learn and practise
those instructions to the advantage and profit
of us both.”—“ But, good Ischomachus, tell
me,” said Socrates, “did your wife join with
you in your petition to the gods ?”—“ Yes,”
replied Ischomachus, “and I looked upon that
to be no bad omen of her disposition to receive

such instructions as I should give her.”—“ I

pray you, good Ischomachus, tell me,” said
Socrates, ‘‘ what was the first thing you began
to show her? for to hear that, will be a greater
pleasure to me, than if you were to describe
the most triumphant feast that had ever been
celebrated.” To begin then, good Socrates,
when we were well enough acquainted, and
were so familiar that we began.to converse
freely with one another, I asked her for what
reason she thought I had taken her to be my
wife, that it was not purely to make her a
partner of my bed, for that she knew I had
women enough already at my command; but
the reason why her father and mother had con-
sented she should be mine, was because we
concluded her a proper person to be a part-
ner in my house and children: for this end
I informed her it was, that I chose her before
all other women ; and with the same regard
her father and mother chose me for her hus-
band: and if we should be so much favoured
by the gods that she should bring me children,
it would be our business jointly to consult
about their education, and how to bring them
up in the virtues becoming mankind; for then
we may expect them to be profitable to us, to
defend us, and comfort us in our old age.” I
further added, that our house was now common
to us both, as well as our estates; for all that
I had 1 delivered into her care, and the same
she did likewise on her part to me; and like-
wise that all these goods were to be employed
to the advantage of us both, without upbraiding
one or the other, which of the two had brought
the greatest fortune ; but let our study be, who
shall contribute most to the improvement of
the fortunes we have brought together; and
accordingly wear the honour they may gain by
their good management.

“To this, good Socrates,.my wife replied,
‘How can I help you in this? or wherein can
the little power I have do you any good? for
my mother told me, both my fortune, as well

as yours, was wholly at your command, and

that it must be my chief care’to live virtuously

656 THE SCIENCE OF.

and soberly.’ This is true, good wife,’ an-
swered Ischomachus, ‘ but it is the part of a
sober husband and virtuous wife to join in their
care, not only to preserve the fortune they are
possessed of, but to contribute equally to im-
prove it.—* And what do you see in me,’
said the wife of Ischomachus, ‘that you be-
lieve me capable of assisting in the improve-
ment of your fortune ?—‘ Use your endeavour,
good wife,’ said Ischomachus, ‘to do those
things which are acceptable to the gods, and
are appointed by the law for you to do.’—
“ And what things are those, dear husband ?’
said the wife of Ischomachus. ‘ They are
things,’ replied he, ‘ which are of no small
concern, unless you think that the bee which
remains always in the hive, is unemployed: it
is her part to oversee the bees that work in the
hive, while the others are abroad to gather wax
and honey; and it is; in my opinion, a great
favour of the gods to give us such lively ex-
amples, by such little creatures, of our duty to
assist one another in the good ordering of
things; for, by the example of the bees, a
husband and wife may see the necessity of be-
ing concerned together towards the promoting
and advancing of their stock: and this union
between the man and woman is no less neces-
sary to prevent the decay and loss of mankind,
by producing children which may help to com-
fort and nourish their parents in their old age.
It is ordained also for some creatures to live in
houses, while it is as necessary for others to
be abroad in the fields: wherefore it is con-
venient for those who have houses and would
furnish them with necessary provisions, to pro-
vide men to work in their fields, either for
tilling the ground, sowing of grain, planting of
trees, or grazing of cattle ; nor is it less neces-
sary, when the harvest is brought in, to take
care in the laying our corn and fruits up pro-
perly, and disposing of them discreetly. Little
children must be brought up in the house,
bread must be made in the house, and all kinds
of meats must be dressed in the house ; like-
wise spinning, carding, and weaving, are all
works to be done within doors; so that both
the things abroad, and those within the house,
require the utmost care and diligence; and it
appears plainly, by many natural instances, that
the woman was born to look after such things
as are to be done within the house: for a man
naturally is strong of body, and capable of en-
during the fatigue of heat and cold, of trayel-

ling and undergoing the harsher exercise; 80
that it seems as if nature had appointed him to
look after the affairs without doors : the woman
being also to nurse and bring up children, she
is naturally of a more soft and tender nature
than the man; and it seems likewise that na-

ture has given the woman a greater share’ of
jealousy and fear than to the man, that she
may be more careful and watchful over those
things which are intrusted to her care; ‘and
it seems likely, that the man is naturally made
more hardy and bold than the woman, because
his business is abroad in all seasons, and that
he may defend himself against all assaults and
accidents. But because both the man and the
woman are to be together for both their advan-
tages, the man to gather his substance from
abroad, and the woman to manage and improve
it at home, they are indifferently endowed with
memory and diligence. It is natural also to
both to refrain from such things as may do
them harm, and likewise they are naturally
given to improve in every thing they study, by
practice and experience; but as they are not
equally perfect in all things, they have the more

occasion of one another’s assistance: for when
the man and woman are thus united, what the
one has occasion for is supplied by the other:

therefore, good wife, seeing this is what the

gods have ordained for us, let us: endeavour, to
the utmost of our powers, to behave ourselves

in our several stations to the improvement of
our fortune: and the law, which brought -us

together, exhorts us to the same purpose. And
also, as it is natural, when we are thus settled,

to expect children, the law exhorts us to live

together in unity, and to be partakers of one

another’s benefits: so nature, and the law
which is directed by it, ordains that each seve-

rally should regard the business that is ap-

pointed for them. From whence it appears,

that it is more convenient fora woman to be

at home and mind her domestie affairs, than to
gad abroad ; and it is as shameful for a m an to
be at home idling, when his business req uires
him to be abroad: if any man acts in a dif-
ferent capacity from that he is born to, he
breaks through the decrees of nature, and will
certainly meet his punishment, either beca use
he neglects the business which is appointed for
him, or because he invades the. property of
another. I think that the mistress bee is an

excellent example for the wife.’—* And what

is the business of the mistress bee,’ said the

GOOD HUSBANDRY. 657

wife of Ischomachus, ‘ that I may follow the

example of that which you so much recommend
to me, for it seems you have not yet fully ex-
plained it ?—‘ The mistress bee,’ replied Ischo-
machus, ‘ keeps always in the hive, taking care
that all the bees, which are in the hive with ber,
are duly employed in their several occupations ;
and those whose business lies abroad, she sends
out to their several works. These bees, when
they bring home their burthen, she receives,
and appoints them to lay up their harvest, till
there is occasion to use it, and in a proper sea-
son dispenses it among those of her colony, ac-
cording to their several offices. The bees who
stay at home, she employs in disposing and or-
dering the combs, with a neatness and regular-
ity becoming the nicest observation and great-
est prudence. She takes care likewise of the
young bees, that they are well nourished, and
educated to the business that belongs to them ;
and when they are come to such perfection
that they are able to go abroad and work for
their living, she sends them forth under the
direction of a proper leader.'-—‘ And is this my
business, dear Ischomachus? said his wife.
—‘ This example, good wife,’ replied Ischo-
machus, ‘is what I give you as a lesson worthy
your practice : your case requires your presence
at home, to send abroad the servants whose
business lies abroad, and to direct those whose
business is in the house. You must receive
the goods that are brought into the house, and
distribute such a part of them as you think ne-
cessary for the use of the family, and see that
the rest be laid up till there be occasion for it ;
and especially avoid the extravagance of using
that in amonth which is appointed for twelve
menuths’ service. When the wool is brought
home, observe that it be carded and spun for
weaving into cloth ; and particularly take care
that the corn, which is brought in, be not laid
up in such a manner that it grow musty and un-
fit for use. But, above all, that which will
gain you the greatest love and affection from
your servants, is to help them when they are
visited with sickness, and that to the utmost of
your power.’ Upon which his wife readily
answered, * That is surely an act of charity,
and becoming every mistress of good nature ;

for, I suppose, we cannot oblige people more
than to help them when they are sick: this
will surely engage the love of our servants to
us, and make them doubly diligent upon every
occasion.’—-This answer, Socrates,” said Is-

chomachus, “‘ was to me an argument of a good

, and honest wife ; and I replied to her, ‘ That

by reason of the good care and tenderness ot
the mistress bee, all the rest of the hive are so
affectionate to her, that whenever she is dis-
posed to go abroad, the whole colony belonging
to her, accompany, and attend upon her. —Tc
this the wife replied: ‘ Dear Ischomachus, tell
me sincerely, Is not the business of the mis-
tress bee, you tell me of, rather what you ought
to do, than myself; or have you not a share in
it? For my keeping at home and directing
my servants, will be of little account, unless
you seud home such provisions as are neces-
sary to employ us.-—‘ And my providence,’
answered Ischomachus, ‘ would be of little use
unless there is one at home who is ready to re-
ceive and take care of those goods that I send
in. Have you not observed,’ said Ischomachus,
‘what pity people show to those who are pu-
nished by pouring water into sieves till they are
full? The occasion of pity is, because those
people labour in vain.’—‘ I esteem these peo-
pie,’ said the wife of Ischomachus, ‘ to be truly
miserable, who have no benefit from their
labours.’"—‘ Suppose, dear wife,’ replied Ischo-
machus, ‘ you take into your service one who
can neither card nor spin, and you teach her to
do those works, will it not be an honour to
you? Orif you take a servant which is neg-
ligent, or does not understand how to do her
business, or has been subject to pilfering, and
you make her diligent, and instruct her in the
manners of a good servant, and teach her
honesty, will not you rejoice in your success ?
and will you not be pleased with your action?
So again, when you see your servants sober and
discreet, you should encourage them and show
them favour ; but as for those who are incor-
rigible and will not follow your directions, or
prove larcenaries, you must punish them. Con-
sider, how laudable it will be for you to excel
others in the well-ordering your house; be
therefore diligent, virtuous, and modest, and
give your necessary attendance on me, your
children, and youg house, and your name shall
be honeurably esteemed, even after your death ;

for it is not the beauty of your face and shape, .

but your virtue and goodness, which will bring
you honour and esteem, which will last for
ever. — After this manner, good Socrates,”
cried Ischomachus, “ I first disecoursed with my
wife concerning her duty and care of my

house.”
40

658

VIII. “ And did you perceive,” said So-
crates, ‘‘ that she improved by what you taught
her ?”’—“ Yes,” replied Ischomachus, “ she was
as extremely diligent to learn and practise what

᾿ς Was under her care, as one of her tender years

could be, who knew nothing of her duty before.
Once I saw her under a great concern, because
she could not readily find a parcel which I had
brought home; but when I perceived her
grieved, I bid her take no further thought about
it, for it was time enough to grieve when we
wanted a thing which we could not purchase,
but this was not our case; and even though
what 1 asked for was then out of the way, it
was not her fault, because I had not yet ap-
pointed proper places or repositories for the
several things that belonged to the house ; but
that I would take care to do it, that she might
put every thing in proper order, allotting to
every particular thing its place, where it might
be found when there was occasion for it.
‘ There is nothing, dear wife,’ said Ischoma-
chus, ‘ which is more commendable or profita-
ble to mankind, than to preserve good order in
every thing.

«In comedies and other plays, where many
people are required to act their parts, if the
actors should rashly do or say whatever their
fancy led them to, there must of necessity be
such confusion as would disgust the audience :
but, when every person has his part perfect,
and the scenes are regularly performed, it is
that order which makes the play agreeable and
pleasing to the beholders.

“ «So likewise, good wife, an army, when it
is once in disorder, is under the greatest con-
fusion and consternation, if the enemy is at
hand; for the enemy has little to do to over-
come them; their own hurry and confusion
will contribute more to their overthrow than
the attacks of the adversary. Here you may
imagine waggons, footmen, horsemen, chariots,
elephants, and baggage, all intermixed and
crowded together: obstructing and hindering
one another. If one runs, he is stopped by
him that would stand the battle; and he that
stands is jostled by every messenger that passes
him; the chariots overrun the men of arms;
and the elephants and horsemen, which in their
~ proper places would be useful, are intermixed
among the foot, trampling on them, and in a
great measure doing them as much mischief as
their enemies would do. And suppose, while
an army is in this confusion, they are attacked

THE SCIENCE OF

by their enemy in good order, what can they
expect but destruction? But an army drawn
up in good order, how glorious a sight is it to
their friends, and how terrible to their enemies !
How delightful it is to see the infantry drawn |
up and exercising in good order, or marching

with so much exactness and regularity, that the

whole body moves like one man! How agreea-

ble is this to their friends! And to observe

an army drawn up in a line of battle, well-dis-

ciplined, and advancing in good order, have not
their enemies reason to fear them? Or what

makes a galley, well-furnished with men, so

terrible to the enemy, and so pleasant a sight

to their friends, but because of its swift passage

upon the waters? And what is the reason

that the men within it do not hinder one an-

other, but that they sit in order, make their

signs in order, lie down in order, rise up in

order, and handle their oars in order.

‘¢ ¢ As for confusion and disorder, I can com-
pare it to nothing better, than if a countryman
should put together in one heap, oats, wheat,
barley, and pease, and when he had occasion to
use any one of them, he must be obliged to
pick out that sort grain by grain. Wherefore,
good wife, by all means avoid confusion as
much as possible, and study good order in every
thing, for it will be both pleasant and profitable
to you. Every thing then, as you have occa-
sion for it, will be ready at hand to use as you
please, and what I may happen to ask for will
not be to seek ; let us therefore fix upon some
proper place where our stores may be laid up,
not only in security, but where they may be so
disposed, that we may presently know where
to look for every particular thing. And when
once we have done this in the best order we
can, then acquaint the steward of it, that when
any thing is wanted he may know where to find
it; or when any thing is brought into the
house, he may at once judge of the proper
place to lay it in. By this means we shall
know what we gain and what we loose; and,
in surveying our storehouses, we shall be able
to judge what is necessary to be brought in,
and what may want repairing, or what will be
impaired by keeping. When we have visited
these a few times, we shall grow perfect in the
knowledge of all our goods, and readily find
what we seek for.’

“1 remember, good Socrates,” ‘said Ischo-
machus, “I once went aboard a Pheenician
shiv, where I observed the best exaniple of

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

good order that I ever met with: and, especi--

ally, it was surprising to observe the vast num- |
ber « € implements, which were necessary for |
the management of such a small vessel.

“* What numbers of oars, stretchers, ship-
hooks, and spikes, were there for bringing the
ship in and out of the harbour! What num-
bers of shrowds, cables, halsers, ropes, and
other tackling, for the guiding of the ship!
With how many engines of war was it armed
for its defence! What variety and what num-
bers of arms, for the men to use in time of
battle! What a vast quantity of provisions
were there for the sustenance and support of
the sailors!. And, besides all these, the load-
ing of the ship was of great bulk, and so rich,
that the very freight of it would gain enough
to satisfy the captain and his people for their
voyage: and all these were stowed so neatly
together, that a far larger place would not have
contained them, if they had been removed.
Here, I took notice, the good order and dispo-
sition of every thing was so strictly observed,
that, notwithstanding the great variety of mate-
rials the ship contained, there was not any thing
on board which the sailors could not find in an
instant ; nor was the captain himself less ac-
quainted with these particulars than his sailors :
he was as ready in them, as a man of learning
would be to know the letters that composed
the name Socrates, and how they stand in that
name. Nor did he only know the proper
places for every thing on board his ship; but,
while he stood upon the deck, he was consider-
ing with himself what things might be wanting
in his voyage, what things wanted repair, and
what length of time his proyisions and necessa-
ries would last: for, as he observed to me, it
is no proper time, when a storm comes upon
us, to have the necessary implements to seek,
_or to be out of repair, or to want them on
board; for the gods are never favourable to
those who are negligent or lazy ; and it is their
goodness that they do not destroy us when we
are diligent, When I had observed the good
order which was here practised, I informed my
wife of it; at the same time admonishing her
to observe the great difficulty there must needs
be to keep up such a regular decorum on board
a ship, where there were such numerous varie-
ties of materials, and such little space to lay
‘them in: ‘ But how much easier, good wife,’
said Ischomachus, ὁ will it be for us, who have
large and convenient storehouses for every thing

659
to its degree, to keep a good decorum and
order, than for those people on board a ship,
who yet are bound to remember where, and
how, every thing is distributed in the midst of
a storm at sea? But we have none of these
dangers to disturb and distract our thoughts
from the care of our business; therefore we
should deserve the greatest shame, and be in-
excusable, if we were not diligent enough to
preserve as good order in our family as they do
on board their vessel. But we have already
said enough,’ continued Ischomachus, ‘ con-
cerning the necessity and advantage of good
order; nor is it less agreeable to see every
thing belonging to the dress, or wearing apparel,
laid carefully up in the wardrobe; the things
belonging to the kitchen, let them be there;
and so those belonging to the dairy, likewise in
the dairy ; and, in a word, every thing which
regards any kind of office belonging to the
house, let it be neatly kept and laid up in its
proper-office, And this is reputable both to
the master and mistress of the house; and no
one will ridicule such good management, but
those who are laughed at for their own ill man-
agement. This, good wife,’ said Ischomachus,
‘you may be sensible of at an easy rate, with
little trouble. Nor will it be difficult to find
out a steward, who will soon learn from you the
proper places or repositories for every thing
which belongs to the house; for in the city
there is a thousand times more variety of things
than ever we shall have occasion for; and yet
if we want any thing, and send a servant to
buy it for us, he will readily go to the place
where it is to be had, from the good disposi-
tion of things in the several shops which are
proper for them, and from the remembrance he
will have of observing them in such and such
places. There can be no other reason for this,
than the disposing every thing in the market or
city in its proper place, as all kinds of fowls at
the poulterers’, all sorts of fish at the fish-
mongers’, and the like of other things which
have places determined for them ; but if we go
about to seek a man who at the same time is
seeking us, how shall we find one another,
unless we have beforehand appointed a meet-
ing place? Then, as for setting our househo!d
goods in order, I spoke to her in the following
manner, ”—

IX. “ But tell me, good Ischomachus,” said
Socrates, ‘did your wife understand and prac-
tise what you taught her ?”—“ She promised

600

me,” answered Ischomachus, both by words and
by her countenance, that she agreed to what I
said, and was delighted that method and good
order would take off so great a share of her
trouble; she rejoiced to think she should be
delivered from the perplexed state she was in
before, and desired that I would not delay putting
my promise in practice as soon as possible,
that she might reap the fruits of it.”—** And
how did you proceed, good Ischomachus ?”
said Socrates. “ I answered her,” said Ischo-
machus, “in such a manner, that she might
learn first what a house was properly designed
for; that it was not ordained to be filled with
curious paintings or carvings, or such unneces-
sary decorations ; but that the house should be
built with due consideration, and for the con-
veniency of the inhabitants; and as a proper
repository for those necessaries which properly
belong to a family, and, in some measure, di-
rects us to the proper places wherein every
particular ought to be placed - the most private
and strongest room in the house seems to de-
mand the money, jewels, and those other things
that are rich and valuable; the dry places ex.
pect the corn; the cooler parts are the most
convenient for the wine ; and the more light-
some and airy part of the house for such things
as require such a situation. J showed her like.
wise,” continued Ischomachus, “ which were
the most convenient places for parlours and
dining-rooms, that they might be cool in sum-
mer and warm in winter; and also, that as the
front of the house stood to the south, it had
the advantage of the winter’s sun; and in the
summer it rejoiced more in the shade, than it
could do in any other situation. Then,” said
Ischomachus, ‘ I appointed the bed-chambers,
and the nursery, and apartments for the women,
divided from the men’s lodging, that no incon-
veniency might happen by their meeting with-
out our consent or approbation ; for those who
behave themselves well, and we allow to come
together to have children, they will love us the
better for it; but those, who through subtilty

will endeavour to gain their ends with any of

the women without our consent, will be always
contriving and practising ways to our disadvan-
tage, to compass or carry on their lewd designs.
When we were come thus far,” proceeded Ischo-
machus, “ we began to set our goods in order.
In the first place, we assorted all the materails
belonging to sacrifices: after that, my wife’s
apparel was assigned to their proper places ;

THE SCIENCE OF.

her richest habits by themselves, and those
which were in more common use by them-
selves. Next to these, we appointed a ward-
robe for the master’s clothes; one part for his
armour and such accoutrements as he used in
war, and another for his wearing apparel, to be
used upon common occasions : after these, we
directed places for the instruments which be-
long to spinning, and for the bakehouse, the
kitchen, and the baths; and took care, in the
appointment of all these things, to make a
division between those things which are most
commonly required to be in use, and such as
are only in use now and then: we likewise
separated those things which were for a month’s
service from those which were to serve twelve
months ; for by this means we might know the
better how our stock is employed. When we
had done this, we instructed every servant re-
spectively where every thing belonging to his
office might be found, and directed them care-
fully to observe, that every implement under
their care should be put into the same place
where they took it from, when they had done
using it; and as for such things as are but
seldom required to be used, either upon festi-
vals, or upon the reception of strangers ; those
we delivered into the care of a discreet woman,
whom we instructed in her province ; and when
we had made an account with her of the goods
delivered into her care, and taken it in writing,
we directed her to deliver them out to those
under her, as she saw proper occasions, and be
careful to remember who were the persons to
which she delivered every particular ; and that
upon receiving again the things which she had

_deliyered out, they should be every one laid up

in their proper place. In the next place, we
chose a discreet, sober, and judicious woman
to be our storekeeper or housekeeper, one who
had a good memory, and was diligent enough
to avoid faults, studying our pleasure and satis-
faction in all her business, and endeayouring to
gain our esteem, which we always signified by
presents, by which means we gained her love
and friendship for us ; so that, whenever we bad
occasion to rejoice, we made her partaker of
our mirth ; or if any accident happened which
brought sorrow with it, we made her acquainted
with that likewise, and consulted her in it:
this made her bend her mind to the advance-
ment of our fortunes. _ We instructed her to
show more esteem for those servants in the
house whom she found were deserving of

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

favour, than the others who neglected their
duty ; for we took care to observe to her, that
those who did well were worthy reward in the
world; while those who were deceitful and
evil-niinded, were rejected of the people. And
then, good Socrates,” said Ischomachus, * I

let my wife know that all this would be of |

little effect, unless she was careful to observe
that every thing was preserved in the good or-
der we had placed it : for in cities, and in other
governments that are well ordered, it is not
enough to make good laws for their conduct,
unless there are proper officers appointed to see
them put in execution, either to reward those
who deserve well, or punish the malefactors.
‘ This, dear wife, I chiefly recommend to you,’
continued Ischomachus, ‘ that you may look
upon yourself as the principal overseer of the
laws within our house.’ And IJ informed her
also, that it was within her jurisdiction to over-
look, at her own pleasure, every thing belong-
ing to the house, as a governor of a garrison
inspects into the condition of his soldiers, or
as the senate of Athens review the men of
arms, and the condition of their horses ; that
she had as great power as a queen in her own
house, to distribute rewards to the virtuous and
diligent, and punish those servants who deserved
it. But I further desired her, not to be dis-
pleased, if I intrusted her with more things,
and more business, than I had done any of our
servants ; telling her at the same time, that
such as were covenant-servants have no more
goods under their care and trust, than are de-
livered to them for the use of the family ; and
none of those goods may be employed to their
‘own use, without the master’s or mistress’s
consent : for whoever is master or mistress of
the house, has the rule of all that is within it,
and has the power of using any thing at their
pleasure ; so that those who have the most
profit by goods, have the most loss by them, if
they perish or are destroyed. So it is there-
fore the interest of them that have possessions,
to be diligent in the preservation of them.”—
‘« Then,” said Socrates, “ tell me, good Ischo-
‘machus, how did your wife receive this lesson ?”
—“ My wife,” replied Ischomachus, “ received
it like a woman ready to learn and practise
what might be for the honour and welfare of
us both, and seemed to rejoice at the instruc-
‘tions I gave her.” ‘ It would have been’ a
great grief to me,’ said-she, ‘if, instead of those
good rules you instruct me in, for the welfare

Ὡ

661

of our house, you had directed me to have no
regard to the possessions I am endowed with ;
for as it is natural for a good woman to be
careful and diligent about her own children,
rather than have a disregard for them ; so it is
no less agreeable and pleasant to a woman,
who has any share of sense, to look after the
affairs of her family, rather than neglect them.’

xX. “ When I heard,” continued Socrates,
“the answer which the wife of Ischomachus
gave him, I could not help admiring her wis-
dom.”—“ But I shall tell you yet much more
of her good understanding,” said Ischomachus :
“there was not one thing I recommended to her,
but she was as ready to practise it, as I was
willing she should go about it.”—* Go on, I
pray you, good Ischomachus,” said Socrates,
“ for it is far more delightful to hear the vir-
tues of a good woman described, than if the
famous painter Zeuxis was to show me the
portrait of the fairest woman in the world.”—
“ Then,” continued Ischomachus, “ I remem-
ber, on a particular day, she had painted her
face with a certain cosmetic, attempting to
make her skin look fairer than it was; and
with another mixture had endeavoured to in-
crease the natural bloom of her cheeks; and
also had put on higher shoes than ordinary, to
make her look taller:than she naturally was.
When I perceived this,” said Ischomachus, “ I
saluted her in the following manner: 6 Tell
me, good wife, which would make me the most
acceptable in your eyes, to deal sincerely by
you, in delivering into your possession those -
things which are really my own, without making
more of my estate than it is; or for me to de-
ceive you, by producing a thousand falsities
which have nothing in them: giving you chains
of brass instead of gold, false jewels, false
money, and false purple, instead of that which
is true and genuine ?? ‘To which she presently
replied: ὁ May the gods forbid that you should
be such a man! for, should you harbour such
deceit in your heart, I should never love you.’
—‘ I tell you then, dear wife,’ replied Ischo-
machus, ‘ we are come together, to love one
another, and to delight in each other’s per-
fections: do you think J should be the more
agreeable to you in my person, or should you
love me the better, if I was to put a false lustre
upon myself, that I might appear better com-
plexioned, more fair in body, or more manly
than what nature has made’ me; or that I
should paint and anoint my face, when you

662 ~

receive me to your arms, and give you this
deceit instead of my natural person ?—‘ Sure-

ly, dear Ischomachus,’ replied his wife, ‘ your

cwn person, in its natural perfections, is
preferable to all the paints and ointments
you can use to set it off; nor can all the
art you might use be comparable to your na-
tural appearance.’—‘ Believe then, good wife,’
said Ischomachus, ‘ that I have the same ab-
horrence of false lustre that you have: can
there be any thing more complete in nature
than yourself? or would there be any thing less
engaging to me than that you should use any
means to hide or destroy those perfections in
you which I so much admire? The God of
nature has appointed beauties in all creatures,
as well in the field as among the human race ;
the magnificence of the male to be admired by
the female, and the tender and curious texture
of the female to be admired by the male. It
is natural for the creatures in the field to dis-
tinguish one another by the purity of their
beauties ; there is no deceit, there is no cor-
ruption: so the men always admire that body
which is most pure, or the least deformed by
art. Such wiles and deceits may, perhaps,
deceive strangers, because they will not have
opportunities of discovering and laughing at
them ; but if such things should be practised
between those who are daily conversant with
one another, how. soon will the imposition be
discovered ! how soon will they be ridiculed !
For these deceits appear at the rising out of
bed, and from that time till the persons have
had opportunity of renewing them ; as well as
when they sweat, when they shed tears, when
they wash, and when they bathe themselves.’
“ What answer, good Ischomachus,” said
Socrates, ‘did your wife give you to this lec-
ture ?”»—“ The best that could be,” replied
Ischomachus, ‘* for she has never since at-
tempted any of these false glosses, but has
constanily appeared in her natural beauties,
and repeated her soiicitations to me to instruct
her, if there was any natural means of assist-
ing them. I then directed her that she should
not sit too much, but exercise herself about
the house as a mistress, to examine how her
several works went forward; sometimes to go
among the spinners or weavers, to see that
they did their duty, and to instruct those who
were ignorant, and encourage the most desery-
ing among them; sometimes to look into the
bake-house, to see the neatness and order of

| a τ τ ᾽οἘ.ς -

THE SCIENCE OF

the woman that looks after it; and sometimes
visit her housekeeper, to account with her for
the yarn, or other commodities, that are
brought into her charge: and now and then
to take a turn about her house, to see that
every thing is disposed in its proper place.
This method, I suppose,” said Ischomachus,
“ would be a means of giving her a healthful
exercise, and at the same time of leading her
to that business which would be for her ad-
vantage, in benefiting our fortune. I also
told her, the exercise of bolting, baking, and
looking after the furniture of her house, to ἡ
brush it and keep it clean, when she wanted
something to do, would be commendable, and
help to employ her; for I recommended ex-
ercise to her as a great benefit: ‘for exercise,’
said Ischomachus, ‘ will create you an appetite
to your meat, and by that means you will be
more healthful, and add, if possible, to the
bloom of your beauty: and also the clean ap-
pearance of the mistress among the servants,
and her readiness to set her hand to work, will
encourage them to follow her example; for a
good example does more than all the compul-
sion that can be used. Those who study no-
thing but their dress, may indeed be esteemed
by those who understand nothing else; but
the outside appearance is deceitful. And now,
good Socrates, I have a wife who lives up to
the rules given her.”

ΧΙ. “ Then,” said Socrates, ** good Isehoma-
chus, you have fully satisfied me concerning the
duty of a wife, as well as of your wife’s good
behaviour, and your own management. I beg
now you will acquaint me, good Ischomachus,”
continued Socrates, “what method it is that
you have taken on your part towards the
managemeut of your fortune, and especially
what it is that has gained you the character of
a good and honest man; that when I have
heard what you have done, I may give my
thanks according to your deserts.”—* I shall
be glad,” replied Ischomachus, “to satisfy you
in any thing within my power, provided you
will correct my errors, if I am guilty of any.”
—< But,” answered Socrates, “ how can I cor-
rect you, when you are already possessed of
the character of a good and honest man? and
especially when I am the man who is taken
for the greatest trifler, and who employs him-
self in nothing but measuring the air; or,
which is a far worse character, that I am a
poor man, which is a token of the greatest

GOOD HUSBANDRY. .

folly? This, indeed, might have been a
trouble to me, if I had not met the other
day a horse belonging to Nicias, with a crowd
of people about him, admiring his good quali-
ties, and talking abundance in praise of his
strength and spirit: this made me ask the
question of the master of the horse, Whether
his horse was very rich? but he stared upon
me, and laughed at me, as if I had been a mad-
man; and only gave me this short answer ;
‘ How skould a horse have any money ?” When
I heard this, I went my way contented, that it
was lawful for a poor horse to be good, on the
account only of his free heart and generous
spirit ; and therefore, I conclude, it is likewise
possible for a poor man to be good: for which
reason, I beseech you, good Ischomachus, tell
me your manner of living, that I may endea-
vour to learn it, and model my life after your
example ; for that may well be called a good
day, when a man begins to grow good and
virtuous.” —‘* Good Socrates, you seem to baii-
ter me,” said Ischomachus: “however, I will
tell you, as well as I can, the whole method of
my living, which I design constantly to follow
till the day of my death. I perceived, that
except aman knew well what was necessary to
be done, and diligently applied himself to put
his knowledge in practice, the gods would not
suffer him to prosper. And I also observed,
that those who act with wisdom and diligence,
the gods reward them with riches. There-
fore, first of all, I paid my adoration to the
gods, and implored their assistance in all that
I had to do, that they would be pleased to give
me health, strength of body, honour in my
city, good will of my friends, safety in the day
of battle, and that I might return home with
an increase of riches and honour.”—“ When I
heard that,” said Socrates, “I asked him, are
riches then so much worthy your esteem, good
Ischomachus ; seeing that the more riches you
have, the more care and trouble you have to
order and preserve them?”—Then Ischoma-
chus replied: “I have no small care to pro-
vide me with riches, for I have great pleasure
in serving the gods honourably with rich sacri-
fices ; and also to serve my friends, if they
happen to want; and likewise to help the city
in time of danger or distress.”—“ Truly, what
you say, good Ischomachus,” said Socrates, “is
honourable, and becoming a man of power and
᾿ substance.”— To which Ischomachus answered :
ἐς These are my reasons, good Socrates, why I

663

think riches worth my labour; for there are
some degrees of men who cannot subsist with-
out the help of others; and there are also
some who think themselves rich enough, if
they can get what is barely necessary for their
support. But those who order their houses
and estates with such discretion and good
judgment, that they advance their fortunes and.
increase their riches; and by that means be-.
come serviceable and honourable to the city,
and are capable of serving their friends; why
should not such men be esteemed wise and
generous, and deserve power ?”—‘* You are in
the right,” replied Socrates ; “there are many
of us that-may well respect such men: but I
pray you, good Ischomachus, go on to relate

| what method you take to support your health

and strength of body, and what means you use
to return home honourably from the war: and.
as for the ordering and increasing of the estate,
we may hear that by and by.”—* I think,” said

_Ischomachus, “ these things are so chained to-

gether, that they cannot well be separated ;
for when a man has a sufficient store of meat
and drink, and uses a convenient share of ex-
ercise, his body must of necessity be healthful
and strong; and such a body, when it is well
exercised in the affairs of war, is most likely
to return home from battle with honour. And
he who is diligent and industrious in his busi-
ness, must as surely improve his estate.”—
“ Good Ischomachus,” said Socrates, “ all that
you have yet said, I grant to be good, that he
who uses diligence and exercise will increase
his fortune. But tell me, I beseech you, what
exercise do you take to maintain your good
complexion, and to get strength, and hew do
you exercise yourself to be expert in war, and
what methods do. you follow to increase your
estate, that enables you to help your friends,”
and assist the city in honour and strength?
These things I desire to learn.”—‘“ To tell
you freely, good Socrates,” said Ischomachus,
“41 rise so early in the morning, that if I
have any one to speak with in the city, I
am sure to find him at home; or if I have
any other business to do in the city, I do it in
my morning’s walk: but when 1 have no mat-
ter of importance in the city, my page leads
my horse into the fields, and I walk thither,
for I esteem the walk into the free air of the
country to be more healthful than to walk in
the galleries or piazzas of the city; and when
I arrive at my ground where my workmen are

664

planting trees, tilling the ground, or sowing,
or carrying in of the fruits, I observe how
every thing is performed, and study whether
any of these works may be mended or im-
proved: and when J have diverted myself
enough at my villa, I mount my horse, and make
him perform the exercise of the academy, such
as is serv:ceable in war; and then ride him
through all the difficult paths, waters, through
trenches, and over hedges, to make him ac-
quainted with those difficulties as much as
possible, without hurting him: and when
I have done this, my page takes my horse,
and leads him trotting home, and takes along
with him to my house, such things out of
the country as are wanted, and walk home
myself: then I wash my hands, and go to
such a dinner as is prepared for me, eat-
ing moderately, and never to excess, or too
sparingly.”

“« Good Ischomachus,” said Socrates, “ you
do your business very pleasantly; and your
contrivance is excelle:t, in performing so many
good things at one time, as increase your
health, your strength, your exercise in war,
your study for the increase of your estate:
all these to be done under one exercise is a
great token of your wisdom; and the good
effect of this exercise is apparent enough
to all that know that you are healthful and
strong, and every one allows you to be the
best horseman in this country, and one of the
richest men in the city.”—‘* Alas! good So-
crates,” answered Ischomachus; “ and yet,
though I believe this to be true, I cannot es-
cape detraction. You thought, perhaps, I was
going to say, that it was these things which
gave me the name of an honest and good man.”
—‘ It was my thought,” said Socrates ; “ but
I have a mind to ask you, how you guard
against detractors, and whether you speak in
your own cause, or in such causes as relate to
your friends?” Do you believe,” answered
Ischomachus, “that I do not sufficiently do
my part against my detractors, if I defend myself
by my good deeds, in doing no wrong, and act-
ing as much as I can for many men’s good? or
do you not think I am in the right if I accuse
men who are mischievous, and do injustice in
private cases, and to the city ?»—“ I pray you
explain yourself,” said Socrates. “Ἅ I must tell
you,” said Ischomachus, “ I am always exer-
cising myself in rhetoric and eloquence, and
in the practice of justice ; for if I hear one of

THE SCIENCE OF

my servants complain of another, or justify
his own cause, I always endeavour to settle the
truth between them ; or if I discover any dis-
pute among my friends or acquaintance, I
endeavour to make it up, and recover their
friendship for one another, by showing them
the happiness and profit of friendship, and the
distraction and inquietude which attend those
who are at variance with one another. I praise
and defend those who are accused wrongfully,
or are oppressed without a cause; and before
the lords of our government I accuse them
who are promoted unworthily ; I praise them
who set about their business with care and
deliberation, and blame such who go rashly
about their work. But I am now brought to
this dilemma, whether I am to bear with
faults, or punish them.”—* What is your
meaning in that,” said Socrates, “and who 5
the person you mean?”—“ 10 is my wife,”
said Ischomachus.—“ In what manner then
are your disputes ?” said Sccrates.—‘* We have
very little occasion for that,” replied Ischoma-
chus, “85 yet; nor have we more words in our
disputes than, such a thing is not done so care-
fully as it might have been; and that we may
learn by a false step how to guide ourselves
for the future: but if she should be unfortu-
nate enough to give her mind to lying and
deceit. there is no reforming her.” To this
Socrates answered: “If she should at any
time tell you a lie, you will hardly insist upon
the truth of the matter.

XII. ‘* But, perhaps, good Ischomachus, I
detain you from your business, and I would by
no means hinder a man of your capacity and
understanding from proceeding in your affairs.”
--- You are no hindrance to me,” answered
Ischomachus, “for I am determined to stay
here till the court is up.”—“ This gives me
another token of your justice,” said Socra-
tes; ‘it is an instance of yeur circumspec-
tion, and regard to maintain the noble cha-
racter the world has given you, of being a
good and honest man; for, notwithstanding
the many employments you usually engage
yourself in, and the delightful method you take
in the exercise of them, yet because of your
promise to these strangers, to wait for them
in this place, you choose to neglect your
own business and pleasure, rather than prove
worse than your word.”"—“ As for the busi-
ness you speak of,” said Ischomachus, “I
have taken eare that nothing shall be ne-

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

glected ; and my greatest pleasure is in being
punctual with those that I appoint; for in

my farm I have my bailiff or steward of hus-

bandry, and deputies who take care of my

_ busineses,””—*“* Since we are fallen into this dis-

course, pray tell me, good Ischomachus,” said

Socrates, “when you have occasion for a good
bailiff or steward for your country affairs, do
you use the same method as if you wanted a
good builder, to inquire after one who is best
skilled in the science? or do you teach and in-
struct those you hire into your service, in the
business you want to employ them in?’—
* Good Socrates,” answered Ischomachus, “ I
endeavour to teach them myself; for he whom
I instruct in the management of my affairs,
when I am absent, will know the better how
to carry on my works agreeable to my liking ;
rather than if I was to employ one who already
had a pretence to knowledge of the business I
wanted him for: as I guess I have experience
enough to set men to work, and to direct them
how they shall go about their business, I there-
fore suppose I am able to teach a man what I
can do myself,”—“ Then, surely, your bailiff
in husbandry,” replied Socrates, ‘‘must be
always ready and willing to serve you; for,
without he has a love for you, he will never
use the utmost of his diligence for the advance-
ment of your affairs, though he be never so ex-
pert in his business.”—‘‘ You say right,” an-
swered Ischomachus: ‘but the first. of my
endeayours is to gain his love and affection to
me and my family, by which means he has a
regard to my. welfare.”-—“ And what method
do you take, good Ischomachus,” said Socrates,
“to bring the man to love and respect you and
your family ὃ. Is it by the benefit you do him,
by learning him a profitable business ?”—* I
do. not suppose that,” said Ischomachus ; “ but,
whenever the gods are favourable to me in the
advancement of my fortune, I always reward
my steward.”—‘* So I suppose,’ said Socrates,
“that. you mean by this, that such people as
you assist with money or goods will bear you
the best service and respect.” —“ Yes, certainly,”
said. _Ischomachus,. ‘‘ for there are no instru-
ments in the world so engaging, or that will
prevail.so much over mankind, as money or
profit.”—“ But is it sufficient for him to love
you?” replied Socrates ; ‘for we have instan-
ces enough that men love themselves before.all
others ; and we have also some examples of
those who are lovers of themselves, and yet

665
are so negligent to their own profit, that they
never reap. those things they wish for.” —Ischo-
machus answered: ‘“ But, good Socrates, be-
fore I choose them among my servants that I
have brought to love me, to dignify with the
places of stewards or deputies, I teach them
the good consequence of diligence and industry.”
—‘‘Is it possible you can do that ?” said So-
crates; “for, in my opinion, we can hardly
bring men to do another man’s business as punc-
tually as he might do it himself.”—“ That I
allow,” said Ischomachus: ‘‘ I mean, that. we
can never instruct a man to use the same dili-
gence for another that he would do for himself.”
—‘“ But,” replied Socrates, “who are those,
then, whom you think worthy of employment,
or of receiving your instructions ?”—To this
Ischomachus answered: ‘ Those, in the first
place, who cannot avoid drunkenness, are ex-
cluded from this care; for drunkenness drowns
the memory, and is the occasion of forgetful- a
ness.”—‘‘ And is this the only vice,” said So-
crates, ‘‘ which is the occasion of negligence ?”
—‘‘ No,” replied Ischomachus, “ for those who
indulge themselves in sleep, are incapable of
such employments.” And are there any
more,” said Socrates, ‘‘ whose vices make them
unfit for your service ?”—-“ Yes,” answered
Ischomachus ; ‘‘for 1 am persuaded those who
are addicted to the flesh, bend their minds so
much to that thought, that they neglect all
other business ; for their whole hope and study
is upon those they love: and if one was to
order them to business, it would be the great-
est punishment that could be inflicted on them ;
for there can be no greater pain laid upon
any creatures in nature, than to preyent them
from the object of their desires. For these
reasons, when I find people engaged in such
affairs, I set them aside, and never take the
pains to instruct them in the matters that
relate to my estate.’— But what say you,”
said Socrates, “of those who have a provident
thought, and are saving on their own account ;
do you believe these would not be diligent in
the management of your estate ?”—* These,”
replied Ischomachus, “1 choose to employ
before all others; for they are sooner brought
to be diligent than those who have con-
trary sentiments ; and, besides, it is easy, to
show them the profit of diligence ; and if such a
man happens to come in my way, I commend
him and reward him.”——“ But how do you treat
those servants,” said Socrates, “ who are ready
4 P

666

io obey you in all your commands, and are
diligent at your word, and have a moderate
share of good order in the management of
themselves ?”——** These,” said Ischomachus,
“ΠῚ have a great regard for; for I carefully re-
ward those who are diligent, and lay as many
hardships as I can upon those who are idle and
careless.”—‘* But tell me, dear Ischomachus,”
said Socrates, “‘is it possible to reform a man
who is naturally negligent ?”—“ No more” an-
swered Ischomachus, “ than it would be for a
man who is ignorant in music, to teach and in-
struct another man in that science ; for it is
impossible to make a good scholar, if the mas-
ter does not know his business; and, by the
same rule, no servant will be diligent when his
master sets him the example of neglect. I have
heard often enough, that bad masters made bad
servants; and I have often seen a small
reproof to a servant put him or her upon
their duty. However, the best way to make a
good servant, is for the master to set him a
good example of industry, and be careful and
watchful to oversee and regard, that every one
about him is diligent in their respective office,
and reward those who are deserving, and pu-
nish the negligent. The king of Persia once
spoke much to the purpose in a case of this
nature. When he was riding upon a fine
horse, one of the company asked him what
made his horse so fat: his reply was, ‘ The
eye of his master ;’ and we have many beside,
good Socrates, who think that every thing what-
ever is improved by the same regard of the
master.”

XIII. “ But, good Ischomachus,” said So-
crates, “‘when you have trained up your stew-
ard to be diligent, and to observe your direc-
tions, do you esteem him thoroughly qualified to
be your steward or bailiff, or has he then any
thing else to be instructed in?”—“ Then,” an-
swered Ischomachus, “ there is yet more which
is necessary for him to understand; for he
must learn the particulars of his business, to
know when and how he must dispose of every
thing; for, without the knowledge of these
particulars, a steward is an insignificant person ;
he is like a physician who has the care of a
patient, and is up early and late to attend him,
and at last knows nothing of his distemper.”—
*¢ But when he has learned all this, good Ischo.
machus,” said Socrates, “ is he then perfectly
qualified to be your steward, or director of your
farm ?”—‘ There is still more required of

THE SCIENCE OF

hin,” replied Ischomachus, “ for he must jearn
to rule, as well as direct the workmen.”—*« And
is it possible,” said Socrates, “that you can
teach a man to govern, or know the great sci-
ence of command ?”—*“ I think,” said Ischo-
machus, “ there is no difficulty in it; though,
perhaps, the reasons I may give for it are ridi-
culous.”——“ An affair of this consequence,”
said Socrates, ‘is no laughing matter ; for the
man who can instruct others how to:govern, must
himself be a person of great wisdom, and de-
serve the highest character; for he, who can .
teach men how to rule, may teach them how te
become masters: and he who can raise them
to that dignity, may teach them those princely
virtues, which will make them worthy the
command of kingdoms.”—* Good Socrates,”
answered Ischomachus, “let us look into
the fields among the beasts fur an example
of the facility of learning to govern. Those
creatures who are restiff and stubborn are beat-
en into obedience ; while, on the other hand,
those who obey our directions are treated hand-
somely, and rewarded. Colts, when they are
under the management of the breaker or jockey
are caressed when they take their lessons kind-
ly; but when they are restiff or disobedient,
they receive the correction of the lash ? and by
these means they are brought to make good
horses. If we breed spaniels, we treat them
in the same manner, to learn them to hunt, to
take the water, to fetch and carry, and be
watchful ; but, as for men, we may persuade
them, and bring them to obedience, by setting be-
fore them rewards and punishments, and teach-
ing them that it will be for their advantage to
obey; but, as for bondmen, or those of the low-
est rank, they may be brought to obedience an-
other way; provide well for their bellies and
they will do any thing; while those, who have
noble spirits, are best encouraged by praise, for
praise is no less welcome to them, than meat
and drink is to those of the meaner sort. And
when I have instructed my steward to govern
by my example, I add this, as an instruction to
him, that in the bestowing of clothes or apparel
among my workmen, he should always give the
best to those among them who are most dili-
gent in their business ; for industrious men
ought always to have better dress, and have the
pre-eminence in all things, before the lazy and
negligent ; for Iam of opinion there is nothing
more irksome to industrious servants, than to
see those who are negligent in their business

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

promoted or encouraged, while they themselves
are neglected and overlooked It discourages
them from minding their business for the fu-
ture; therefore I always take care to keep that
difference among my servants. And when I

observe that my bailiff shows the same regard

for those servants under his care, I praise him
for it; but when I perceive he has preferred
any one unworthily, by means of flattery or
some such deceit, I never suffer his award to
pass, but blame him and reprimand him.”
XIV. “ Then,” said Socrates, “ tell me, good
Ischomachus, when you have thus taught your
steward to rule, and discipline the workmen
and servants under his care, is he then com-
pletely qualified for your service ? or is there
any thing else that you are to instruct him in ?”
To this Ischomachus replied: ‘‘ There is yet
a very material point, which concerns the busi-
ness and character of a good steward ; and that
is, honesty; for if after he has received all my
former instructions, he gives his mind to pilfer,
and clandestinely to make away with my goods,
his diligence in overseeing the management of
my lands will be but of little profit to me, or
it may be I may happen to be out of pocket
by his service, so that I had much better be
without the industry of such a man.”—* But,
good Ischomachus, I pray you tell me,” said
Socrates, “ Are you capable of teaching men
justice and honesty ?”—“ Yes,” replied Ischo-
machus ; “but I find that it is not every one I
teach or instruct in these ways of truth and
equity, who follow my instructions: but, that
I may yet make my servants follow the rules
of justice which I teach them, 1 use those laws
of Draco and Solon, which say, that little pil-
ferers must be punished, but the great robbers
must be imprisoned and put to death. Whereby
it appears, that those, who enrich themselves
by indirect methods, and amass to themselves
fortunes by thievish practices, those goods shall
not be profitable to them. And to these laws
I likewise add some of the Persian laws: for
those of Draco and Solon only inflict punish-
ments on those who do amiss ; but those of the
king of Persia do not only punish those who
do wrong, but reward those who do right.
There are some men, who out of covetousness
care not what they do, nor what indiscreet
means they take, so that they gather riches to-

' gether; seeing that others can amass great for-

tunes in an honest way; believing that, so long
as riches may be got by honest men, every one

667

who is rich shall be accounted an honest man :
but these have never any pleasure or good ad-
vantage in their ill-got goods; or it is very
rarely that they preserve them: but those who
get their riches by industry and honesty, are
always prosperous, and have pleasure in what
they have got, especially because they have:
wronged no man. If among my people I dis.
cover any such who have that covetous and de-’
ceitful temper, and do not receive benefit by,
my instructions, I discharge them out of my
service. And, on the other hand, those who
make honesty their rule and study, behave
themselves as true and faithful servants, with-
out haying so much regard to profit, as honour
and praise from me; if they are bondmen, I
give them their liberty ; and do not only pro-
mote them .and advance their fortunes, but
take every opportunity of recommending them
to the world as good and honest men; for I
judge, that the man may be esteemed good and
honest, who upon the principle of virtue will
employ himself for his master’s interest, and
will not scruple going through a little difficulty
for his master’s service, when there is occasion,
without a design of making his advantage of
him by deceitful or indiscreet means.

XV. Such a man, when 1 have once gained
his esteem and affection, by instructing him in
the science of making a good advantage of the
work he is employed in, and have sufficiently
instructed him to rule; I am persuaded he
will transact every thing for his master’s ad- Ὁ
vantage, as well as if the master was continu-
ally to be present: and, with these qualifica-
tions, I think a man sufficiently capable of the
business of a steward, and worthy of being em-
ployed in that office.” But, methinks,” said
Socrates, ‘‘the principal part of a steward’s
business you have not yet explained.” —“ What
is that, good Socrates ?” said Ischomachus.—
“1 remember,” said Socrates, “in your dis-
course, you said, that before all things a stew-
ard ought to know every particular of his
business, and how to order every thing for his
master’s profit ; for, without that, you observed
that diligence would be of little use.» Then,
I suppose, good Socrates,” answered Ischo- _
machus, “ you would have me instruct you in
the science of husbandry ?”»—“ That is my
desire,” said Socrates; “for the science of
husbandry is extremely profitable to those who
understand it ; but it brings the greatest trouble
and misery upon those farmers who undertake

668 THE

it without knowledge.”—*“ I shall first of all,
good Socrates,” said Ischomachus, “acquaint
you, that husbandry is an honourable science,
and the most pleasant and profitable of any
other: it is favoured by the gods, and beloved
by mankind, and may be learned with ease.
Husbandry, therefore, is becoming a gentle-
man; for if we were to take a view of al]
creatures upon earth, those only are esteemed,
and worthy our regard, which are docile enough
to become profitable to us; while the others,
which are wild and fierce in their nature, and
are not capable of becoming useful to us, are
rejected.”—“ If I remember right,” said Soc-
rates, “you have already instructed me, that a
steward or deputy should first love you, then

SCIENCE OF

business to themselves; but the husbandmen
are open and free in their discoveries, that
every one may learn from them. ‘The hus-
bandman, who has the greatest knowledge in
planting of trees, is proud of being observed,
or that any man takes notice of his excellence
in that art. And the sower is no less pleased
to have any one stop to look upon him. And
if you ask him about any thing which has been
well done in his way, he will be free enough
to inform you how it was done. And so, good

Socrates, we may see by this, that husbandry _

teaches men good manners and good nature.” —

« This,” said Socrates, “is a good beginning :
3 δ

and now you have come thus far, I cannot
leave you till you have given me every particular

be diligent ; in the next place, he should be | relating to husbandry ; and especially-I insist
able to rule, and then be honest; but I am! upon it, because you say it is a science so easy

impatient to hear how he must behave himself
in the practice of husbandry, with regard to
the works, when and how they are to be done;
but hitherto you have not explained those
particulars, but passed them over as if you
imagined I knew as much of the affair as your-
self, or understood the business. For my part,
I am in the same state, with regard to hus-
bandry, that ἃ man would be who does not un-
derstand letters, and you were to show him a
writing ; he will be never the better for seeing
that writing, unless he know the use of the
letters that composed it. So I imagine, that

it is not enough to be diligent in the science of

husbandry, but a man must understand every
particular of it. This I suppose you are a
master of, but you have not yet acquainted me
with the matter. Therefore, if I was now to
set about the business of husbandry, I should
be like a quack in physic, who went about
visiting of sick people, and neither knew their
distempers, nor what medicines were proper
for them. Therefore, good .Ischomachus, I
desire you will learn me every particular point
of the husbandry you practise.”—‘* Good Soc-
rates,” replied Ischomachus, “the science of
husbandry is not like other sciences, which
require length of time to study them, or a
great deal of labour to compass them before a
man can get his living by them ; for husbandry
is easily learned, by observing the workmen
now and then, and by consulting those who
understand it. By these means you may in-
struct your friends in it. Again, we may
observe, that men of other sciences, which are
artificers, will always keep some secret of their

to learn. You will therefore have the less

trouble to instruct me; and it will be the |

greater shame to me, if I do not learn it by
your instructions, particularly since it is so
profitable a science,” |

XVI “1 am very willing to answer your
desire,” said Ischomachus, “and instruct you
in every point of husbandry. The principal
part, which men dispute about, is the soil.
On this account, all the philosophers, who
have busied themselves about it, have given us
more words than truth; for they throw some
occult quality in the way, which leaves us as
we were before: and at the best tell us, that
he, who designs to be a husbandman, must
first know the nature of the soil.”—*« It is not
contrary to my opinion,” said Socrates, “ that
one ought to know the quality of the soil; for
those who do not know what the ground will
bring forth, how can they appoint either trees,
plants, or seeds for it, which are natural to its
intent, or are proper for it ?’—“‘ Dear Socrates,”
said Ischomachus, “this is easily discovered,
by observing the grounds of other people, where
you may see the diversities of plants growing
on them, and, by a little observance that way,
you will learn what they will produce, and
what are contrary to their nature; and when a
man has once made his due observation of this,
he will see that it will be unprofitable to re-
sist nature or the will of Providence. For
when a man plants or sows those things
which he accounts necessary for his use,
and the soil does not delight in the nour-
ishment or production of them, or has not
a will to bring them forth, his expense and

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

trouble is to no purpose. But if he can-
not discover the nature of the grounds next
about him, which either through idleness, or
any other cause, have been mismanaged or
neglected, let him consult other lands remoter
from him ; and if even they happen not to be
cultivated, he miay learn by the weeds that
grow upon them, what they will produce: for
those plants, which grow wild, show best the
inclination and disposition of the soil; so that
husbandmen may even learn their business by
observing what the ground will produce of it-
self,”——“« Then,” replied Socrates, “‘ I perceive
that a man need not abstain from husbandry
purely because he does not know how to de-
scribe the nature of a soil; for, I remember, I
have seen fishermen who have employed them-
selves continually upon the sea, without inquir-
ing what the water is, or its principles, but pass
over it, and when they find any thing to their
advantage they takeit,andleavetherest. The
same, I suppose, is the design of the husband-
men ; when they look upon soils, it is to ob-
serve what they bring forth, that is valuable,
and what they will not.”—* In what point of
husbandry would you have me begin,’ said
Ischomachus, “ dear Socrates, for you talk like
an adept in that science? Your reasoning is
good, and must proceed from understanding.”
—* All that I mean by my reasoning with
you,” replied Socrates, “is to know how I shall
till the ground, so as to reap the most profita-
ble crops of corn, or other fruits, from it; for
it is becoming a philosopher to inquire into
those things which are pleasant and profitable.”
— “TI suppose,” said Ischomachus, “ you already
understand that the stirring or breaking of the
ground, which one may call fallowing, is of
great advantage.”—‘ This,” answered Socrates,
«1 believe.”——‘* And suppose we were to fal-
low or plough the ground in winter?” said
Ischomachus.—* That I don’t approve of,”
said Socrates; “for the earth is then too wet,
in my opinion.”—“ And what do you think if
we were to turn it up in the summer?” said
Ischomachus.—“ Then, I doubt,” said Socrates,
(εξ would be too dry and hard for the plough.”
—‘“ Then let us plough,” said Ischomachus,
“in the spring.”—“ I think you are much in
the right,” said Socrates, “‘ for then the ground
is most free and ready to open itself to the
plough, and also is most ready to distribute its
virtue.” “ It is not only so,” answered Ischo-
machus, “but then whatever weeds are upon

669

the ground, being turned into the earth, enrich
the soil as much as dung. And again, these
plants are not grown to such a point of maturity
or perfection that their seeds are ripe, and there-
fore cannot fill the ground with weeds; and
besides, I suppose you know that both the
fallowing and tilling of ground is always the
better as the ground has the fewer weeds in it;
for, besides the hindrance the weeds may give
to corn, or other profitable herbs, they prevent
the ground from receiving the benefit of the
sun and free air.”—“ This I agree to,” said
Socrates.—“ Then,” replied Ischomachus, “ do
not you think that often stirring the ground in
summer will be the best way for it to enrich
itself by the air and sun, as well as to destroy
the weeds ?”—“I am very sensible,” said So-
crates, “" that weeds will wither and dry quickly
in the summer ; and the ground can never re-
ceive more benefit from the sun, than if it is
stirred with the plough, or fallowed in the heat
of summer: and if a man dig his ground in
summer, he will have the same advantage in
destroying-of weeds, which will then soon die ;
or else, by turning them in before they seed,
they will enrich the ground : and by the turning
up of the earth at that season, the sourness and
rawness of that, which is turned up, will be
corrected by the sun.”

XVII. “So I find,” said Ischomachus,
“that we are both of one opinion concerning
the stirring and fallowing of the ground.”—“ It
is true,” said Socrates ; “but, to proceed to
sowing, do you allow that the old opinion,
which is agreed to and followed by the present
operators in husbandry, concerning the season
of putting the seed into the ground, is agreea-
ble to reason, or are you of another opinion.”
—To this Ischomachus replied; ““ When sum-
mer is once past, and September is upon us, all
men then wait the pleasure of the gods to send
rain to moisten the ground and prepare it for
the seed; and, as soon as the rains fall, then
every one employs himself in sowing, as
the gods seem to direct.”—‘‘ Then,” said So-
crates, “it seems that all men in the world
have determined, by one assent, that it is not
convenient to sow when the ground is dry ; and
those who act against this rule of nature are
sufferers by it, as if they had offended the gods,
by practising against their laws.”

“ We agree likewise in this,” said Ischoma-
chus.”—“ Then,” Socrates replied, “ I perceive
that mankind consent to the order of nature,

670

which is the will of the gods; as, for ex-
ample, every one thinks it convenient to wear
furred gowns and warm clothes in the winter,
and then also to make a good fire, if he can
get wood.” But there are many,” said Is-
chomachus, “ who vary in their opinions con-
cerning the time of sowing; some will sow
sooner, others later.”—‘* There is good reason
for that,” replied Socrates, ‘ for the gods do
not always give us the same kind of weather
one year as another. Therefore it is some-
times best to sow early, and at other times it
is better to sow late.”—“I allow what you
say,” said Ischomachus: “ but whether is it
best to sow much seed, or little ?”>—** I am of
opinion,” answered Socrates, “that it is best
to allow seed enough, and distribute it truly
and equally upon the ground: but one may
sow the seed too thick, as well as employ too
small a quantity of it."—‘‘ I agree with you,”
said Ischomachus, ‘‘in this point.”—* I ima-
gine,” said Socrates, “there is a great art in
sowing.”—“ It is surely so,” replied Ischoma-
chus; “for there are many sorts of grain, and
all of them must be cast upon the ground by a
man’s hand.”—“ I have seen that,” said Socra-
tes.—“ But some men,” replied Ischomachus,
‘can cast it even, and distribute it equally upon
the ground, and others cannot.”—* Then, 1
suppose,” said Socrates, “that the skill in
sowing the seeds depends upon the frequent
practice and exercise of the hand; as those
who play upon the harp, or other instruments
of music, must keep their hands continually in
practice, that their fingers may readily follow
their mind.”—‘“ You reason well,” said Ischo-
machus: “ but supfose the ground is light and
open, or suppose it is stiff and heavy ?”—
«“ What would you have me understand by
that ?” said Socrates: “do you not take the
lighter ground to be the weakest, and the
heavy ground to be the strongest ?”?—‘ I am
of that opinion,” said Ischédmachus.—“ I would
then fain know of you,” said Socrates, “ whe-
ther you would allow the same quantity of
seed to one kind of ground as you would to
another, or whether you make any difference ?”
—‘“ You know, good Socrates,” said Ischoma-
chus, “that it is as natural to put the most
water to the strongest wines, and the stronger
aman is, the greater burden he may carry; so
some men are nourished with a very spare
diet, while others require a greater share of
nourishment: the same ought to be considered

THE SCIENCE OF

in our present case.”——** Will not the ground,”
said Socrates, “grow more strong by the more
use, as horses and mules are thought to do?”
—‘ This 1 take as a jest,” said Ischomachus:
“but what I think necessary to acquaint you
of, is, that you sow your grain when the
ground is moist, and has the best advantage of
the air; and when the eorn is come up, and is
high in the blade, if you then turn it into the
ground with a plough, it will greatly enrich the
land, and give it as much strength as a good
dunging would do: and we must also remark, .
that if we continue to sow for a long space
the same sort of grain upon any ground, but
upon that especially which is weak or over-
charged with seed, it will impoverish the
ground, and wear it out of heart. We may
compare this to a sow which suckles many pigs,
and sustains them till they grow large; the
more pigs she suckles, the more will she be
weakened.”—“‘ You intimate by this,” said
Socrates, “ that one ought to sow the smaller
quantity of grain upon the weakest soil.” —“ It
is true,’ replied Ischomachus, “and is what
we have partly agreed on before, that to over-
burden ground with seeds or corn, is the
ready way to weaken it.”—‘ But for what
reason, good Ischomachus, do you make ditches
or thorows in the corn fields ?”—“ You know
very well,” replied Ischomachus, “the winter
is subject to wet weather.” —‘“ What mean you
by that?” said Socrates.—‘ When the rains
fall in great quantity,” replied Ischomachus,
“the wet is apt to do great damage to corn;
for sometimes our corn fields are incommoded
with waters, and the corn, in some of its parts,
smothered with mud ; and besides, the roots of
the corn in other places will be washed bare;
the waters also carry the seeds of weeds to the
lower parts of the ground, and by that means
fill the corn with weeds.”—*‘ I presume,” said
Socrates, “what you say is agreeable to rea-
son.”—-“ And do you think,”’ said Ischoma-
chus, “that corn which is subject to these
inconveniences ought not to be assisted ?”—
ἐς Undoubtedly,” answered Socrates.“ Then
what shall we do,” said Ischomachus, “ to pre-
vent the waters from covering the corn with
mud ?”—** J find then,” said Socrates, ‘it is
proper to ease the ground from wet to secure
the corn.” —* But,” said Ischomachus, “if the
roots of the corm should be laid bare, and the
earth about them worn away ?”—* Then I
suppose,” continued he, “the best way to

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

remedy that, is to find some means of cover-
ing the roots with earth, that they may be well
nourished.”—“ But if the weeds, which may
come up by this management,” replied Socra-
tes, “should suck up, or destroy the nourish-
ment which the corn ought to receive, like the
‘drone-bees in a hive, who are of no value in
themselves, and yet live upon the industry of
the working bees, and destroy the provisions
which they have laid up to be manufactured
into wax and honey.”—“ The weeds,” replied
Socrates, “should then be plucked up, as the
drones in a hive are killed and discharged
from it.”—“ Do you think then,” said Ischo-
machus, *‘that water-thorows, or trenches in
the ground to draw off the water, are not good
to save corn ?”—“‘ I see now the use of simi-
les,” said Socrates ; “for there is nothing can
instruct me so much as similes; foreby them
you have learned me to know the disadvantage
of weeds among corn, as well as instructed me
that drones are not always advantageous to
bees.

XVIII. “ But now I desire of you, dear
Ischomachus, to tell me what is the business
of harvest ?”—“ This,” replied Ischomachus,
1 shall be ready to do, if you are not already
as wise as myself. I suppose,” continued he,
“you have heard that corn must be reaped ?” —
“ Certainly,” said Socrates; “but I am im-
patient till you proceed to inform me what are
your sentiments in the affair of reaping, or
getting in the harvest.” Which do you
think, good Socrates, we ought to do;—to
stand to reap with the wind, or to reap against
it ?”—** I suppose,” said Socrates, “it would
be improper to reap against the wind, for it
would increase the labour; it would hurt the
eyes, and be likewise more difficult to the
hands ; for we sometimes meet with corn that
is laid or beat down by the wind.”—“ And
then,” replied Ischomachus, “how will you
cut it? will you cut the tops only? or cut it
close to the ground 3"--- If the straw is short,”
replied Socrates, “I would cut it near the
ground, for the advantage of the straw; but if
the straw is very long, then I would rather
cut it about the middle, for two reasons. In
the first place, because the corn will be sepa-
rated more easily from the straw: and in the
next place, the remaining straw, if it is burned,
will enrich the ground very much; or if it is
afterwards cut and mixed with dung, it will
increase it.” Good Socrates, your discourse,”

671

said Ischomachus, “ shows me plainly, that you
understand reaping as well as I do.”—“ As
you agree with me,” said Socrates, “in what
I say concerning reaping, I suppose I am right
in my argument; but let me now see if I un-
derstand how to separate the corn from the
straw.”—“ You know, undoubtedly,” said Is-
chomachus, “that horses do that work.”—«I
am sensible,” said Socrates, “that it is not
only horses that separate corn from the straw,
by treading upon it, but asses and oxen also
are used on the same occasion.”—“ But how
do you think, good Socrates,” said Ischoma-
chus, “that horses, or the other creatures you
speak of, can so equally tread the corn as to
get it all clear of the straw?”!—“ The men
who have the care of this work,” said Socrates,
“take care to stir the corn as they see occa-
sion, that it may be all equally separated from
the straw, flinging into the way of the cattle’s
feet such corn as they observe to lie still in
the straw.”—“ I perceive,” said Ischomachus,
*‘that you understand this part of husbandry
as well as myself.”—“‘ In the next place,” said
Socrates, “let us examine how we ought to
clean corn from the husk or chaff.”—* 1 sup-
pose,” said Ischomachus, “ you know that if
you begin to winnow your corn on that side of
the winnowing place which is next the wind,
the chaff will be scattered all over the winnow-
ing floor ?”—* It must certainly be so,” said
Socrates.—“ And it must also fall upon the
corn,” said Ischomachus.—“ This,” said So-
crates, “is certain; but it is the skill of a
good husbandman to winnow his corn in such
a manner that the chaff may fly from it, and be
carried to its proper place.”—“ But when you
have cleaned the corn,” said Ischomachus, “as
far as the middle of the winnowing place, will
you rather let it remain there, or carry the
clean corn to another place where you design
to lodge it 3 -π When I have a sufficient quan-
tity of corn clean,” said Socrates, “" I would set
that by; lest, in cleaning the rest, the corn I
have already cleaned, and lies scattered abroad
upon the floor, should partake of the chaff
from the corn that is cleaning, and then I shail
be obliged to do my work twice over.”— I
find, good Socrates,” said Ischomachus, “ that
you are sufficiently skilled in the manage-

2 It was the method among the ancients, to have the
corn trodden out by cattle, for the flail is a modern in-
vention.

672

ment of corn, even to the cleaning of it,
for the markets; and I am of opinion, that
you are well able to instruct, rather than to
be instructed. In my discourse with you on
this branch of husbandry, I find that I have
yet some remembrance of the management of
corn. If there is no more in it than what we
have mentioned, I knew as much of it many
years ago. And now 1 recollect that once I
could play upon the harp, and the flute, could
paint, and carve, and knew many other scien-
ces, and yet I never had a master to teach me
any of these sciences, no more than I had one
to instruct me in this branch of husbandry :
but I have seen men work as well in the scien-
ces I speak of as in husbandry. You are
satisfied,” said Ischomachns, “that husbandry
is a pleasant science, and that it is easy to
learn.”

XIX. “I am persuaded,” said Socrates,
“that I now understand, and have long since
known, the business of sowing and reaping of
corn. But I was not certain in my judgment,
till I had the opportunity of conversing with you
about it: but I desire you to tell me, whether
setting of trees is any part of husbandry ?”
—< Yes,” replied Ischomachus.—* Then,” said
Socrates, “though I know something relating
to sowing and cleaning of corn, yet I doubt I
am ignorant in the business of planting of trees.”
—<‘‘ I guess,” said Ischomachus, ‘ you have as
much knowledge in the one as in the other.”
—‘Imust certainly be ignorant,” said Socrates,
“in the art of planting trees, because I do not
know what sort of earth a tree should be
planted in, nor what depth, nor of what size
the tree should be : nor yet, when it is planted,
what is the best means to make it grow.” —“ I
am ready to instruct you,” said Ischomachus,
‘in any thing you are ignorant of. Have you
observed, good Socrates, what holes or pits are
commonly made to plant trees in?”—*“I have
observed that very often,” said Socrates. “Have
you ever observed these deeper,” said Ischo-
machus, “than three feet ?”—‘* No,” replied
Socrates, “nur yet more than two feet and a
half.” And the breadth of the trench which
is made for planting a tree, did you ever ob-
serve that ?” said Ischomachus; “for by such
inquiries you may guess at the size of the trees
which are fit to be transplanted.” —“ I never,”
said Socrates, “ saw any wider than two feet
and a half.” —‘“* And have you ever seen any
shallower than two feet?” said Ischomachus.

THE SCIENCE OF

“1 have not observed,” said Socrates, “any of
those trenches which are dug for planting trees
less than two feet and a half deep; for if the
trees were to be set shallow, the summer heats
would soon make them wither, and scorch the
roots.”— Then I suppose,” said Ischomachus,
“that your opinion is, that the trenches or
holes, which are to be dug for planting of trees,
ought to be no deeper than two feet and a
half, and just as much over ?”-—*I guess,”
said Socrates, “they should be so.”—** But do
you consider the nature of the ground,” said
Ischomachus, ‘and make the proper differen--
ces—which is dry, and which is wet ?”—‘* The
ground,” said Socrates, “ which lies about Li-
cabectus, I call dry ground; and the ground
about Phalericus I call wet ground, for that is
a marsh.”—“] then desire to know,” said
Ischomachus, ‘‘ whether you would plant irees
deeper, or shallower, in wet than in dry soil ?”
—‘‘ My opinion is,” said Socrates “ that in the
dry ground we ought to dig the trenches the
deeper, for in wet ground we shall soon come
to the water, and I do not think it convenient
to plant trees deep in such wet places.” —* You
argue very rightly,” said Ischomachus; “ but
do you know, good Socrates,” continued he,
“when you have the choice of these grounds,
which are those trees which are most proper to
plant in them ?”—* I think J do,” said Socrates.
—‘ And do you think,” replied Ischomachus,
‘«‘that when you set a tree to the best advantage,
it will be best to plant it in such earth as has
been made very fine by working, or in such as
has not been made loose and open by culture ?”
— Τὸ is my opinion,” said Socrates, “that a
tree planted in well-loosened earth will prosper
much better than in that which has been un-
cultivated.”—*“‘ Do you allow, then,” said
Ischomachus, “that the earth ought to be fine
and prepared on this occasion ?”—“ 1 guess it
should be so,” said Socrates. —‘“ But concern-
ing the branch or cutting of a vine, when you
plant it,” continued Ischomachus, “will it
grow better if you set it upright in the ground,
or lay it along in the earth?” |“ Certainly,”
said Socrates, “it will grow the stronger if we
plant it, or lay it lengthwise in the ground ; for
the more roots it gains, the greater strength it

1 The laying the cuttings of vines lengthwise in the
ground, is the French way now practised ; for they
strike root at every joint; and the more joints they
have the more roots they get, and the stronger shoots
they make.

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

will have in its shoots.”—‘* We are both
of one opinion,’ said Ischomachus. ‘ But
when you plant one of these cuttings or
branches of vines, would you leave it with
the earth loose about it, or tread it hard over
the part of the cutting which you bury ?”—“ I
am of the opinion,’ said Socrates, “that it is
best to tread down the earth very close about
it, for else the ground would lie so hollow all
round, that the air and moisture would come
uneyually to it, and rot and spoil the roots ; or
else the sun’s heat would too soon reach it, and
prove of as bad consequence.”—* So far we
are of one opinion,” said Ischomachus.—“ And
must I plant or raise a fig-tree,” answered So-
crates, “as I do the vines ?”—“ I suppose so,”
said Ischomachus ; “for he who is master of
the art of raising vines, may as well raise figs,
or most sorts of trees.”—<“ But is there
not,” replied Socrates, “something particular
in the propagating of olive-trees ?” ‘‘ You may
observe that,” said Ischomachus, “on every
highway side, when we set a large truncheon
of an olive-tree, we dig deep holes, and plant
them very deep in the ground, covering the top
of the truncheon with clay, and yet we do not
find that any other trees or plants are covered
in this manner.”—<‘ I know this,” replied So-
erates, “for I have often seen: it.”—‘ Surely
then,” answered Ischomachus, “when you
have seen an experiment, you must remem-
ber it ; and especially in this common case you
know that it is not sufficient to put clay over
the large top of the olive truncheon, but also to
coyer-the clay close with a shell.’”

« All that you have said relating to this, I
likewise know perfectly,” said Socrates: ‘ but
when we began to discourse whether I under-
stood the planting of trees, I was not satisfied
whether I was sure of the right method: and
when you came to the particulars, I gave you
my opinion: freely; and it happened to agree
with you, who of all men upon the face of the
earth are esteemed the most perfect husband-
man. I am happy, good Ischomachus,” con-
tinued Socrates, “in what you have taught me,
which by degrees I brought you to do: you
have taught me every particular of good hus-

1 In the modern practice we find it necessary to keep
out the air and rain from those large incisions, or places
which have suffered amputation, by soft wax, or such
vegetable mummies as I have taught Mr Whitmill to
make and sell, The shell over the clay is, I suppose,
put there to keep out the wet and ill weather.

679

bandry ; and have led me, by your instructions
in those things I did not understand, to those
that I find I have some knowledge in ; and, by
your easy way of reasoning, I shall be capable
of remembering every thing you have laid be-
fore me.”—* Do you believe,” said Ischoma-
chus, “ that if I were to discourse with you
concerning the goodness and fineness of silver
and gold, that you could answer as pertinently
as you haye done to the affair of husbandry ? or
if I were to ask you concerning music and
painting, do you think that you could reason

about them so well as you have done in hus-

bandry ?”—“« I think so,” said Socrates; “ for
you have satisfied me that I am not ignorant in
husbandry, and yet I never had any master toin-
struct me in it.”—“* You may remember,” said
Ischomachus, “ that in this discourse I told
you that husbandry was easily learned by a
little observation and conversation; for the
practice of it teaches us many particulars, which
no master can ever teach us, or would ever
have thought on. In the first place, the vine
will, of its own accord, run up trees, if there
are any near it. This natural disposition in
the vine shows us, that we ought to sustain the
vine with props. Again: we observe that it
spreads its leaves abroad the most at that time
of the year when its fruit is in its growth;
which shows us, that the fruit, during its
growth, should be shaded from the too scoreh-
ing rays of the sun. And again, we may ob-
serve, that about the time when grapes ripen,
the leaves shrink, and lay the fruit more open
to the sun, that they may ripen the better: so
it appears that shade is necessary to help
the growth of fruit, and a full sun is natural to
the good ripening of fruit. And also when we
see the vine full of clusters, we find some ripe,
and others green ; then let the ripe clusters be
gathered, for otherwise they would spoil and
rot, as it is in the fruit of the fig-tree ; gather
those which you perceive are completely ripe,
lest they drop and are lost.”

XX. “ It is surprising to me,” said Socrates,
“that seeing husbandry is so easy to learn, we
find such a vast difference among the husband-
men: some we may observe to be very rich,
while others have hardly bread to eat.”—To
this Ischomachus replied: ‘ It is not the want
of knowledge which makes the poor husband-
man, for both the rich and the poor may
have the same knowledge in sowing or planting,
or in the virtue of the soil, and what is best

4

674

to plant upon it, and in the ordering of
vines, or that ground is improved by fallowing
and by manuring: but that which makes
some farmers poor and some rich, is because
the first are negligent and lazy, and the
latter are industrious and thrifty. The poor
farmers often lose the profit of a year by ne-
glecting to make proper provision either by
fallowing, manuring, or sowing; nor has he any
wine through his neglect in planting of vines, or
taking care to prune and dress those vines he
has already: such a man has neither oil, nor
figs, for he neglects the care of his tree. It is
for these causes, good Socrates, that you find
one farmer richer than another; for the know-
ledge of farming, or any thing else, is of no
service or advantage, if it is not industriously
practised. And so among generals of armies,
it is likely that they all understand their busi-
ness, but yet we perceive that some of them
gain more honour and more riches than others.
Their case is like that of the husbandmen ;
the industrious are always gainers, while the
negligent always-come off losers. If a general
leads an army through an enemy’s country, and
be discreet and careful, he will march his for-
ces in good order, and be vigilant ; so that upon
any occasion he is prepared for battle ; and yet
there are some generals who know these things,
and do not act with that care, which ever
brings them either honour or profit. All
these are convinced that there is a necessity of
keeping watches, and sending out scouts to
reconnoitre the enemy, or observe their motion ;
but yet some neglect this business, and lose
themselves by it. So likewise we all know
that manuring the ground is necessary; but
yet some are negligent, and never employ
themselves about it, though it may as well be
done by turning of cattle into it, as by other
means. Some farmers use all their industry to
gather together all the sorts of manures they
can find; and others, though they might as
well enrich their ground by the same means,
yet never set their minds about it. The rain
falls in hollow places, and remains there to the
injury of-the ground ; and where this happens,
it shows the carelessness of the farmer; the
weeds which rise on this occasion are witnesses

of his negligence ; for the diligent farmer always.

takes care to lay his ground in good order, aud
to clear it of weeds; and the very weeds he
pulls up reward him for that work; for if he
cast these weeds into a pit of water, and let

THE SCIENCE OF

them rot there, they will produce as good
manure as dung itself. For there are no herbs
or plants which will rot by lying in water, that
will not make good manure for land; nor is
there any sort of earth which will not make —
very rich manure, by being laid a due time in
a standing water, till it is fully'impregnated
with the virtue of the water.! We may yet
remark further, that if the ground be too wet
to sow upon, or too surly or sour to piant in,
there is still a remedy for it: if it be wet, we
may drain it by ditches or thorows ; and if the
ground be stiff and sour, mix it with such things
as are light and dry, or of a contrary nature to
the soil. We find some husbandmen haye
regard to this, and some have no thought of it,
and throw away: those things which might
prove to their profit. But suppose we were
to know nothing of ground, or what it would
bring forth, or can see neither tree nor plant
upon it; nor have the opportunity of consult-
ing, or learning, from some experienced hus-
bandman, the worth of the ground; may we
not satisfy ourselves at a very easy rate, by
trying what it will bear or bring forth, in making
a few experiments upon it? Is not this more
easy than to experience what a horse or a man
is? for in all that we can discover by our ex-
periments upon soils, we are sure of the truth
of what we see; there is no dissimulation:
therefore the ground is the best master or
director for the husbandman, in showing him
what things are proper for it, and what are the
contrary; and it gives us satisfactory proofs
who among the farmers are diligent and dis-
cerning, and who are not. For the science of
husbandry is not like other sciences, or trades
or callings; for in them the artificers may ex-
cuse themselves by saying they wanted skill in
what they wanted to undertake ; but husbandry,
we know, is within the compass of every man’s
knowledge ; so that whenever we see that the
ground is tilled and sown, it will always pro-
duce something beneficial, and is the most
pleasant of all others ; and therefore I suppose
it is that husbandry, above all other sciences,
encourages men to practise it: and besides,

1 This is a remark very well worthy our observation,
especially where manures are scarce. As for the com-
mon notion, that weeds will breed weeds, itis an error,
unless we suppose that weeds have their seeds ripe
when we use them on this occasion ; and as for earth
being laid in water for a manure, it is much more bene-
ficial to lands than the Cleaning of ponds and ditches.

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

this 15 preferable to all others, because every
man, who has the least regard to himself,
must surely know that no man‘ can live
without necessaries : and what does not this
produce? We may therefore know, that those
who will not learn such sciences as they might
get their living by, or do not fall into husban-
dry, are either downright fools, or else propose
to get their living by robbery or by begging.
But we will suppose that some of the husband-
men we speak of, are such as employ deputies
or bailiffs to look over their workmen; and
the overseers of some do right, and the greater
part do wrong. Those who do right will take
care to see their work done in season ; but the
negligent steward will not keep his workmen
to their business ; he will let them leave their
business when they think convenient, without
regard to his master’s profit. And to com-
pare the diligent and careless steward, there
will be the difference, that he who sets his
people to work regularly, and keeps them em-
ployed, gains half as much more as the man
who is careless of his labourers: it is like two
men who are sent out to travel fifty miles,
who are both equally strong and in health; the
man who is the most industrious shall perform
his day’s journey to the utmost of his power,
and lose no time; while the other stops at
every spring, at every shade, and at every
refreshment he can get, and loses so much in
his progress, that though they both run and
walk alike, the lazy and negligent man makes
two days of the same length that the industri-
ous man makes in one day: so, in all sorts of
works, there is a great deal of difference be-
tween the man who sets himself heartily about
his business, and him who is careless and does
not regard his- work ; for when these last hap-
pen to weed or clean the vines at such an im-
proper season that the weeds spring again,
they rather spoil than mend their vineyards :
their absolute neglect would have been more
excusable. Such errors as these are the oc-
casion why many farmers are sufferers. A
man who has a large family, and is at great
expenses for the maintenance of his house, if
he cannot get enough by his rents and by his
husbandry to find him and his people with
necessaries, must certainly come to poverty.
But such as are diligent, and apply themselves
to husbandry, will as certainly increase their
substance, and may easily grow rich. I re-
member my father had an excellent rule, which

675

he advised me to follow; that if ever £ bought
any land, I should by no means purchase that
which had been already well improved, but
should choose such as had never been tilled ;
either through the neglect of the owner, or for
want of capacity to do it: for he observed,
that if I was to purchase improved grounds, I
must pay a high price for them, and then 1
could not propose to advance their value, and
must also lose the pleasure of improving them
myself, or seeing them thrive better by my
endeavours. It was my father’s opinion, that
both land and cattle, with good management
and industry, would doubly improve, and re-
ward the master, and be no less pleasant than
profitable to him. There is nothing which
brings us a better return for our care and
labour, than such ground as has lain a long
time without culture; nor is there any thing
so agreeable and pleasant, as to observe the
good use such lands make of the industry and
labour we bestow on them. Nothing rewards
our labours so much as these; and I assure
you,” continued Ischomachus, “that I have
often brought such land, as had never pro-
duced any thing of value, to bring such crops
as were twice as much worth as the price I
gave for the ground. This, I suppose, you
will remember, and teach to those who fall
into the way of your instructions. I may
observe to you also, good Socrates, that my
father neither learned this, nor any other
branch of husbandry, from any one; bis ge-
nius led him to study the reason of it, and
even to assist in the working part; for he de-
lighted extremely to see the reward of his own
labour and industry, and well knew that he
could never expect so great a return from cul-
tivated and improved grounds, as from uncul-
tivated lands, which he took in hand. I be-
lieve, good Socrates, that you have heard of
my father’s excellence in husbandry above all
the Athenians, and of his natural bent of
fancy towards it.”—-Then Socrates replied:
“ Tell me, good Ischomachus, did your father,
when he had improved such parcels of land,
keep them to himself, or sell them to good
advantage ?”—‘* Now and then,” replied Ischo-
machus, “he sold a parcel of land when he
could receive a sufficient advantage for his
improvements ; and immediately bought fresh
unimproved land in the room of it, that he
might enjoy the pleasure of bringing it to
his own mind.”—“ By what I can under-

676

stand,” said Socrates, “" your father was wise
and diligent in the science of husbandry, and
had no less desire towards it, than the corn
merchants have to find out where the best
wheat is to be had; not even scrupling to pass
the roughest seas, or run any other hazard
to gain their intent; and when they have
bought up as much corn as they can pur-

chase, they then immediately despatch it to |

their own houses ; and reserve it in their ware-

houses till they see a good opportunity of

selling it. I suppose then they do not sell it
without consideration, or carelessly dispose of
it at low markets; but are first assured where
they may sell it at the dearest price.” You
seem to banter,” replied Ischomachus ; “ but
can we say the mason is in the wrong who
builds houses and sells them, and perhaps has
afterwards an advantage in repairing or improv-
ing them ?”

X XI. “I am very well persuaded,” said
Socrates, “ from what you say, that your opin-
ion is, every man ought to study that thing
chiefly which may redound the most to his ad-
vantage, with the greatest facility. For, in
the discourse we have had, you have insisted
that husbandry is the science most easily learnt
of any other, and particularly have given proofs

»of its being the most profitable study a man
can pursue: and what you have observed in
your discourse relating to it, has convinced me
that husbandry is as pleasant and profitable as
you represent it.”»—<‘ It is certain, as I have
told you,” replied Ischomachus, “that hus-
bandry is a most delightful and beneficial
study ; and it is assure that it may be greatly
advanced by the application, industry, and good
management of the professors of it: we may
compare it to a galley-:upon the sea, which is
obliged to make its way as far in a day with
oars, as it shouid with sails. We find that
those masters or overseers of the rowers, who
keep them encouraged with good words and
proper rewards, gain so much upon the
good-will of the labourers under their com-
mand, that they even outdo themselves, and
perform almost as much work as double the
number would do of such who are under the
discipline of careless or surly masters: for,
where such evil masters happen to rule over
any sets of people, they never have their work
done with a good-will, nor to the purpose: but
a generous spirit in a master creates a free,
hearty spirit in his servants, which makes them

΄

THE SCIENCE OF

work merrily and heartily, sweating and press-
ing upon one another who shall excel in his
business : so there are likewise some captains,
who are of that ill disposition towards their
soldiers, and use them with that vile barbarity,
that they can never gain their will to perform
any thing for their service either in peace or
war ; and in time of war especially, rather than
assist, will expose their captains to the utmost
danger. Nor can such leaders ever bring the.
men under their commission to be ashamed of
any thing they do, even though they commit
the worst actions ; for the unmerciful or care-
less officer hardens the soldiers, that they have
neither a regard for right or wrong: but there
are other captains, who have discretion and
prudence enough to manage their soldiers with
so much good order, and gain so much upon
their affections, that if these were to have the
command of the same which we have been
speaking of, would bring them to duty, and to
act as one man in their officers’ defence and
service, in time of necessity ; and instruct them
to be ashamed of every thing that is base or
dishonourable ; exciting them to diligence, and
to work with good will in such things as are
becoming them to do, praising their labours,
and rewarding them on all occasions. Such
rule and management gains the captain victory
and honour ; for it is not only the business of
the soldier to learn to draw the bow, or throw
the javelin, but to know how and when to obey
the word of command : and nothing will bring
them sooner to this, than to gain their love
and affection ; for the general or captain who
has good sense enough to gain the good esteem
of the men under his command, may lead them
through the greatest dangers. It is, therefore,
such generals as have good generosity and dis-
cretion, who, in the management of their sol-
diers, commonly gain the characters_of valiant
and expert officers: for, though the number of
the soldiers contribute to gain the battle, yet
without the commanding officer gives them
good instructions, and gains their love and
affection to him, they never act to the purpose ;
nor can their captain gain any reputation by
them ; so that the great name is rather gained
by wisdom and prudence, than by labour and
strength of body: and it is no-less to be ob-
served in the science of husbandry, or other
sciences, that those stewards, who have discre-
tion and generosity enough to gain the good-
will of the men they employ, such will always

GOOD HUSBANDRY.

find their work well done, and increase their
riches. But if a master, or his overseer, be
careless, and at the same time has the power
of rewarding and punishing those under his di-
rection, and, when he views his workmen, does
not make them sensible, either one way or
other, of his authority; whenever he comes,
or goes, it is the same thing to them; they
work or play at their discretion. Such a one
is very little worth the regard of any man : but
the man who ought to be admired and valued,
is he, who, when he comes among his servants,
creates in them a pleasant countenance, and
makes them rejoice, every one running or
striving in their business to serve him, and
using all ways to get his praise and love. Such
a man as this is worthy the rank of aking. A
master of any science, as well as husbandry,

677

who has good sense enough to bring his family
to such affection toward him, and good order,
he does not possess this by learning only, but
he must receive his good nature and wisdom
from the gods; he must be born with a gen-
erous nature, which must proceed from the
gods; for I have never yet found the true gift
of government, but it was attended with gen-
erosity. Where these excellent qualities ap-
pear, all under that direction are willing to
obey, and especially if the power of rule be in
the hands of those who are endowed with vir-
tue and temperance : but where a master exer-_
cises himself. in cruelty, or acts in a tyrannical
way, against the good-will and reason of man-
kind, he can never hope for the least ease or
comfort.”

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DISCOURSE

UPON
IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE

OF

ATHENS.

TRANSLATED

By WALTER MOYLE, Eso.

arate wer so KU zat

τῶ
nant

A

DISCOURSE

UPON

IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE

ATH

OF

ENS.

I atways held it for a certain maxim, that go-
vernments resembled their governors, and that
the prosperity or declension, the vigour or de-
cay of all states, was derived from the virtues
and vices, the abilities or weakness of their
rulers: but since it is generally alleged in vin-
dication of the Athenian ministry, that they un-
derstand the common principles of justice as well
as the rest of mankind, but that they are com-
pelled by the necessities! of the common people
to oppress their confederate’ cities with unrea-
sonable tributes and taxes: I have attempted
to examine whether this apology is well ground-
ed, and whether they are not capable by native
riches, and revenue of the state of Athens, to

>

1 Διὼ δὲ τὴν τοῦ πλήθους πενίαν. The state of Athens
was at a great charge in maintaining the common
people. They were allowed three oboli a man for every
cause they judged; and this pension was called the
τροιώξολον δικάστικον : Lucian in bis accusato. And some
days mauy thousands received this pension.

The ϑεώρισοον was an allowance of two oboli a-piece, to
pay for the sight of public shows. Liban in argu.
Olyn. prime.

The ἐχκλησιάστιξον was an obolus a-piece, paid them
every time they assembled, Jull. Poll. 1. 6. c. 9; and this
pension was afterwards increased to three oboli. Besides,
all maimed and disabled citizens had a pension of two
oboli aday. Harpocrat. in verbo ἀδύνωτοι-.

2 Xenophon says only περὶ τὰς πόλεις, but the word
συμμαχίδοως is plainly understood, as appears from the
sequel of this discourse, and Xenophon’s treatise of the
government of Athens. This tax upon the confederates
was at first but 460 talents, but it was afterwards ad-
vanced to 1300. Plutare. in vita Aristidis. This tribute
was so burdensome, that it provoked the confederates
to frequent revolts.

maintain the whole body of our people, which
is the justest and most honourable provision
can be thought of: for I imagine if such a de-
sign could be compassed, that the wants of
the people would be more effectually relieved,
and the jealousies and suspicions of our neigh-
bours would be quieted.

Upon a general view of the whole matter, it
appeared to me that the Athenian territory
is capable of affording a mighty income and
revenue, the truth of which assertion may be
easily evinced by a brief survey of the state and
nature of the country.

The fruits of the earth, and native products
of our soil, are a proof of the temperature of
our climate and the mildness of cur seasons ;
for we have plants which bear in great abund-
ance in our country, which will never grow in
others ; and our sea, as well as land, abounds
in all things necessary for life, or luxury: add
to this, that all the blessings which the gods
have made peculiar to the different seasons of
the year, begin earlier, and end later with us,
than in any part of the world.

Besides the vast plenty we enjoy of perish-
able goods, our soil affords us some staple and
permanent commodities, such as our noble
quarries of marble, out of which are drawn the
best materials for the building and ornamenting
of temples, and for the altars and statues of the
gods, and which both the Greeks and barbar-
ous nations set a high value upon.

And where the soil is too barren to receive

the common improyements of husbandry, it ©
4 ἢ

682 REVENUE OF THE

contains hidden treasures, which will feed a
much greater number of mouths than any arable
lands can do: for the Divine Bounty has be-
stowed upon us inexhaustible mines of silver,
an advantage which we enjoy above all our
neighbouring cities by sea and land, who never
yet could discover one vein of silver ore in all
their dominions.

We have reason likewise to believe that
Athens is seated in the centre of Greece, and
the habitable world ; for all nations are incom-
moded with more intense degrees of heat or
cold in proportion to their (northern or south-
ern) distance from us ; and that we lie in the
heart of Greece is evident, for all travellers,
that pass by sea or land, from one extremity
of Greece to the other, must take Athens in
their way.

And though Attica is no island, yet we have
the same benefit of trading with all winds, for
we are bounded on two sides by the sea, and
by being joined to the continent we have the
convenience of driving on an inland traffic.

Other cities lie exposed to the fury of bar-
barous nations, but we are so far from having
so ill a neighbourhood, that the states which
border immediately upon us, lie at a remote
distance from them.

To all those advantages which conspire to
the felicity and greatness of our state, and which
we owe to the happy situation, and the native
wealth of our country, a mighty improvement
might be made by the institution of public laws,
in favour of strangers who establish themselves
among us; for besides the general benefits de-
rived to all cities from numbers of people, our
strangers would be so far from living on the
public, and receiving pensions from the state as
our own citizens do, that they would maintain
themselves, and be the foundation of the noblest
branch of our revenue by the payment of the
aliens’ duties.’

1 Μετοίκιον, aliens’ duties. 'Phis was an auhual tribute
paid by the aliens, of twelve drachmas fer every man,
and six for every woman. Harpocraf, in ¥ fsbo μετοίκιον.
The number of the aliens amounted ΦΌΒΟΙ to 10,000.
Originally at Athens there was no distinction vetween
strangers and natives, for all foreigners were nataralized
promiscuously, Thucyd. |. 1. c. 2. Thus! the Platzans
were naturalized at once, Thucyd. 1. 3. ¢. 55; and this
custom was the foundation of their future greatness.
But as the city grew more populous, they grew more
sparing of this favour. Scholi. Thucyd 1. 1. ¢. 2; and this
privilege was given to such only as had deserved it by

An effectual inducement to the settlement.
of foreigners among us might be established, by
taking off all those public marks of dishonour
from them which are of no service, nor adval-
tage to the state, and by excusing them from
serving among our heavy-armed troops ; for an
exemption from the dangers of war, and from
the necessity of being absent from their families,
and trades,? would be a very powerful encour-
agement.

It is likewise the interest of the common-
wealth, rather to fight our battles with our own
troops, than to keep up in our armies, a mixture
of Lydians, Phrygians, and Syrians, and all kinds
of barbarous nations, out of whom the greatest
number of our aliens are composed.

Besides the advantage of avoiding the con-
fusion such a mixture of troops produces, it
would be more for our reputation abroad, to
trust the fortune of our state to the courage
and valour of our own citizens, than in the hands
of foreigners.

Besides all other proper encouragement to
strangers, the privilege of being enrolled®
among our horse, would more warmly. unite
them in our interests, and prove a solid foun-
dation of strength and greatness to. the state.

It would be likewise a strong inducement to
greater numbers of considerable strangers to
plant among us, if we gave the waste ground
within our walls to be built on by such of them
as deserved and desired it of the public.

The institution of a new magistracy,® like
the public guardians® of our orphans, for pro-
tection and security of strangers, with rewards
of honours and dignities to those, who, by their

some extraordinary service to the state. Demost.
oratio contra Neweram.

2 Τέχνων, not τέκνων. The Basil edition reads it right ;
for most part of the mechanic and handicraft trades were
carried on by the aliens at Athens. Xenoph. de Polit.
Athen.

3 Tod ἱππικοῦ, Xenophon explains this passage in his
Hipparchicus, where he advises the state to enrol aliens .
among their horse. Besides the dignity of the horse-
service, there was a considerable pay in peace and war
allowed them. Ulpranus in Timocratem. Xenoph. in
Hippar.

4 See Thucydides’ history of the Peloponnesian war,
book 2. chap. 17.

5 Μετοικοφύλωκεςς. Every alien by the Jaws of
Athens, was obliged to choose a private patron among
the citizens. Harpocration in verbo ὡροστάτης. But here
Xenophon proposes public patrons for the whole body
of the aliens.

6 ᾿Ορφανοφύλακες, Vide Demosthen. contra Macar-
tatum

STATE OF ATHENS.

care and industry, procured the most numerous
settlements of foreigners among us, would gain
the affections of the aliens, and have a very
happy effect, in drawing a vast concourse of
exiles 7 and strangers to live under the protection
of our government, and augment our public
revenue.

III. That of all cities, Athens lies the fairest
for inviting an extended commerce, is evident
from the convenience of our stations and har-
bours, where ships can ride secure in all
weather. And whereas in other trading cities
merchants are forced to barter one commodity
for another, in regard their coin is not current
abroad, we abound not only in manufactures,
and products of our own growth, sufficient to
answer the demands of all foreign traders, but
in case they refused to export our goods, in re-
turn for their own, they may trade with us to
advantage, by receiving silver in exchange for
them, which transported to any other market,
would pass for more than they took it for at
Athens. °

It would be a great encouragement to com-
merce, if prizes and rewards were allotted to
such judges of the court-merchant,*’ as made
the quickest and justest determination of all
causes relating to trade, that the merchant
might not lose the benefit of his market by an
attendance upon the courts of justice.

It would be likewise for the honour and ad-
vantage of the public, to give the first rank ”

7 ᾿Απόλιδες. Men whose cities have been destroyed.

8 Πανταχοῦ πλεῖον τοῦ ἀεχίου λαμβάνουσιν. The mean-
ing of Xenophon is that the Athenian money was more
valuable abroad than the coin of any other nation, be-
cause it was of finer silver. For it is impossible thatan
ounce of Athenian silver should be worth more in specie
than an ounce of other silver of the same fineness.
* Sensus moresque repugnant atque ipsa utilitas.’

A table of the Attic coins reduced to the value of

English money.

eat. ἃ.
The obolus was equal to 00 =
The triepolus was three oboli, and made 0 0 3
The drachma was six oboli, and made 0 0 7
The mina was an handred drachmas, and made a 2S
The common Attic talent consisted of 60 ae 187 10 0

which amounts in our money to

These are the common Attic coins, which are most
frequently mentioned by their writers, and which I
have reduced to our English money, to make way for
the easier understanding of this discourse.

9 Tot ἐμπορίου ἀεχή. This court of judicature was
probably the same with the ναυτοδίπαι, mentioned by
Suidas and Hesychius, in verbo vevrodizes.

10 Πεοεδείαις τιμξσϑα:. This was a right of prece-

683

and precedence in all public places to foreign
seamen, and merchants, and to invite to the
public feasts of the city, such of them as by
their ships or commodities do service to the
state; for this distinction of honour, as well as
the consideration of their own profit, would
invite them to make quick returns from their
voyages to so friendly a government.

And it is manifest beyond all contradiction,
that our trade and commerce would be extend-
ed, our exportations and importations increased,
and the standing income and revenue of the
state improved, in proportion to the number of
foreign seamen, and merchants of all kinds
that establish themselves among us.

To the improvement of these articles of our
revenue, nothing more is required than a gen-
erous lenity and indulgence in our public laws,
and a universal encouragement and protection
to strangers. But the improvements that may
be added by other methods to advance our
standing income, will of necessity require a
settlement of some public fund. "

And I have good grounds to believe that
the people will make large contributions in
favour of such a public undertaking, when I
consider what sums they advanced when we sent
succours to the Arcadians under the command
of Lysistratus, and likewise of Hegesilaus.”

How often have we set out squadrons of galleys
by extraordinary subsidies, without any certain
prospect of advantage to the state? but this
we were all sure of, that no particular contri-
butor would ever be repaid the whole, or any
part of his money.

But in the present case no man ean possess
a more honourable or advantageous revenue,
than what he will receive in recompense for
his contribution to this public fund: for a
contributor of ten minz, will receive a trio-
bolon '* a day from the state, which in a year’s

dence in the theatres, senate, assemblies of the people,
and in all public places whatsoever. Schol. Aristoph. in ~
equ. This custom was practised by the Spartans, who
gave this privilege to the Deceleans. Herodotus, lib. 9.
e 72.

11 *“Agegu7, a fund. Harpoc. Hesychius in verbo
ἀφοεμή.

15 Hegesilaus commanded the Athenian trocps sent
to the assistance of the Mantineans at the battle of
Mantinza; which is a proof that this discourse was
written after that battle. Diog. Laer. in Xenoph. Di-
odorus Siculus by mistake calls him Hegelochus.

13 Τριώβολον. Salmasius de modo usurarum thinks
that this was the τειώβολον δικάστικον whirb the people

684

time, amounts to near 20 percent. Thisis a run-
ning income as high as the produce of Nautic’
interest : and a contributor of five mine, will
at the year’s end receive more than a third * part
of the capital sum he advanced: as for the
body of the people, if they pay in one mine
a piece, they will in a year’s time very near
double *their principal money, and be paid in
the city, without any hazard, or contingency,
upon the public faith, which is the most certain,
and most lasting profit.

I am of opinion likewise, that private stran-

received for judging causes. But Xenophon’s computa-
tion plainly confutes this opinion: he says that a con-
tributor of 10 mine, or 1000 drachmas, at the rate of a
triobolus or half adrachma a day, will ina year’s time
receive almost the fifth part of the principal money he
advanced, which is very true, for reckoning (as Xeno-
phon always does in this discourse) 366 days to the year,
the payment of a triobolus a day will amount to 180
drachmz, which is near the fifth part of 1000 drachme.
But the payment of the τριώβολον δικάσετικον could never
amount to this sum, because the holydays, by the con-
fession of Salmasius, took up two months in the year,
and on these days the people never heard causes, so that
30 drachmas must be deducted from 180, which reduces
the sum to 150, which is little more than the seventh
part of 1000, so that Salmasius is mistaken, or Xenophon
was a very loose calculator. The true meaning of the
passage I take to be thus: Xenophon in the following
part of this discourse, in order to make provision for
the citizens, makes a proposal to the state, to buy as
many slaves as would treble the number of their own
citizens, which slaves were to be let out at the rate of
an obolus a day to the adventurers in the mines, which
brought in a revenue of three oboli a day to every
citizen, because the slaves were thrice as many as the
citizens among whom this revenue was to be divided.
And this I take to be the triobolus mentioned by Xen-
ophon, which every citizen was to receive in recompense
for his contribution.

1 It was the highest interest, and is here opposed to
lend interest, which was considerably less; for in the
former the creditor run a greater hazard; for if the
merchant who borrowed the money, employed it in
trade, lost his ship, the creditor lost his money, and
had no right to demand it of the merchant; a trade
somewhat like our bottomry. This interest generally
amounted to 20 per cent, or the fifth part of the princi-
pal per annum. It is true it often varied, and was higher
or ower according to the plenty and scarcity of money,
or the danger and distance of the voyage; but the
general medium may be safely established at 20 per
cent. There are several contracts of money lent upon
Nautic interest, extant in the orations of Demosth.
contra Lacrit. pro Phormi. contra Pant. contra Phormi.

2 Πλεῖον ἣ ἐπίτριτον. More than a third part of the
principal money: for a triobolus a day in a year
makes 180 drachme, which is above the third part of
five mine or 500 drachme. The τόκος ἐπίτριτος was the
highest Nautic interest, and came to above 33 per cent.
‘There is an instance which comes very near this com-
putation, in the Oration of Demosthenes contra Phormi.

3 180 drachme is almost double one mina, or 100
drachmie,

REVENUE OF THE

gers, and foreign cities, kings, and governors,
if they had the honour of being registered to
posterity in our public monuments and records,
as benefactors to the state, would mutually vie
in emulation who should contribute most largely
to the carrying on so generous a design.

The necessary funds being advanced, it
would be for the honour and interest of the
state, to build a greater number of public inns,
and houses of entertainment in our ports, for
the use of seamen, in the trading parts of the
city for merchants, and in general for the
reception of all strangers whatsoever.

And if we build shops, warehouses, and ex-
changes for common retailers, the rents of the
houses would be a great addition to our public
revenues, and the magnificence of the buildings
would be an ornament to the city.

As the public builds galleys for war, so it
might likewise be for the advantage of the state
to make a new experiment, and build merchant
ships for trade, which might be farmed out,
like the other branches of our revenue, upon
good security; for if this design was found
practicable, it would prove a considerable article
in the increase of our public income.

IV. Oursilverminesalone, if rightly managed,
besides all the other branches of our revenue,
would be an inestimable treasure to the public.
But for the benefit of those who are unskilled
in inquiries of this nature, I design to premise
some general considerations upon the true state
and value of our silver-mines, that the public,
upon a right information, may proceed to the
taking such measures and counsels, as may im-
prove to the best advantage.

No one ever pretended from tradition, or the
earliest accounts of time, to determine when.
these mines first began to be wrought, which
is a proof of their antiquity ; and, yet as ancient
as they are, the heaps of rubbish which have
been dug out of them, and lie above ground,
bear no proportion with the vast quantities
which still remain below, nor does there appear
any sensible decay, or diminution in our mines ;
but as we dig on, we still discover fresh veins
of silver-ore in all parts, and when we had most

4 Foreign cities, &c. Foreign states often contributed
to the public buildings of the Greeks. The Rhodians
when their Colossus was overturned by an earthquake,
received contributions from all the neighbouring states
in order to restore it. Polybius, lib. 5. And there are
many inscriptions of such public benefactors extant in
Gruter, and elsewhere.

STATE OF ATHENS.

labourers at work in the mines, we found that
we had still business for more harids than were
employed,

Nor do I find that the adventurers in the
mines retrench the number of their workmen,
but purchase as many new slaves as they can
get; for their gains are greater, or less, in pro-
portion to the number of hands they employ.
And this is the only profession I know of
where the undertakers are never envied, be
their stock or profits ever so extraordinary,
because their gains never interfere with those
of their fellow traders.

Every husbandman knows how many yoke
of oxen and servants are necessary to cultivate
his farm, and if he employs more than he has
occasion for, reckons himself so much a loser ;
but no dealer in the silver mines ever thought
he had hands enow to set to work.

For there is this difference between this,
and all other professions; that whereas in
other callings, for instance, braziers and black-
smiths, when their trades are overstocked, are
undone, because the price of their commodities
is lowered of course, by the multitude of sellers ;
- and likewise a good year of corn, and a plenti-
ful vintage, for the same reason does hurt to
the farmers, and forces them to quit their em-
ployment, and set up public houses, or turn
merchants and bankers.

But here the case is quite otherwise, for the
more ore is found, and the more silver is
wrought, and made, the more adventurers come
in, and the more hands are employed in our
mines.

A master of a family indeed, when he is
well provided with furniture, and household-
goods, buys no more, but no man was ever so
overstocked with silver, as not to desire a
farther increase: if there are any who have
more than their occasions require, they hoard
up the rest with as much pleasure as if they
actually made use of it.

And when a nation is in ἃ flourishing condi-
tion, no one is at a loss how to employ his
money: the men lay it out in fine armour, in
horses, and in magnificent houses and buildings ;
women lay it out in great equipage, costly
habits, and rich clothes.

And in accidents of war, when our lands lie |

fallow and uncultivated, or in a public dearth
and scarcity, what reserve have we left to
apply to but silver, to purchase necessaries for

685

our subsistence, or hire auxiliaries for our de-
fence?

If it be objected that gold is as useful as
silver, I will not dispute it; but this I am sure
of, that plenty of gold always lowered its value,
and advanced the price of silver.

I have insisted the longer upon these general
reflections, to encourage adventurers of all
kinds, to employ as many hands as possible in
so advantageous a trade, from these plain con-
siderations, that the mines can never be ex-
hausted, nor can silver ever lose its value.

That the public has known this long before,
is evident from our laws, which allow foreigners
to work our mines upon the same terms® and
conditions our own citizens enjoy.

But to draw this discourse more immediately
to the subject of my present consideration,
which is the maintenance of our citizens, I will
begin to propose those ways and means, by
which the silver mines may be improved to the
highest benefit and advantage to the public.
Nor do I set up for the vanity of being admired
for an author of new discoveries: for that part
of my following discourse, which relates to
the examples of the present age, lies obvious —
to all the world; as for what is past it is matter
of fact, and every man might inform himself
that would be at the pains of inquiring.

It is very strange, that after so many pre-
cedents of private citizens of Athens, who have
made their fortunes by the mines, the public
should never think of following their example :
for we who have heard, that Nicias, the son of
Niceratus, had a thousand slaves employed in
the mines, whom he let out to Sosias the
Thracian, upon condition to receive an obolus
a day, clear of all charges, for every head, and

5 * That the mines can never be exhausted.’ It is plain
from Pausanias that these mines were not worked in his
time. Paus. Attic; but this does not destroy the assertion
of Xenophon, for the plundering the temple of Delphi
brought out two millions of our money, which lay dead
before ; and the conquest of Persia by the Macedonians
brought such a vast quantity of silver into Greece, and
consequently made labour so dear, that the silver found
in the mines would in all probability scarce countervail
the expenses of the working them; or it might proceed
from the subjection of Athens to a foreign power, or
from other accidents, and not from any decay of the
mines.

6 ᾿᾽Επὶ ἰσοτελεία. Upon the same terms,’ &c. The
state was the proprietor of the silver-mines, and stran-
gers or Athenians that worked in them, were obliged to
pay the same tribute of the 24th part of the silver found,
to the public. Suidas in ἀγφάφου μετάλλου δίκη.

~

686

that the same complement of workmen should
be always kept on foot.

In like manner Hipponicus had 600 slaves
let out at the same rate, which yielded him a
revenue of a mina a day, and Philemonides
300, which brought him in half a mina a day,
ind many others made the same advantage, in
proportion to the number of slaves they pos-
sessed. But what need we to appeal to pre-
cedents of an elder date, when at this day we
have so many instances of the same nature
before our eyes ?

In the proposals which I offer, there is only
one thing new, namely, that as private men
have a constant reyenue coming in from the
slaves whom they let out to work in the mines ;
so the public, in imitation of their example,
should purchase as many slaves to be employed
in the same manner, as will treble the number
of their own citizens.

Let any reasonable man take this whole pro-
posal to pieces, and examine every distinct head
apart, and then judge whether the design is
feasible or not. It is plain the state can bear
the charge of the price of the slaves better than
private men; and nothing can be easier than
for the senate to make proclamation for all
that have slaves to sell, to bring them in, and
then buy them up for the public use.

And when they are bought, what should
hinder any one from hiring them of the state
upon the same terms they hire them from pri-
vate men; for we see that our revenues are
farmed by particular men, and the repair, and
the building of our public structures and tem-
ples’ are let out to private undertakers.

And that the public may be no loser by the
desertion of slaves, or other accidents, the ad-
venturers in the mines, like the farmers of our
revenue, should be obliged to give good security
to save the state harmless: though at the same
time the commonwealth may be much more
easily cheated by the farmers of their revenue,
than by the hirers of their slaves.

For how is it possible to discover the frauds
that are committed in the management of the

1 ‘The repair of our temples,’ &c. Μισϑοῦνται ἱερά.
[0 was the custom of the Greeks to let out the building
and repair of their temples to private undertakers,
Athenzus 1. 6. Herod. 1. 5. 6. 62. where he makes use of
the same word, νηὸν μισοῦνται ; that is, ‘they hired the
building of the temple upon such terms.’ And the Latins
used the word conducunt in the same sense. Conducunt
Soricas, i. 6, repurgandas. Juvenal. Sat. 3.

REVENUE OF THE

public money ? there being no visible distine-
tion between public and private money; the
same materials and stamp being common to
both. But when our slaves are burned with the
public mark of the state, with severe penalties
to be inflicted upon all that buy, or sell them ;
what danger is there of their being stolen?
Thus much of my proposal as relates to the
buying and preserving our slaves, appears prac-
ticable beyond all contradiction.

If any one questions whether, after we have
purchased a great number of workmen, there ©
will be adventurers enow to hire them of the
public, let him consider, that the undertakers
who have a good stock of slaves will hire more
of the state; for the mines are so great, that
they will require a vast number of hands to
work them; and many of the workmen that
are grown old and unserviceable, and many
others, Athenians, and strangers whose bodies
are not vigorous enough for labour, would yet
be willing to get their living by easier callings,
would turn adventurers in the mines, and hire
our slaves; so that there is little danger of
wanting employment for our workmen.

Twelve hundred slaves, when bought, will
probably in five or six years’ time, produce a
revenue sufficient to purchase as many more as
will make the number 6000. This number, at
the rate of an obolus a day a head, clear of all
charges, will afford a yearly revenue of sixty
talents.®

And if but twenty of these talents are laid
out in the purchase of more Slaves, the city
may employ the overplus as they think con-
venient; and when the number of slaves is
increased to 10,000, it will produce a standing
revenue to the public, of a hundred talents
a year.

To demonstrate that the ‘mines would take
up a greater proportion of slaves to work them,
I appeal to the authority of all these living
witnesses who remember, what numbers of.
workmen were employed in them before the’
taking of Decelea* by the Lacedemonians. And

2 ‘Revenue of 60 talents.” This computation proves
that Xenophon reckoned but 360 days to the year: for
6000 oboli, multiplied by 360, make 2,160,000 oboli;
which sum, divided by 600 (for 600 oboli make a mina)
makes 3,600 minz, which diyided by 60 (for 60 minz
make a talent) reduces the whole sum to 60 talents.
And the following computation of 100 talents a year,
produced by 10,000 oboli a day, answers exactly to the
former. {

3 ‘The taking of Decelea,’ &c. Decelea was taken

STATE OF ATHENS.

our silver mines that have been wrought for so”

many ages, with such numbers of hands, and
continue still so far from being drained, or ex-
hausted, that we can discover no visible differ-
ence in their present state from the accounts
our ancestors have delivered down to us, are
undeniable proofs of my assertion.

And their present condition is a good argu-
ment that there never can be more hands at
work in the mines than there is employment
for: for we dig on still without finding any

‘bottom or end of our mines, or decay of the
silver-ore.

And at this day we may open new mines as
well as in former ages, and no one can deter-
mine whether the new mines may not prove
more rich than the old ones.

If any one demands why our miners are not
so forward in pursuit of new discoveries, as
formerly ; I answer, it is not long since that
the mines have begun to be wrought afresh,
and the present adventurers are not rich enough
to run the risk of such an undertaking.

For if they discover a rich mine, their for-
tunes are made; but if they fail, they lose all
the charges they have been at; and this con-
sideration chiefly has discouraged the adven-
turers from trying so dangerous an experiment.

But in order to remedy this difficulty, I have
some proposals * to offer to the public. There
are ten tribes at Athens, and to each of these
I would have the government assign an equal
proportion. of their public slaves, to be employ-
ed in search of new mines, and the gains to be
equally divided in common among all the
sharers in the ten tribes: for if the mines
were once settled upon this establishment, and

the whole undertaking carried on by a national

stock, the adventurers would run little hazard ;
and if but one of the ten tribes succeeded in
the attempt, the whole community would be
gainers ; and if two, three, four, or half the
tribes had the same good fortune, the profits
would be proportionably greater; for it is a
wild supposition, and against the experience of

and fortified by the Lacedemonians in the 19th year of
the Peloponnesian war, and lying in the heart of Attica,
it gave opportunity to 20,000 Athenian slaves to desert
to the enemy. Thueyd. }. 7. c. 27.

4, Xenophon in his former proposal would have 10,000
slaves let out at a certain rate to the adventurers in the
mines, but in this second proposal he advises the state
itself to adventure in search of discoveries of new mines,
which work was to be carried on by another set of slaves,
and not by the former 10,000.

687

all ages, to imagine that not one in ten should
succeed in such an undertaking. ὦ

Companies of private adventurers may carry
on the same trade in a joint-stock, nor is there
any danger that they and the national company
will interfere one with another; but as con-
federates are strengthened by their mutual
assistance to each other, so the more adven-
turers of all kinds are employed in the mines,
so much larger will the gains and advantages
be to all.

Thus have I briefly proposed some considera-
tions to the public, for establishing the manage-
ment of the national revenue upon such an in-
stitution, as shall make effectual provision for
the whole body of our people.

Nor let any man be discouraged from the
considerations of the vast expense, which will
be necessary for the perfecting so great a work :
for there is no necessity that either the whole
design must be finished at once, or the public
will receive no advantage from it; quite the
contrary, every step we advance in our way,
the state will gain ground; and by the gradual

progress we make in our public buildings in

the rigging out our trading-vessels, or in the
purchase of our slaves, the commonwealth
will be an immediate gainer.

And it is certainly more for the advantage
of the public to parcel out the design, and
finish it by degrees: for when many houses
are building at once, they cost more, and are
worse built: in like manner, if we purchase
our complement of slaves all at once, we must
pay more for them, and buy worse into the
bargain.

But if we proceed gradually, according to our
abilities, we shall still have the same advantage
of continuing any right methods we pitched
upon in the beginning, and shall be at liberty
to correct the oversights and mistakes we made
at our first setting out. And if we perfect
some parts of our undertaking, and delay the
execution of the rest, the revenue arising from
part of our design, which is finished, will be
sufficient to answer the whole expense of the
remainder; but if we resolve to execute the
whole project at once, the whole charge of the
enterprise must be raised at once likewise.

And then the great difficulty which will be
objected to this whole scheme is, that in case
the public purchase so great a number of slaves,

-the mines may happen to be overstocked ; but

there can be no grounds for such an apprehen-

688

sion, if we take care every year to employ no
more than there is actually occasion for.

Thus I think the easiest methods of finishing
this design are the best and most effectual. It
may be objected that the immense charges of
this war have exhausted our treasure in such a
manner, that it will be impossible for the pub-
lic to raise any new subsidies, much less to ad-
vance the necessary funds of such an undertak-
ing. But this difficulty may be easily removed,
for let the state employ no more money in the
administration of the government the next year
after we have a peace, than the annual income
of the public produced during the war, and
whatever additional improvements of our
revenue are made by the peace, from the en-
couragement of strangers and merchants, from
the increase of our exportations and importa-
tions, occasioned by the resort of more people,
and from a greater vent of commodities in our
ports and markets, let all that be appropriated
to this particular service in order to advance
the national revenue.

If any one imagines that a war will ruin our
whole undertaking, let him but consider that
the execution of this design will enable us to
meet a foreign invasion, with so many advan-
tages on our side, that a war in such a juncture
will be less formidable to us, than to our ene-
mies themselves.

For what advantage can better enable us
to carry on a vigorous and successful war, than
numbers of men? and by such an addition to
the stock of our people, as might be made by
due care and encouragement; what levies
might be raised, what mighty fleets and ar-
mies set out to disappoint all the designs of our
enemies ?

And I have reason to believe that it is possi-
ble to work our mines in the conjuncture of a
foreign war, for they are covered on the south-
sea, by a strong citadel in Anaphlystus, and on
the north-sea, by another in Thoricus, and these
two fortresses lie at the distance of but 60
furlongs from one another.

But if a third fort was built upon the top of
a mountain, in the middle of the two former,
the three works would meet together, and other
silver mines would be inclosed in a circle, and
guarded on all sides, and the workmen at the
first notice of an invasion might retire ἕο ἃ place
of security.

But if we are invaded with more numerous
armies, our enemies may make themselves

REVENUE OF THE

masters of our corn, wine, and cattle that lie
without the works ; but if they possess them-
selves of our silver mines, what can they find
to carry off more than a heap of stones and
rubbish ? ; eatin

But how is it possible for our enemies to
make an inroad upon our mines? for the city
Megara, which lies nearest, is above 500 fur-
longs from them ; and Thebes, which is nearer
than any but Megara, is more than 600 furlongs
distant from them.

If they advance to our mines in ἃ small body ~
from this side, they must leave Athens behind
them, and run the hazard of being cut off by.
our horse and flying parties; and it is a wild
notion to imagine that they will invade us with
their whole force, and unguard their own
country, and leave it exposed to our inroads;
for in such a case, Athens would be nearer to
their cities than their own army.

But suppose they marched up to our mines
with a numerous army, how could they subsist
for want of provisions ? if they foraged in small
parties, they would be in danger of having their

convoys intercepted ; if they foraged with their

whole armies, they must act upon the defensive,
and we should be the aggressors.

The revenue arising from our slaves would
not only make a considerable article in thé
charge of maintaining our citizens, but by the
vast concourse of people from all parts, the
custcms of the fairs and markets at the mines,
and the rent of our public buildings, and melt-
ing-houses, and many other heads, would pro-
duce a mighty income to the state.

The state, upon such an establishment, would
be peopled with a prodigious number of inhab-
itants, and the value of lands at the mines
would be as high as those that lie near Athens.

A pursuit of such measures and counsels
would not only enrich the city, but introduce
a habit of obedience in the people: reform
their discipline, and revive the courage of the
nation.

For if, upon this improvement of our revenue,
a larger allowance was established for the
maintenance of our youth, they would be trained
up to the art of war in our public academies?
with more exactness, and perform their military

1 There were at Athens, and in other parts of Greece,
military academies or gymnasia, where the young men
exercised. Theophrastus de Blanditia. Aristoph. et
Scho]. in Equi. Xenoph. in 1. 2, 3. et 6lib-de rebus Gree.

STATE OF ATHENS.

689

exercises wifh a more regular discipline, than | can merchants of all kinds whatsoever find a
the racers in the torch-course”? are taught to | better market to make quick returns of their

observe. And our troops in garrison and the
standing guards of our coasts, would do their
duty in their several posts with more cheerful-
ness, if any effectual provision was settled for
their subsistence.

_\V. If it be made to appear that the revenue
of Athens can never be improved, or advanced
to the full height without a peace, it may de-
serve the public inquiry, whether the establish-
ment of a council of peace * would not be for
the benefit and advantage of the state.

For the institution of such a magistracy
would invite more numerous settlements of
foreigners to make Athens the place of their
abode.

For it is an absurd supposition to imagine,
that peace will weaken our strength, and ruin
our authority and reputation abroad ; for of all
governments, those are happiest who have con-
tinued longest without war, and of all common-
wealths, Athens lies fairest for flourishing and
increasing by the arts of peace.

For Athens in time of peace is the great
theatre to which all mankind have occasion to
resort: to begin with merchants and command-
ers of ships, where can the traders in wine, oil,
corn, or cattle have a quicker vent, or a better
market for their commodities than at Athens ?
Where can monied men make a better improve-
ment of their wealth; and where is there
greater encouragement for those who live by
arts of invention and ingenuity ?

Where is there better employment for arti-
ficers and mechanic trades? Where can the
sophists, philosophers, poets, and the lovers of
the liberal arts, resort to a more renowned
school of learning and humanity? Where is
there a nobler scene to gratify the curiosity of
all strangers that are delighted with divine
rites and institutions, and the celebrations of
religious games and festivals? And where

2°Ey ταῖς λαμπάσι. Torch-course. There was a festi-
val at Athens, on which a certain number of men ran
with lighted torches in their hands. Paus. Attic. To
this ceremony Lucretius makes that fine allusion in his
second book,
Et quasi cursores vitai lampada tradunt.
Εἰςηνοφύλακες. “« Council of peace.” This new magi-
stracy which Xenophon proposes to be instituted for the
preservation of the public peace, was to be, in all proba-
bility, like the εἰρηνοδίκαι or feeciales of the Romans, who
were instituted by Numa for the same considerations.
Dion. Halicarn, lib. 2,

money, than Athens?

If my opposers acknowledge all this to be
true, but still imagine that we can never re-
cover the dominion of Greece but by a war, I
desire them to look back to the Persian inva-
sion, and examine whether it was by force of
arms, or our good offices to the Greeks, that
we were placed at the head of the naval
confederacy, and the common treasury of
Greece ?

And when by a tyrannical exercise of our
power we lost our jurisdiction, by an alteration
of our measures, and a milder administration,
we were restored > to our ancient authority by
the joint consent of all the islands.

Did not the Thebans, in acknowledgment of
our generous assistance to their state, place us
at the head of the common alliance ? and our
rivals the Lacedemonians, for the same con-
sideration, quitted their old pretensions, and
suffered us to give laws to the last treaty, and
dispose of the supreme command of Greece at
our own discretion.

And at this juncture, in the general confu-
sion of Greece, we have the most favourable
opportunity of recovering our ancient dominion
without difficulty, hazard, or expense, that ever
any nation had: for if we set up to be the
common mediators of Greece, and interposed
our authority to unite all the divided interests
abroad, and reconcile all the factions at home ;
and if by solemn embassies to all the neighbour-
ing states we declared for the liberty of Delphi, *

4 "Ἑλληνοταμίας. After the Persian invasion the
Athenians had the command of the confederate fleet, and
were made treasurers of the money contributed by the
Greeks to the carrying on the war against Persia.
Thucydides, lib. i.

5 The Athenians recovered the command of the Greek
islands, (which they lost in the Peloponnesian war,) in
the fourth year of the 100th Olymp. Diod. Sicul. lib. 15.

6 This alliance between the Thebans and Athenians
was made in the second year of the 96th Olymp*ad.
Diod. Siculus, lib. 14. Xenophon, lib. 3. de rebus Grace.

ἢ This league between the Spartans and Athenians wat
made in the fourth year of the 102d Olympiad, not long
after the battle of Leuctra. Diod. Sic. 1, 15. Xenop. 1. 7.
de. rebus Gree.

8 The Greeks made it a part of their religion, to pre-
serve the liberty of Delphi. Thus the Lacedemonians
entered into a war to restore the oracle to the Delphi.
ans, Thucyd. lib. 1. c. 112. And the first article of their
leagues often began with a mutual engagement on botli
parts, to protect the liberty of Delphi. Thucyd. 1. 4 ὁ.
118. L ὅ. ς. 18. Besides their religion, they had reasons

48

690

all Greece would support us at the head of so
glorious a cause, and unite in a general confe-
deracy against common enemies, who endea-
voured to make themselves masters of Del-
phi, when the Phocians were reduced to
extremity.

And if we afterwards warmly interested
ourselves to establish a general peace by sea
and land; all Greece, next to the security of

of state for this proceeding: for if Delphi were subject
to a foreign power, the priestess might be forced to utter
whatever oracles the conqueror pleased to impose: nor
could the resolutions and sentences of the Amphictyons,
who often sat at Delphi, be free and unbiassed so long
as Delphi was under a foreign dominion.

1 If we knew who the enemies were that designed to
seize upon Delphi, it would be no difficult matter to de-
termine exactly the time when it was written. Jason,
the tyrant of Thessaly, had formed a design upon Delphi,
but his death prevented the execution of it. Diod. Sic.
Xenop. Hist. στο. #lian. Frag. But this passage
cannot be understood to mean this attempt, for Jason
Was assassinated in the third year of the 102d Olympiad,
some years before the battle of Mantinea, and this dis-
course, as I have proved ina former note, was written
after that battle. I think that this passage (taking the
word ἐκλειπόντων in a neutral sense as I have rendered it,
and for which there are a thousand authorities) ought
to be understood of a design the Thebans had formed
upon Delphi. The story in short is this: the Thebans
being engaged in a war with the Phocians, upon some
dispute about a frontier, formed a design upon the tem-
ple of Delphi. Demost. de falsa Legatione, Ulpianus.
And the Phocians at the same time being condemned by
the Amphictyons to pay a great fine for ploughing up
some consecrated land, the Greeks prepared to execute
the sentence by force of arms. The Phocians being unable
to resist such an approaching storm, were reduced to
great extremities, and compelled, for their own preser-
vation, to seize upon the treasures of Delphi: this gave
beginning to the Holy War, and all Greece engaged in
the quarrel. The Athenians assisted the Phocians, but
Xenophon advises them to break off that alliance, and
declare for the liberty of Delphi, and under that plausi-
ble pretence, to unite all Greece against the Thebans,
who were equally criminal with the Phocians, (as De-
mosthenes observes,) for having formed the first design
upon the temple. This counsel he recommends to the
Athenians as the best method to recover the dominion of
Greece. I know it will be objected that Diog. Laertius
places the death of Xenophon in the first year of the
105th Olympiad, and the Phocian war breaking out some
years after, it will be impossible to explain this passage
in my sense.

To this I answer, that this account of Laertius is cer-
tainly false: for Xenophon, in his Greek history, men-
tions the death of Alexander the tyrant of Phere;
which happened, as Diodorus observes, in the fourth year
of the 105th Olymp.so that Xenophon must be a prophet,
or be alive at that time, three years after his supposed
death. Xenophon likewise in the conclusion of his
Greek history affirms, that after the battle of Mantinza,

Greece was in a greater disorder and confusion than
ever. But we read of no considerable commotion in

REVENUE OF THE

their own governments, would desire the pre.
servation of Athens, ,
If any man can have so wild a notion, as to

imagine that war will contribute more to the

increase of the riches of the state than peace,
I know no better way to decide the controver-
sy, than by appealing to the experience of for-
mer ages, and producing precedents to the
contrary out of our own story.

Greece till the breaking out of the Holy War, in the
first year of the 106th Olympiad, which engaged all
Greece in an intestine division.

To confirm this account of Laertius, it may be urged, -

that Xenophon lived ninety years, according to Lucian
in Macrob. And being present at the battle of Delium,

which was fought in the first year of the 89th Olympiad, -

about sixty-seven years before the Holy War, it is highly
improbable that he was living at the time of the Holy
War. It is true, Laertius says, that Socrates saved
Xenophon’s life at that battle: but Athenzeus, |. 5. says,
that Socrates was not at the battle; and it is probable
that the other part of the story of Xenophon’s being
there, may be equally fabulous, especially if what Athe-
nzeus (according to Casaubon’s correction) says be true,
that Xenophon was but a boy at the banquet of Callias,
which was three years afterwards. Besides he is called
a young man in his expedition into Asia; but at this
rate he must have been-fifty years old at that time, an
age at which a man cannot properly be called young.

But granting that he was present af the battle of
Delium, if we allow him to be eighteen years old, the age,
if I mistake not, that the Athenians usually made their
first campaign, he would be but eighty-one years old on
the first year of the 105th Olympiad, and consequently
might write of the Holy War, which broke out four
years afterwards. Nor does Lucian precisely limit his
age to ninety years only, but says he lived above ninety
years. :

Xenophon in this discourse says, that the Athenians
had been engaged in a war by sea and land; that the
war by sea was at an end, but the war by land still con-
tinued. This exactly agrees with the Bellum Sociale, or
the war of the Athenians against their revolted islands
which was carried on by sea, and begun in the third year
of the 105th Olympiad, and ended in the second year of

the 106th Olympiad, two years after the breaking out

of the Holy War, which the Athenians were then en-
gaged in.

By this account Xenophon wrote this discourse about
the third year of the 106th Olympiad, a year after the
conclusion of the peace with the islands.

If the account of Xenophon’s death in Laertius be
true, I cannot believe this work to be genuine ; for I
think it almost impossible to explain this passage in any
other sense. But the authority of all the writers who
ascribe this discourse to Xenophon, and the conformity
of the style with the rest of his works, and that charac-
ter of piety which runs through the whole piece, which
is so peculiar to the writings of Xenophon, and that par-
ticular maxim at the conclusion of this treatise, “ of un-
dertaking every thing under the favour and protection
of the gods,”? which he inculcates in all his works, and
particularly at the end of his ‘I7zéexs~0s, are undeniable
proofs that this discourse is genuine.

STATE OF ATHENS.

For upon inquiry he may find that the vast
treasure we had amassed in peace, was all con-
sumed in our former wars; and to quote in-
stances of a fresher date, in the present war all
the branches of our income have been deficient,
and what money came in upon the public funds,
has been all applied to the pressing occasions
of the state; but since the seas have been
open, and our trade free, every article of our
income is advanced, and the government is
at liberty to employ it as they think convye-
nient.

Not that I would advise the commonwealth
to sit down tamely by their injuries in case of
a foreign invasion ; but this I am sure of, that
we should be better enabled to revenge the
affront, if we are not the aggressors, for our
enemies will never be able to form a confede-
racy to support them in an unjust war.

VI. Upon the whole matter, if nothing in this
proposal appears impossible, or difficult, and if
a pursuit of these counsels and resolutions will
gain the affections of Greece, and establish our
security at home, and increase our reputation
abroad ; if the common people will abound in
all things necessary for life, and the rich be
eased of their taxes to the wars: if in this
universal plenty our temples will be rebuilt,
and our religious festivals and solemnities cele-

΄

691

brated with more magificence; if our walls,
docks, and arsenals will be repaired, and our
priests, senate, magistrates, and cavalry, re-
stored to their ancient rights and privileges, is
it not fit that all engines should be set at
work to promote so glorious an undertaking,
that in our days we may see our country esta-
blished upon a solid foundation of security and
happiness ?

And if the public, upon due consideration,
thinks fit to execute these orders and institu-
tions, I would advise them to send ambassadors
to Delphi and Dodona to consult the gods,
whether such a reformation of our government
would not turn to the advantage of the present
age, and the benefit of all posterity.

And if these resolutions are ratified by the
divine approbation, to consult the oracle once
more, to the protection of what gods we should ~
recommend the success of this enterprise, and
then to propitiate those gods we are directed
to apply to, in order to engage their assistance ;
and after this solemn invocation to enter boldly
upon the execution of this design: for it is
but reason that all undertakings should be
attended with more favourable success, that
are begun, and carried on, under the imme-
diate care and protection of the Divine Provi-
dence.

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ON THE

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ON ΒΡ... ΜΡ

ON THE

ATHENIAN

I, Tue Athenians,! in my opinion, are en-
titled to little commendation for having origi-
nally adopted their present political institutions,
because they are calculated to give an undue
ascendancy to the poor and the bad over the
rich and the good: I cannot therefore commend
them. These institutions, however, as they
have been adopted, can be demonstrated by
abundant proofs to be admirably adapted to
support the spirit of their constitution, and to
enable them to transact public business, though
among the rest of the Greeks a contrary opin-
ion is prevalent.

First then, at Athens, the poor and the ple-
beians are wisely rendered more influential
than the nobles and the rich; because the lower
orders man the ships, and extend the power of
the republic: for pilots,? and pursers, and com-

1 περὶ δὲν. This treatise, from its abrupt introduction,
is generally supposed to have been a fragment of a
larger work, in which a comparison was instituted be-
tween the different forms of government in ancient
Greece.

2 zvPegvnrces, &c, Ἰζυβερνήτης was the master or pilot,
who had the care of the ship, and the government of the
seamen in it, and who sat at the stern tosteer. All things
were conducted according to his direction ; and it was
therefore necessary that he should possess an exact know-
ledge of the art of navigation, called συβεονητικὴ téxvny
and which chiefly consisted in the proper management
of the rudder, sails, and of the several instruments used
in navigation ; in the observance of the winds, and of
the motions of the celestial bodies; in the knowledge
of commodious harbours, of rocks, and quicksands.—
Kedevorys, the purser, whom some interpret the boat-
Swain, signified the word of command to the rowers, and
distributed to all the crew their daily portion of food.—

“weeds or sewgarns, the boatswain, was next under the
and, as the appellation imports, had his station
2 prow, 6 τοῦ κυβερνήτου διάκονος, ὃς πρωρεὺς τῆς
ται. Τὸ his care were committed the tackle
το» and the rowers, whose places were assigned
‘Te assisted the master at consultation respect-
“sons, and other matters,

REPUBLIC.

manders of fifties, and boatswains, and ship-
builders, acquire much more real influence to
a republic than the nobility and richer citizens.
This being the state of their affairs, it seems
a matter of justice that all the citizens should
participate in the offices of state, whether they
be filled by lot’ or by open suffrage, and that
every citizen who chooses should be allowed to
speak publicly at their deliberations.

The people never require a participation in
those offices, whether superior or inferior, in
which are centred the safety or danger of
the whole nation: nor do they expect to be
eligible to the offices of generals or masters of
horse, as the people know. that it is much more
advantageous for them not to engage in such
offices, but allow them to be possessed by the
rich; but the people lay claim to all those
offices to which salaries are attached, and
which better the circumstances of their fa-
milies.4

The Athenians invariably give greater ad
vantages to the bad, the poor, and the plebei-
ans, than to the good; and this circumstance,
though it has excited the wonder of many,
still proves incontestably their desire to pre-
serve the spirit of a democratical government.
For the poor, the plebeians, and the lower
orders, when held in consideration, and when
their numbers increase, extend the democracy:
but when the rich and good are prosperous,

3 “λήξῳ. Those who were chosen by lot were στρατ-
NY Oly ἵππαρχοι» δικασταὶ, βουλευταὶ, ἐπιστάται τῶν πουτά-
νεῶν; ταμίαι; γραμματεῖς) λογισταὶ, and several others.
These were called “λήρῳ λαχόντες. “ληρωθέντες, πληρωτοὶ»
zvowevtoi. Those, on the contrary, who were chosen
by the suffrages of the people, were called αἰρετοὶγ αἷρε--
θέντες.) χειροτονηθέντες.

4 μιισθοφορίας. Judges, senators, and the citizens who
frequented the public assemblies, received a certain
allowance in money.

696

then the plebeians are exerting themselves to
strengthen a party opposed to them in interest.

In every country the better portion of the
people is hostile to a democratical government :
for among that class the least petulance and
injustice exist, and the most ardent desire
of reputation and probity ; but among the ple-
beians the greatest ignorance, insubordination,
and wickedness are to be found: for their
poverty leads them to crimes, and unskilful-
ness and ignorance, through want of a, to
Some men!....«s.s >

It might be remarked that they should not
have allowed every person without distinction
to speak publicly and attend the senate, but
should have restricted this right to men of the
greatest genius and virtue: yet in this respect
they have consulted excellently, by permit-
ting even the bad to speak. For if the higher
orders alone had harangued and deliberated, it
might be of advantage to men like themselves,
but not so to the plebeians: and at present
when every one may speak, a bad man is en-
abled to rise and propose what may be advan-
tageous to himself and his equals.

The question may be asked, What proposal
can such a man make, likely to be profitable
either to himself or the people? But they
know well that his ignoratice and wickedness,
coupled with good will towards them, are more
likely to be beneficial to them than the virtue
and wisdom of the good man conjoined with
malice.

Such institutions will not produce the best
system of governmeit, but they are admirably
calculated to preserve the democracy. The
people by no means desire a well constituted
republic, which would inevitably subject them
to slavery ; they prefer to be free and to govern.
A bad constitution gives them little uneasi-
ness; for what you consider a bad political
ἜΘ ΨΕΙ enlarges their power and preserves
their freedom.

. If you desire a well constituted republic, you
must first procure men of the greatest talents
to make the laws; then the good will punish
the bad: and consult on what is most beneficial
to the commonwealth, and not allow persons

1 Commentators have proposed many alterations of
this sentence, so as to produce a meaning somewhat
corresponding with the context; but they require to
supply many words. We have, therefore, thought it
preferable to give a translation of the words as they
stand, without attending to the proposed emendations.

ATHENIAN REPUBLIC.

like madmen to consult, harangue, and address
public assemblies. These advantages would
speedily reduce the plebeians to a state of
slavery.

. The licentiousness of slaves and of aliens at
Athens is excessive ; none are allowed to strike
them ; nor will the slave yield to the freeman.
I willexplain the cause of this practice being
indigenous. If it were customary for the slave,
or alien, or freedman to be struck by the free-
man, the citizen of Athens would frequently
be beaten under the supposition of his being a

slave; for neituer in dress nor personal appear ©

ance are the people superior to slaves or aliens.
τ Jt may be reckoned a subject of wonder that
slaves are there allowed to live luxuriously,
some of them even magnificently ; yet even in
this they appear to have acted with judgment.
For where a naval power exists, it is neces-
sary, for pecuniary considerations, to humour
the slaves, and allow them a more liberal mode
of living, that their masters may receive from
them their hire for labour performed- in the
fleet ; for where the slaves are rich, it is no
longer expedient that my slave should dread
you; but in Lacedemon my slave dreads you ;
and where my slave is afraid of you, there is
danger lest he should surrender his property to
get rid of personal fear. ~

This consideration urges us to grant an equa-
lity of rights to slaves and freemen ; and also
to aliens and citizens, because the republic
requires the aid of aliens on account of the
multiplicity of her arts and the exigencies of
the naval service. This is the reason that we
have justly admitted the aliens to an equality
of rights.

The people have here abrogated the gym-
nastic exercises and profession of music at
private expense, as being unsuited to their
means, and being deprived of leisure to attend
to them. In the public academies? and gym-

2 χορηγίαις, &e. Χορηγοὶ were at the expense of
players, singers, dancers, and musicians, as oft as there
was occasion for them at the celebration of public festi-
vals and solemnities.—I'vuseciaexo: were at the charge
of the oil and other necessaries for the wrestlers and
combatants.—Te7enexos were obliged to provide neces-
saries for the subsistence of the crew belonging to the
fleet; for, in general, the republic only furnished the
rigging and sailors. They were also to build ships. Toe
this office no certain number of men was appointe*
but their number was increased or diminished as-
value of their estates, and the exigences of the eom
wealth, seemed to require. Commonly, however
were two to each galley, who served ag many

_ ἍΜΩΔΕ.

ATHENIAN

nastic exercises, and in serving on ship-board,
they know that when the rich act as choregi, the
people are instructed and supported ; when the
rich command at sea and in military academies,
the people labour and are paid. ‘The people,
therefore, think it proper to receive rmoney for
singing, running, dancing, and serving on ship-
board, that they may enjoy themselves, and the
rich become poorer.

In deciding cases in courts of justice, Sits
is less an object with them than advantage.

Those who are deputed from Athens by sea
to visit the allies, are reported to abuse and
detest the good among them, knowing that the
governor must be hated by the governed ; and
that, if the rich and the nobles are powerful
in these cities, the power of the populace at
Athens will be of very short duration. For
these considerations, then, they dishonour the
good, despoil them of their property, banish,
and kill them: but they increase the influence
of the bad. On the contrary, the good among
the Athenians preserve the good in the allied
republics, knowing it to be advantageous for
themselves always to preserve the best citizens
in these states.

It might be observed that the strength of
the Athenians lies in their allies being able to
contribute money. But to the plebeians it
seems to be a greater advantage that each indi-
vidual Athenian should possess the property
of their allies, and that the allies should have
only so much as to enable them to supply
themselves with food and to till the fields, with-
out being able to conspire against their masters.

The Athenian people, at first sight, appear
to have enacted a bad law, in obliging their
allies to resort to Athens for the decision of
their lawsuits. The Athenian people, on the
other hand, only consider what advantage is
likely to accrue to themselves from this prac-
tice. First of all, they receive the court dues ὁ

8 πλεῖν ἐπὶ δήκας ᾿Αθήναζε. The great inconvenience
which attended the administration of justice to the in-
sular allies of Athens, seems to have been frequently
brought forward as a heavy accusation. Isocrates alludes
to it in Panath., zai τάς τε δίκας καὶ τὰς πρισεῖς τὰς
ἐνθάδε γιγνομιένως τοῖς συμιμάχοις----διωβαωλοῦσι-

4 τῶν πρυτανείων. Commentators differ as to the
amount and appropriation of this money. Aristotle in his
Polit. says, τὰ δικαστήριο μισθοφόρω κατέστησε ἹΠερικλής.
The Scholia on the Clouds of Aristophanes, 1134, trans-
late πευτανεῖον thus: ἀργύριόν τι, ὅπερ πωτετίθεσαν οἱ
δικαφόμενοι ἀμφότεροι; καὶ ὁ φεύγων καὶ ὁ διώκων. Pollux
vill. 38. adds, ὃ δὲ ἡττηθεὶς ἀπεδίδου τὸ παρ ἀμφοτέρων
δοθέν' ἐλάμβανον δὲ αὐτὸ οἱ δικασταί. Kal οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ

eR πὰ τςτο-ἰἰς - τ Oe ee ee ποτ eee ον ἘΝ

REPUBLIC. 697

throughout the year; besides, remaining at ease
at home, without sailing to foreign lands, they
administer the government of the allied states ;
preserve their lower orders, and ruin their
enemies in the courts of justice: but if each of
the allies had the administration of justice at
home, as they bear a deadly hatred to the
Athenians, they would ruin those among them-
selves who were most friendly to the Athenian
people. —

In addition to these, the Athenian people
gain these advantages from justice being ad-
ministered to the allies at Athens; for first,
the city receives the hundredth part of what is
landed at the Pireus, and the keepers of
lodging-houses gain profit, and those who pos-
sess cattle and slaves for hire: heralds, too,
are benefitted by the arrival of the allies.

Besides, if the allies did not come for de-
cision in law-suits to Athens, they would only
pay their respects to those of the Athenians who
were delegated to visit them, such as generals
and trierarchs and ambassadors ; but at present
each individual of the allies is obliged to flatter
the Athenian plebeians, knowing that when he
comes to Athens, the decision of his law-suit
depends solely and entirely on the people, who
are the law at Athens. He is obliged, in
courts of justice, to supplicate the people, and
even when one enters the court to seize him
by the hand. By these means the allies are
rendered much more the slaves of the Athenian
people. :

Moreover, on account of their transmarine*
possessions, and to avoid giving umbrage to
the magistrates of these places, they and their
followers are obliged to learn secretly to handle
the oar; for the man who sails frequently
must handle the oar, both himself and domes-
tics, and become acquainted with nautical
phrases.

Thus they become good pilots by their ex-
perience and exercise at sea. Some are trained
in piloting small vessels ; some, vessels of bur-
den; and some are advanced from them to the
galleys: many of them are even able to take
the charge of SEIS. as soon as they go on

ἑκατὸν δραχμῶν ἀχεὶ χιλίων διπαζόμενοι τρεῖς δραχμὰς
καωτετίθωτο᾽ οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ χιλίων μέχει μυρίων, τριάκοντα.
He also subjoins the opinion of others, tevraveta εἶναι
τὸ ἐπιδέκωτον τοῦ τιμήματος κωτατίθεσθαι δὲ αὐτὸ τοὺς
γοοψαμένους ἐπὶ μισθοδοσίφς τῶν δικαστῶν. Ammonius
and Thomas Magister have adopted the latter opinion.

5 ὑπερορίοις. These possessions were in the islands,
the Chersonesus, Thrace, and elsewhere.

4 T

698 ATHENIAN

board, from having been exercised at sea all
their lives.

II. The land army,’ which is by no means
in good condition at Athens, is thus consti-
tuted: They reckon themselves inferior by
land to such of their enemies as are there
reckoned the most powerful; but to the allies
who pay tribute they deem themselves supe-
rior, and they suppose that they will maintain
the sovereignty as long as they are superior to
their allies.

I will now enumerate a few of the advan-
tages of their condition as decided by fortune.
Those who are governed by land can collect
men together from small towns, and fight in
great numbers; but those who are governed
by a naval power, such as islanders, cannot
collect into one place the inhabitants of other
towns for mutual aid; for the sea intervenes,
and their governors are masters of the sea:
and if it were possible secretly to collect the
islanders together into one island, they could
be reduced by famine.

The cities on the continent,? which are go-
verned by the Athenians, are retained in sub-
jection, the larger ones through fear, the

1 τὸ δὲ ὁπλιτικόν. So much is lost here that it is difii-
cult to judge of the author’s meaning. His intention
seems to have been to draw a comparison between the
land and naval forces, and to point out by what means
the Athenians aimed to obtain and preserve the
sovereignty of Greece. Τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν, therefore, which
elsewhere signifies the heavy-armed troops in a land
army, seems to designate the land army as contradis-
tinguished from the naval power; and we are informed
that the latter was in greatest repute. Thucydides, 1.
143, and Isocrates Orat. de Pace, state that their ships
were formerly manned with slaves and aliens, and that
the citizens engaged in the land service. This practice
was so much changed in the time of Isocrates, that the
land army was composed of foreigners, and the fleet of
citizens. The power of the Athenians extended to the
islands and often to cities on the continent, and for this
reason, our author informs us, the Athenians attached
little importance to the land forces, but exerted them-
selves to increase and support their power at sea.
Wherever our author speaks indefinitely of enemies, he
refers to the Lacedemonians. Plutarch, in his life of
Themistocles, informs us how that general gradually
induced the Athenians to turn their attention to gain-
ing an ascendancy at sea: ὡς τὼ πεξὰ μὲν οὐδὲ τοῖς ὁμόροις
ἀξιομάχους ὄντας, τῇ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀλκῇ καὶ τοὺς βαε-
βάρους ἀμύνασθαι καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄρχειν δυναμένους, ἀντὶ
μονίμιων ὁπλιτῶν; ὥς φησι Πλάτων, ναύτας καὶ ϑαλαττίους
εἐτοίησε.

2 ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ. "Hetigos here seems to mean the
shore of Asia Minor. Both Isocrates and Xenophon
frequently use the word in this sense. In Greece
Proper, no cities or states were subject at this period to
the authority of the Athenians.

REPUBLIC.

smaller through penury. For there is no city
which does not require either to import or ex-
port. This they cannot do unless they be sub-
ject to the masters of the sea. Those who
have the ascendancy at sea can do what can-
not be done by those who have it on land:
they can make a descent on the country of a
more powerful nation, and lay it waste with
fire and sword; they can land at those places

where either there is no enemy at all, or ποῦ

so many as to dare to encounter them. In
doing this by sea the difficulty is less than
when attempted with a land army.

Besides, it is possible for those who rule the
sea to sail away from their own country on
whatever voyage they please; but those who

rule on land cannot depart a distance of many

days’ journey from their own country; for their
marches are slow, and they cannot carry pro-
vision for a long journey in an overland expe-
dition. He who marches by land, too, must
go through a friendly country, or force his
way by the sword; but he who goes by sea,
wherever he is superior, may make a descent ;
and where inferior, can sail past that country
until he reaches a friendly country or a nation
inferior in power.

And then the blight of the crops, which
proceeds from heaven, is borne with difficulty
by those who rule on land, but with ease by
the rulers of the sea. For the crop is never
everywhere at the same time deficient; sc
that from the prosperous and fertile land aa
visions reach the lords of the sea.

And if we may enumerate small advantages,
by the command of the sea, they associate with
other nations, and discover their different kinds
of good cheer: and whatever is pleasant in
Sicily, or in Italy, or in Cyprus, or in Egypt,
or in Lydia, or in Pontus, or in Peloponnesus,
or any where else, all these may be collected

into one spot by having the ascendancy at sea. -
And, besides, becoming acquainted with the —

words of many languages, they choose from
them the most elegant and useful. The rest
of the Greeks have adopted one peculiar Jan-
guage, mode of living, and dress; but the
Athenians have adopted a compound from
Greeks and Barbarians.

The people knowing that every poor man
cannot sacrifice to the gods, enjoy the festivals,
possess temples and groves, and inhabit a
beautiful and extensive city, devised means for
obtaining these. The state, then, publicly

eee eee ee

ATHENIAN REPUBLIC.

sacrifices all the victims, and the people enjoy
the banquets and divide the victims by lot.
Some of the rich possess, privately, places for
exercising, and baths, and places for undress-
ing before the baths; but the people, for their
own private use, build many palestra, un-
dressing places, and baths, and the mob enjoys
a greater number of these than the few and the
rich.

The Athenians are the only nation of the
Greeks or Barbarians who can possess wealth ;
for if any state is rich in timber for ship-build-
ing, where can they dispose of it, unless they
conciliate the favour of the lords of the sea?
and if any state is rich in steel, brass, or flax,
where can they dispose of it, unless they con-
ciliate the favour of the lords of the sea? and
from these very materials our ships are made.
From one nation timber is procured; from
another, steel; from another, brass; from
another, flax ; from another, wax.

In addition to these, we will not allow them
to be imported by our enemies, who are ex-
cluded from the use of the sea. And, without
labour, we enjoy all these benefits from the
land by means of the sea; no other city has
them: nor does the same state abound in tim-
ber and flax ; for where there is flax, there the
country is level and woodless: nor are brass
and steel procured from the same state, nor
are two or three of the others produced by one
state: one state abounds in one; another pro-
duces another.

And, in addition to these advantages, near
every continent there is either a projecting
shore or an island situated before the coast, or
a part of the shore, to which there is only a
narrow approach from the continent; so that
those who rule the sea may there make a de-
scent, and do much injury to those who live on
the mainland.

They are destitute of one favourable circum-
stance; for if the Athenians, while lords of the
sea, inhabited an island, they would have had it
in their power, when they pleased, to injure
others, and suffer no injury in return, as long
as they commanded the sea; and their land
should not be devastated or invaded by the
enemy. At present, the cultivators of the
fields, and the rich men of Athens, are much
afraid of the enemy; but the people, being
well aware that the enemy can commit to
the flames or devastate none of their property,
live in safety and free from terror. In addition

699

to this, they would be freed from another fear
if they inhabited an island,—that the city would
never be betrayed by a few, nor would their
gates be opened, nor would the enemy break
in upon them. How could these things hap-
pen to the inhabitants of an island? Nor
would there be seditions among the people ir
they inhabited an island. At present, if a
sedition took place, it would be with the hope
that the enemy could be introduced by land:
if they inhabited an island, they would not re-
quire to dread such an event. But as it was
not their fortune to inhabit an island from the
beginning, they now act thus,—they deposit
their property in islands, trusting in their
ascendancy at sea; and they overlook the de-
vastation committed on the territory of At-
tica, knowing that their commiseration may de-
prive them of other greater advantages.

It is necessary, in cities governed by an oligar-
chy, that alliances and leagues should be rigidly
observed. If engagements are not strictly per-
formed, from whom can the injury be supposed
to have proceeded, except those few by whom
they were made. Whatever the people may
decide, any one may lay the blame on the pro-
poser of the measure, and those who confirmed
it, asserting that he was not present when the
decree was passed, and that the proposals by no
means pleased him. And if, upon making in-
quiry, they ascertain that these things were
decided in a full meeting of the peop-e, they
devise a thousand pretexts not to do what
they do not wish todo. And when any harm
happens from what the people decree, they
complain that a few persons opposed to them
have corrupted the whole matter, and if any
good, they appropriate the credit to themselves.

They do not allow the people to be traduced
or evil spoken of on the stage, as they do not
wish to be evil spoken of themselves. But
they grant liberty to any one to satirise an-
other individual if he choose, being well aware
that one of the people or the rabble is sel-
dom pitched upon for that purpose, but gene-
rally either one of the rich, of the nobility,
or the powerful. Very few of the poor or the
plebeians are traduced on the stage; and not
even these, except on account of their officious-
ness, and of attempting to be more influential
than the rest of the people. They do not,
therefore, take it amiss that such persons should
be satirised.

I assert, then, that the people at Athens

700 ATHENIAN

know who are gocd among the citizens, and
who are bad: and as they know this, they love
those who are necessary and advantageous to
themselves, however bad they may be, and
entertain a great hatred at the good; for they
do not think that virtue is naturally beneficial
to them, but rather injurious. Some, however,
on the contrary, who, by birth, really belong to
the people, are by no means plebeians.

I can easily excuse the people for choosing
a democracy, as every one must be excused for
wishing to benefit himself. But whoever is
not one of the people, and prefers living under
a state subject to democratic rule, rather than
one subject to oligarchical, is devising means
to do injury; and knows that a scoundrel has
much greater facility in escaping notice in a
popular republic, than when the government is
in the hands of a few.

III. I do not commend the plan of the
Athenian republic: but since they have thought
proper to subject themselves to a democracy,
they seem to me to be preserving the demo-
cracy, by adopting the plans which I have
enumerated.

I observe that some blame the Athenians,
because the allies sometimes cannot get a re-
sponse from the senate or the people, after
having remained a whole year. This happens
at Athens from no other reason than that the
multitude of their business prevents them from
settling the affairs of the allies, and dismissing
them. 2

For how could they, who must celebrate
more festivals than any of the Grecian cities ?
and while these last, business of the state is
at a stand: they must also settle private con-
troversies and public accusations, and actions
against public! men, so numerous, that all
their judges cannot settle them. The senate
have also many deliberations about war, and
many about procuring money, and many about
enacting laws, and many about the usual con-
tingencies in a state, many also about the allies
and receiving tribute, and they must pay great
attention to naval and sacred affairs. Is it
wonderful, then, that, since they have so much
business to transact, they cannot give sentence
in every lawsuit ?

1 εὐθύνη, an action against magistrates, ambassadors,
and other officers, who had misemployed the public
money, or committed any other offence in the discharge
of their trusts. The action against ambassadors was
sometimes peculiarly called segareecGeia.

REPUBLIC.

Some say that money is very influential
with the senate and the people, in procuring a
decision in a court of justice. I agree with
them that much can be done with money at

Athens, and that much more business would —

be settled if a greater number used bribes.
This, however, I know well, that the state
could not transact all their necessary business,
even although much more gold and silver were
given.
in the event of one refusing to furnish a ship,
and when a building is erecting at the public
expense. In addition to these, they must de-
cide who ought to undertake the duty of chor-
agus, for the Dionysian,? Thargelian,? Pana-
thenzan,* Promethean,* and MHephestian®

2 Διονύσιον were solemnities in honour of Διόνυσος»

Bacchus, and were sometimes called by the general
name of “Ogyie, which, though sometimes applied to
the mysteries of other gods, more particularly belongs
to those of Bacchus. They were also sometimes deno-
minated Βακχείω. They were observed at Athens with
greater splendour, and with more ceremonious super-
stition, than in any other part of Greece; for the years
were numbered by them, the chief archon had a share
in the management of them, and the priests who offi-
ciated, were honoured with the first seats at public
shows. At first, however, they were celebrated with-
out splendour, being days set apart for public mirth, and
observed only with the following ceremonies: a vessel
of wine, adorned with a vine branch, was brought forth;
next followed a goat ; then was carried a basket of figs ;
and, after all, the phalli.
_ 3 Θαργήλια was an Athenian festival in honour of the
sun and his attendants, the hours; or, as some think, of
Delian Apollo, and Diana. It was celebrated on the
sixth and seventh of Θαργηλιὼν, and received its name
from ϑαρφγήλιαγ which was a general word for all the
fruits of the earth ; because one of the principal cere-
monies was the carrying of first fruits in pots called
ϑάρφγηλοι. The chief solemnity was on the latter day,
the former being employed in preparing for it.

A ἸΙΠαναθήναια was an Athenian festival in honour of
Minerva, the protectress of Athens. It was first insti-
tuted by Erichthonius, who called it ’A@/vasa, and after-
wards revived by Theseus, when he had united into one
city all the Athenian people, and denominated Παναθή-
vai. At first, it continued only one day; but was
afterwards prolonged several days, and celebrated with
great magnificence. There were two solemnities of

this name, one of which was called Μεγάλα Παναθήναια.

the Great Panathenza, and was celebrated once in five
years, beginning on the twenty-second of Hecatombzon:
the other was denominated Μικρὰ Παναθήναια, the Less
Panathenza, and was observed every third year, or, as
some think, every year, beginning on the twentieth or
twenty-first of Thargelion.

5 Tleou7beie was an Athenian solemnity celebrated in
honour of Prometheus with torches, in memory of his
teaching men the use of fire. ;

6 ‘Hoaiersie was an Athenian festival in honour of
“Ἥφαιστος, Vulean. At this time there was a rece with
torches, called ἀγὼν Awuradodyes, in the academy. The
contenders were three young men, one of whom being

It is necessary, also, to give sentence —

~~ ATHENIAN

games. Four hundred trirarchs are appointed
each year; and such of these as wish, must
every year exercise themselves in deciding in
courts of justice. Besides these, the magistrates
must be approved of and decided on, pupils are
to be elected, and keepers of prisoners” to be
appointed. These must be done every year.
At intervals, also, they must decide on
persons refusing to enter the army,® and
if any unexpected instance of injustice should
happen, and if any unusual insolence should
be offered or impiety shown. I pass over
many things: what is of most consequence

has been mentioned, except the settlement of '

the tribute: this happens generally every fifth
year. Do you not think that they must pass
judgment on all these cases? Ξ

Some one may say that it is not necessary it
should be done in their present courts of justice.
But if he confesses that all these must be set-
tled, it is necessary that it should be done in the
course of the year. So that not even at pre-
sent are they able, in the course of the year, to
pass judgment, to be a check on evil doers, on
account of the great number of cases which
‘come before them. © But it may be said, that
no doubt it is necessary to judge, but that
fewer judges should sit together. If they ap-
point a greater number of courts of justice,
there will be fewer in each of them; and it
will be much easier to corrupt a few judges,
and bribe them, and cause them to decide with
less show of justice. It must also be taken
into consideration, that the Athenians must
attend to festivals, on which days no decisions
in courts of justice can be made. They have
double the number of holidays that any other

appointed by lot to begin the race, took a lighted torch
in his hand, and commenced his course: if the torch
was extinguished before he arrived at the goal, he gave
it to the second ; and the second, in like manner to the
third. He who carried the torch lighted to the end of
the race, was the victor, and was called Aeuradygocos or
TVEONPOCOS »

1 φύλωκως δεσμμωτῶν. These were also called οἱ ἕνδεκα;
the eleven, from their number, and were elected from
the ten tribes, one from each. To them was added
a yeemmereds,, or registrar, to complete the number.
Sometimes they were called vouogiAuxts, keepers of the
laws; and they superintended public prisoners, and
conducted criminals to execution. They had power to
seize on persons suspected of theft and robbery, and, if
they confessed that they were guilty, to put them to
death ; but, if not, they were obliged to prosecute them
in a judicial manner,

8 ἀστρατείας, refusing to serve in war was punished
with arise infamy

REPUBLIC. 701

state has; but we go on the supposition that
they are equal to them who have least. Since
this is the state of their affairs, I insist that
it is impossible that business at Athens can
be otherwise conducted than at present, ex-
cept that a little alteration may be made on
their present institutions by addition or sub-
traction. A great change cannot be made,
for fear of detracting from the democratical
influence.

It is possible to devise many plans to better
their political state: but it is not easy to pro-
pose a plan which will procure a better system
of government without endangering the demo-
cracy, except as I have already stated, by a
little addition or subtraction.

The Athenians seem also not to have con-
sulted well, in always supporting the worst
party in revolted cities. Yet, in this respect,
they act with judgment; for if they chose the
best, they would support a party entertaining
notions on political points different from them-
selves: for in no state are the better class of
citizens friendly to the plebeians, though the
worst class are friendly to the plebeians ; for
equals entertain friendly notions of their equals.
These reasons induce the Athenians to prefer
what is advantageous to themselves.

As often as they have supported the party
of the better class, it has been injurious to
them ; and within a short period the plebeians
were inslaved. This happened once in the
dase of interference with the Beeotians.® Again,
when they supported the nobility of the Mile-
sians, who, in a short period after, rose up and
massacred the plebeians. Again, when they
took the part of the Lacedemonians against
the Messenians, a very short time intervened
until the Lacedemonians overpowered the
Messenians, and made war on the Athenians
themselves.

9 Βοιωτοῖς. The author is here supposed to allude to
the unsuccessful expedition of Tolmidas against the
Beotian exiles, mentioned by Thucydides, i. 113.; Dio-
dorus, xii. 6.; Plutarch, in life of Pericles, 24.--
Μιλησίων») reference is probably here made to the war
which the Athenians undertook against the Samians,
when accused by the Milesians, Thucyd. i. 115., Plu-
tarch, Pericles, 24, Diodorus, 12., and Scholia ad Aris.
toph. Vesp. 283, though we are not aware that the
issue of either of these wars corresponded with the allu-
sions in the text.—Méeconyiav, the instance here given is
referred to the third Messenian war, in which the Athe.
nians, being invited by the Lacedemonians to besiege
Ithome, were immediately after dismissed by them,
Thucyd. i. 108.

702 ATHENIAN

It might be suspected that none are un-
justly branded as infamous at Athens: there
are however some, though these are few.
The popular authority at Athens, however,
cannot be shaken by the influence of a few.
Besides, we ought to consider that the mind
of mar is so constituted, that those who have
been deservedly deprived of their privileges,
pay little attention to their disgrace; those,
however, who are unjustly condemned, are
easily impelled to revenge, under the consider-

REPUBLIC.

ation of the injury they have received. How
can it be supposed that the many can be dis-
honoured at Athens, where the plebeians have
authority over the laws?

At Athens the infamous consist of those

who rule unjustly, and who do not speak or act
uprightly. He who takes these things into con-
sideration, can never suppose that any danger
can spring from those who are branded as in-
famous at Athens.

ON THE

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

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eR Be sie oh πέρ ἐν ΕΟ tag ΤΥ Mi ΠΡΟΣ EN
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ae re ese! sits The ἃ OPA τε ica Sage

πω» eit ἢ Ἢ μοί or

neh

ON

THE

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC:

I. As I was once reflecting how Sparta,
which was not a populous city, had rendered
herself the most powerful? and celebrated in
Greece, I wondered how this had happened :
when, however, I took into consideration the
Spartan mode of living, my wonder ceased.

Lycurgus, the enactor of the laws, which
rendered them happy, is a man whom [ ad-
mire, and whom I consider the wisest of man-
kind ; for he made bis country excel in happi-
ness, not by imitating other states, but by
adopting institutions quite contrary to that of
the majority.

In the procreation of children—-to begin at
the beginning—other nations nourished their
young women who were pregnaut and well-
educated, with as moderate a quantity as pos- |
sible of bread and sauces ; they caused them >
to refrain from wine, or to use it in a dilu-|
ted state. And as the greater number of those
engaged in arts are sedentary, so the rest of |
the Greeks required their young women to_
sit solitary and spin wool. How can it be’

1 This treatise is deservedly held in great estimation,
as being the work of a man who was trained by a philo-
sopher w ho ἀεὶ διελέγετο σκοπῶν, os 0 ς τὸ FOS, Ti

πολιτικός" τί ἀρχὴ ἀνθρώπων; τί ἀεχιπὸς ἀνθρώπων" καὶ
πεεὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ἃ τοὺς μὲν εἰδότας ἡγεῖτο κωλοὺς κέγαθοὺς |
εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ ἀγνοοῦντος ἀνδραποδώδεις ἂν δικαίως περλάσθαι,, '

Mem. 1. 1. 16. To this may be added Xenophon’s great |
experience io civil and military affairs, his acqnaintance |
with many of the highest in rank of the Iacedemonians,
such as Agesilaus, Cheirisophus, and others of that nation
with whom he lived on friendly terms when in exile.

2 δυνατωτάτη. ‘Their superiority first began to appear
in“ the Peloponnesian war, but chiefly about the ninety-
third Olympiad, when they conquered the Athenians at |
ZZgospotamos : from which period they held the sove-
reignty in Greece till the hundred and second Olympiad, !
that is, till the battle of Leuctra, in which they were |
80 completely defeated by the Thebans that they never
afterwards recovered the shock.

expected that persons thus trained should pro-

duce a beautiful and manly offspring ὃ
Lycurgus supposed that female slaves were
perfectly competent to supply clothes: and as
he reckoned the precreation of children a mat-
ter of the greatest consequence to free women,
he, first of all, enjoined that the female, as well
as the male part of the community, should en-
gage in bodily exercise; and as he had insti-
tuted trials of running and strength with each
other among the men, he did the same with the
women, imagining that when both parties were

Ε-τ; more robust children would be pro-
| duced.

In the connection between man and wife,

_he adopted a plan different from others: as he
observed that men generally at first associated
_immoderately with their wives, he made a law

| that it should be deemed disgraceful to be seen
going in or coming out from them. When
they associated in this manner, their love to
each other was necessarily stronger, and their
offspring, if they had any, much more robust

than if the parents had been cloyed with each

' other.

| He prevented them, besides, from marrying

whenever they wished, and enjoined that mar-

riage should be consummated when the body
was in full strength, as he considered this con-

_ ducive to the procreation of a robust and manly

| offspring.

And as he observed that when an old man
had a young spouse, he watched his wife with
jealous care, he devised a law differing from

| other nations, for he decreed that the old man

Should bring to his wife whatever man was
_most deserving of admiration, either for quali-
| fications of body or mind, and should support

| the children produced by them.

4U

΄

706

If any person, again, should have an aversion
to living with a wife, and should be desirous
of a fair and robust family, he enacted a law
that if he saw a woman of a good disposition,
and well fitted for procreating such a progeny,
and could persuade her husband to allow it,
he should beget children by her. He made
many similar concessions. For the women wish
to have the charge of two families, and the
men to obtain brothers to their children, who
have a common origin and power, but are ex-
cluded from participating in their property.

In thus differing from other legislators in
his enactments regarding the procreation of
children, I leave others to judge whether he
was instrumental in producing men to Sparta
eminently distinguished for size and strength.

11. Having thus treated of the procreation,
I will now explain the mode adopted in the
education of both sexes. Among the other
Greeks, those who take credit to themselves
for having their sons best educated, put a ser-
vant over them as soon as their children under-
stand what is said to them, and immediately
send them to schools to be instructed in litera-
ture, music, and wrestling. Moreover, they
render their children’s feet delicate by sandals,
and debilitate their bodies by the variety and
change of their clothes: their appetite, too, is
the measure of their food.

But Lycurgus, instead of giving each of the
children into the charge of slaves, set over
them one of those men, from whom the chief
officers of state are chosen, and he was called
Pedonomus. To him he delegated the autho-
rity of collecting the boys, and punishing them
severely when they neglected their duty. He
also gave him, as assistants, some of the grown
lads, furnished with whips, that he might pun-
ish whenever it was necessary, and thus infuse
into them a great dread of disgrace, and a de-
sire of obedience.

Instead of making their feet delicate with
sandals, he enjoined that they should be ren-
dered hardy by going barefooted; as he be-
lieved that if they exercised themselves in this
state, they would be able to ascend steep
places with greater ease, and descend decli-
vities with much more safety: they would
skip, leap, and run quicker unshod, if their
feet were trained to it, than shod.

And instead of being made effeminate by
clothes, he decreed that they should accustom
themselves to one dress throughout the year,

~
- “αὐ

.- θ--. τ΄. τ΄τᾳτ-τ΄κΓ.͵οτπὭτλ΄ο.τ͵͵͵Γπ τ’ π--Ππ’’’,,,,,’.͵.ςς--ς-ς-

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

supposing that they would be thus better en-
abled to endure the extremes of cold and heat.
He likewise enjoined that the young men
should exert themselves never to take so much
food as to be burdened with satiety ; and that
they should have some experience in enduring
hunger, supposing that persons thus trained
would be more able to endure fatigue when
necessary, without food; persevere in exertion
a much longer time on the same food, when they
are commanded ; stand less in need of sauces;
be much more easily satisfied with any kind of
food ; and spend their lives much more healthily.
He also considered that the fare which ren-
dered the body slender, was more conducive to
good health, and increasing the stature of the
body, than that which expanded it.
But that they might not be too much op-
pressed by hunger, though he did not permit
them to receive what they stood in need of
without difficulty, he allowed them to steal
what was necessary to satisfy their hunger ;
and he made it honourable to steal as ἜΝ
cheeses as possible.’ z
I suppose every person is aware that he aia
not prescribe the laying of schemes for their
livelihood, because he had nothing to give
them, but because it is evident that he who
intends to steal must watch during the night,
and cheat during the day, and lay snares, and,
if he expects to receive any thing, he must
even employ spies. It is plain, then, that the
children were thus instructed, because he
wished to make them most dextrous in pro-
curing provisions, and well trained for warfare.
It may be said, Why, then, since he reckon-
ed it honourable to steal, did he inflict many
strokes on the person apprehended in the fact?
because, 1 assert, that in all other branches in
which men receive instructions, they are pun-
ished unless they act properly up to them.
They are punished, therefore, when detected,
because they have stolen in a bungling manner.
These persons «1e given in charge to others,
to be flogged at the altar of Orthian® Diana.

1 This sentence, in almost all editions, is to be found
farther on, in a place where it injures the sense mate
rially. We have followed the recommendation of
Schneider in introducing it here.

2 Ocbids. This festival was called Diamastigosis,
because boys were whipped before the altar of the god-
dess. These boys, called Bomonicze, were originally
free-born Spartans ; but, in the more delicate ages, they
were of mean birth, and generally of a slavish origin.
The parents of the children attended the solemnity, and

and

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

By this he wished to prove that, after a
short endurance of pain, a person may enjoy
pleasure a long period. He also demonstrates
by this, that, when speed is required, the indo-
lent man is of least advantage, and occasions
most trouble.

And that the children should not be in want
of a leader when their pedonomus was absent,
he decreed that whatever citizen was present
should be master, and enjoin whatever he
thought advantageous for the children, and
punish them when in the wrong. ‘By this
means he rendered the boys much more mo-
dest; for neither boys nor men respect any
person more than their rulers. And that the
boys should not be deprived of a leader when
even no man was present, he decreed that the
most courageous of the monitors of each class
should assume the command: so that the boys
of Lacedemon are never without a leader.®

III. As soon as the boys have become
youths, then the rest of the Greeks cease to
be attended by slaves who have them in charge
—cease from attending teachers—no one has
then rule over them, but they are left to the
freedom of their own'will. Lycurgus enacted
a different law. |

Having observed that nature had infused
into persons of their age the greatest exuberance
of daring, the greatest excess of insolence,
and the most vehement desire of pleasures, he
therefore imposed upon them the heaviest toils,
and contrived as much re χῆμη for them as
possible.

He also added, that poets should attempt

to evade these, should be deprived of all the

privileges of the state; and thus brought it
about, that not only public characters, but also
those who had the charge of individuals, ex-
erted themselves that they might not, through

laziness or aversion to labour, become com-

pletely contemptible in the state.
Besides, as he was extremely anxious “to

͵ exhorted them not to commit any thing, either by fear

or groans, that might he unworthy of Laconian educa-
tion. These flagellations were so severe, that the blood
gushed in profuse torrents, and many expired under the
lash of the whip without uttering a groan, or betraying
any. marks of fear. Such a death was reckoned very
honourable, and the corpse was buried with much
solemnity, with a garland of flowers on its head. The
origin of this festival is unknown. The general sup-
position is, that Lycurgus first instituted it to inure the
youths of Lacedzemon to bear labour and fatigue, and
render them insensible to pain and wounds.
8 The rest of this section is περὶ τῶν παιδικῶν ἐφξώτων.

707

instil into them the principles of modesty, he
directed that, on the road, they should always
keep their hands within their robes, walk in
silence, look around nowhere, and should only
attend to those things which were before their
feet. By this, he proved that the male sex
can conduct themselves with greater modesty
than the female. You would certainly no more
hear their voices than if they had been stones,
you would have more difficulty in turning their
eyes than if they were made of brass, and you
would reckon them much more modest than
virgins in the bridal-chamber; and whenever
they came to the philition,t you would hear
nothing from them but what they were asked.
We have now explained the education, both
of the Lacedemonian and the other Grecian
states, and by which of them men can be ren-

A φιδίτιος Or QlAitia, an association of friends. In this
assembly, kings, magistrates, and private citizens, met
to eat together in certain halls, in which a nunsber of
tables were spread, most frequently with fifteen covers
each, which were called κάδδοι ; and hence, when any
one was ejected from the rest, he was said zezaddeiobas.
The guests at one table never interfered with those at
another, and formed a society of friends, in which no
person could be received but by the consent of all those
who composed it. They reclined on hard couches of
oak, leaning with their elbows on a stone or a block of
wood. Black broth was served up to them, and after-
wards boiled pork, which was distributed to each guest
in equa! portions, sometimes so small that they scarcely
weighed a quarter of a mina each. They had wine,
cakes, and barley-bread ‘in plenty; and at other times
fish and different kinds of game were added by way of
supplement to their ordinary portion. They, who of-
fered sacrifices, or went out to hunt, might, on their
return, eat at home ; but it was necessary to send their
companions at the same table a part of the game or
the victim. Near each cover a small piece of bread was
laid to wipe their fingers. The guests were enjoined
that their decorum should be accompanied with gaiety,
and, with that view, a statue of the god of laughter
was placed in the hall. But the pleasantries that ex-
cited mirth were to contain nothing offensive ; and the
too severe sally, if it escaped any one present, was
never to be repeated in any other place; the oldest of
the company showing the door to those who entered,
reminded them that nothing they might hear was to go
out there. The different classes of youth were present
at these repasts without partaking of them: the young-
est carried off adroitly from the table some portion which
they shared with their comrades; and the others receiv-
ed lessons of wisdom and pleasantry. These repasts,
during peace, produced union, temperance, and equality ;
and during war, they held forth to the citizens to flee to
the succour of another, with whom he had participated
in sacrifices and libations. The expense was defrayed
by individuals, who were obliged to furnish every month,
a certain quantity of barley-meal, wine, cheese, figs,
and even money ; and, by this contribution, the poorest
class were in ie aie of being excluded from the meal! in
common.

708

dered more obedient, more modest, and more
temperate, we leave others to decide.

IV. His greatest solicitude was shown to-
wards the young men, as he considered that if
they were what they should be, they would
have great influence in promoting the happi-
ness and virtue of their fellow-citizens, and
the welfare of their country. And observing
that, among those who were possessed of an
innate desire of emulation, their singing was
most deserving of being heard, and their gym-
nastic contests most deserving of being seen,
he thought that if he could excite in young
men a contest of virtue, that they would thus

become possessed of the greatest manliness of

spirit. How he attained this I will explain.

The Ephori choose three men come to the
years of maturity, and these are called hippa-
grete. Each cf these chooses one hundred
men, explaining why he prefers some and re-
jects others. They, then, who have not ob-
tained this honourable preference, fight with
those who have rejected them, and those who
are chosen in their stead, and they strictly
watch each other lest they should do any thing
slily, which was not considered honourable.

And this contest is most agreeable to the
gods, and most advantageous to the state, in
which it is shown what a brave man ought to
do: and they each exercise themselves apart,
that they may always be most powerful, and,
if it should be necessary, that they may defend
the city with all their strength. It is necessary
for them also to attend to good health, for they
must box whenever they encounter in this con-
test. Every man of authority who is present
may stop the contest. And if any one should
disobey the person who interrupts the contest,
the pedonomus leads him to the ephori, and
they fine him heavily, wishing to hinder anger
from prevailing so far as to check the due exe-
cution of the law.

And with regard to those who exceed the
years of puberty, from whom all the higher
officers of state are chosen, the other Greeks,
though they deprive them of any anxiety to hus-
band their strength, still require them to serve
in the army with others ; but Lycurgus enacted
a law that it should be reckoned honourable
for such persons to engage in hunting, unless
public business. prevented it, that they might
be as able as the young men to endure the
hardships incident to a soldier’s life.

Y. We have now nearly explained what

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

mode of life Lycurgus had enjoined by law for
each period of life. What mode of living he
adopted, I will now attempt to explain.

Lycurgus having found the Spartans, like the.
other Greeks, taking their meals at home, and
knowing that the majority indulged in knavery
at them, he caused their meals to be taken
publicly, supposing that they would be thus
less apt to transgress their orders.

He also ordered food to be given to them
that they should neither be exposed to repletion
nor want. - Many things, also, beyond their
apportioned quantity, are procured from the
hunters; and the rich sometimes give bread in
exchange for this, so that the table is never
either expensive or destitute of eatables, as
long as they enjoy this common meal. δ’

Moreover, having checked the use of un-
necessary drinks, which cause both body and
mind to totter, he allowed every man to drink
when thirsty; for in this manner he supposed
that the drink would be less injurious and much
more pleasant. When they lived thus together,
how was it possible for any one to ruin himself
or family by gluttony or drunkenness ?

For in other cities, equals generally associate
together,—among these there exists the least
modesty; but Lycurgus, in Sparta, mixed
those of different ages together, to enable the
younger to be instructed by the experience of
the elder.

According to the custom of the country,
at these public banquets, each one relates what
gallant feat he has performed to the state; so
that no insolence, no drunken frolic, no foul
deed or indecent language, can ever be there
introduced.

Public banquets are useful for this, that the
citizens are obliged to walk home, and to take
care that they do not stagger through wine,
knowing that they do not remain where they
supped, and they must walk during the night
as well as day; for no one not yet freed from
military duty is allowed to proceed with a
torch.

Lycurgus also having observed that, after
meals, those who contended with others in
labours, were well coloured, plump, and robust, ©
and those who did not exercise themselves were
puffed up, ill coloured, and feeble, turned much
of his attention to this subject; but consider-
ing that when each individual exerts himself, in
his own opinion he appears to have a body fit
by exercise for business, he commanded that

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

the oldest should always take care on each
day of exercising, that they should never in-
dulge so much in meat as to weaken their body
for exercise.

And, in this respect, he seems to me not
to have been mistaken. You will rarely find
men surpassing the Spartans in health or
strength of body ; for they are equally exer-
cised in their legs, in their hands, and their
neck,

In this respect also he adopted a plan differ-
ing from others. For in other cities each indi-
vidual has authority over his own children, ser-
vants, and property. But Lycurgus, wishing
to enable the citizens to enjoy some common
good, without injuring each other, enacted a
law, that each individual should have equal
authority over his own children and those of
others.

When any one considers that his fellow-citi-
zens are fathers of the children over whom he
exercises authority, he must do it in such a man-
ner as he would wish it done to his own ; and if
any boy, at any time, should receive blows from
another, and inform his father of it, it is dis-
graceful not to inflict additional blows on his
son. Thus they have confidence in each other
that nothing disgraceful will be imposed on
their children.

He enacted also, that if any one stood in
need of servants, he should use his neighbour’s.
He also introduced the common use of hunt-
ing-dogs, so that those who require them invite
their proprietor to hunt, and if he has no lei-
sure, he cheerfully surrenders them. They in
like manner use their neighbour’s horses ; for
when one is sick and in want of a chariot, or
desirous of reaching some place quickly, when
he sees a horse anywhere he takes it, and hay-
ing made a proper use of it, restores it.

He did not however wish that done among
his people, which is custumary with others.
‘For at times persons belated by hunting stand
in need of provisions, unless they have been
previously prepared. He also enacted this law,
that those who had fed should leave the food
dressed, and those who needed it should open
the seals and take whatever they stood in need
of, and Jeave it sealed. When they thus divide
with each other, even those wha have little
property share in all the products ef the coun-
try, when they require any thing.

_ VII. With regard to these things, Lycurgus
proposed a law in Sparta different from that of

709

the other Greeks. For in other cities all the
citizens are as intent on gain as possible;
one engages in farming, another in commerce,
another in trade, and another is supported by
the arts.

But in Sparta, Lycurgus forbade freemen to
have any connection with matters of gain;
whatever procures freedom to cities he enjoin-
ed them to consider as their only occupation.

Where he caused every man to contribute
equally to the necessaries of life, and where all
eat together, how could wealth be eagerly
sought after for the sake of voluptuousness ?
But money was not even necessary for clothes,
for they are adorned not by costliness of dress
but by robust constitution of bodies.

Nor was it necessary to collect money to be
at expense in assisting their companions, for
he made it more horourable to assist their ae-
quaintances with bodily labour than money,
having demonstrated that the one depended on
the mind, the other on wealth.

He also absolutely forbade the procuring of
money by unjust means. For first of all, he
instituted such a kind of money, that if only
10 mine were introduced into a house it could
neither escape the notice of masters nor ser-
vants, for it would occupy much space and
would require a carriage to convey it.

Silver and gold are carefully searched after,
and if found anywhere the possessor is punish-
ed. What anxious desire could there then be
for money, when the possession occasioned

more pain than the enjoyment pleasure ?

VIII. We all know how very obedient the
Spartans were to their rulers and the Jaws. I
however suppose that Lycurgus would not have
attempted to settle this sound political consti-
tution, before he had converted to his opinions
the most powerful men in the state.

J prove it thus, that in other states the most
powerful men do not wish to seem to fear ma-
gistrates, but deem this unworthy of a free-
man; but in Sparta the most powerful pay
great respect to the magistrates, and reckon it
honourable to demean themselves ; and when
addressed, not to walk but run to obey. For,
they suppose that if they lead the way in obe-
dience, the rest will follow their example,
which was the case.

And it is probable that these same persons
assisted Lycurgus in instituting the power of
the ephori, because they knew that obedience
was the greatest good in a state, in an army,

710
in a family. In proportion to the extent of
the power of the magistracy, they supposed
that they would inspire terror in the citizens,
and enforce obedience.

The ephori then are enabled to amerce whom
they choose, and are empowered to demand the
fine instantly ; they are empowered to abrogate
the authority of the magistrates at times, to in-
carcerate, and even to institute a trial for life.
And having so much authority, they do not, like
other states, allow those chosen always to com-
mand during the year as they choose, but like
kings and presidents in the gymnastic contests,
if they perceive any one acting contrary to law,
they immediately punish him.

Though there were many other excellent
devices which Lycurgus used to inspire in the
people a wish to obey the laws, this one seems
to me to have been the best, that he did not
deliver his laws to the people until he came
with some of the nobles to Delphi, and ques-
tioned the god whether it would be more desir-
able and advantageous for Sparta to obey the
laws which be had made. When the answer
was received that it would on every account be
preferable, he then delivered them, decreeing
that it was not only against the laws of man
but against those of heaven, to disobey the
laws sanctioned by the oracle of Apollo.

IX. This also is deserving of admiration in
Lycurgus, that he effected this in the state,
that an honourable death should be reckoned
preferable to a disgraceful life ; and if any one
examines, he will find fewer of them dying than
of those who attempt to escape danger by flight.

So that it may be truly said, that a man is
preserved a much longer period by bravery
than by cowardice ; for it is much easier, plea-
santer, more capable of assisting us in difficulty,
and stronger ; and it is plain that glory is the
attendant of bravery, for all men wish to assist
the brave.

By what contrivances he attained this object
should not be overlooked. His laws wisely
entailed happiness on the brave, misery on
cowards.

For in other states when any one acts cow-
ardly, he is merely branded with the name of
coward; he goes to the same market with the
brave man, and sits or exercises himself if he
chooses: but at Lacedemon every one would
be ashamed to admit the coward into the same
tent, or exercise himself with him in wrestling.

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

Frequently also such a person, when the two
parties who play at ball are divided, has no
place assigned for him, and at dances he is ex-
pelled into the most dishonourable places ; on
the road too he must give place to others, and —
at public meetings he must even rise to his
juniors. He must also support his female re-
lations at home, apart from the public games,
and they must remain without husbands, in the
city : the coward was not allowed to take a wife,
and yet a fine was imposed for not having one.
He is not allowed to walk about anointed, nor
to imitate those whose character is irreproach-
able, unless he wishes to receive blows from his
betters.

When such disgrace was inflicted upon cow-
ards, it cannot be reckoned wonderful that
death should be preferred by them, to a life so
dishonourable and infamous.

X. Lycurgus also seems to me to have wisely
devised a plan for encouraging the practice of
virtue throughout life till old age. For to his
other institutions he added the making the se-
nate consist entirely of old men distinguished’
for virtue, and brought it about that honour and
virtue were not neglected even in old age.

It is also deserving of admiration, that he
gave great authority to the old age of the brave ;
for having appointed the old men umpires in
the contest for superiority of intellect, he ren-
dered their old age more honourable than the
strength of those in full bloom.

This contest is deservedly celebrated with
highest exertion by men. Gymnastic contests
are honourable, but they refer to the body,
but the contest regarding the dignity of an
old man, exhibits the deciding on brave souls.
In proportion as the soul is better than the
body, so the contest of superiority of mind de-
serves to be more zealously aimed at than that
of the body.

Does not this, moreover, deserve distinguish-
ed admiration in Lycurgus? When he per-
ceived that those who did not wish to attend
to virtue were not able to enlarge their coun-
try, he obliged all men publicly in Sparta to
practise all the virtues. For as private men
excel each other in virtue, those who practise it
from those who neglect it, so also Sparta is natu-
rally superior to all states in virtue, as being the
only one which enjoins honour and ‘virtue.

Is not this then also deserving of commen-
dation, that when other states punish one who

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

had committed an injury upon another, they
inflicted not less punishment on him who
showed himself regardless of excelling in
virtue.

He considered, it appears, that those who
made others slaves, or took any plunder, or stole
any thing, only injured the individual sufferers,
but that by cowards aud effeminate men, whole
republics had been overturned. So that in
my opinion he deservedly imposed heaviest
punishments on them.

. And he rendered the necessity most inviol-

able of practising every political virtue. For
to all those who performed what was enjoined
by law, he gave an equal participation in the
benefits of the state, and he took no account
either of the weakness of their bodies, or
slenderness of their means. Ifany one through
indolence should neglect to toil through what
was enjoined by law, he pointed him out as one
no longer deserving to be reckoned among the
equal-honoured.

But it is very plain that these laws are very
ancient ; for Lycurgus is said to have lived in
the times of the Heraclide, and though they
are so old they are still reckoned the most re-
cent with other nations, for what is most won-
derful, all men praise such institutions, though
no state wishes to imitate them.

ΧΙ. The advantages of his institutions al-
ready enumerated were common both to peace
and war,—but we may also explain the pecu-
liar advantages of his plans in military affairs.

He first caused the ephori to announce be-
forehand to the cavalry, the heavy-armed, and
then to the artizans, the years in which they
must join the army, that the Lacedzemonians
may have in the army abundance of all those
things which are necessary in a city ; and the
instruments which the army require for com-
mon use, whatever be the purpose for which
they are intended, are commanded to be sup-
plied partly on waggons, partly on beasts of
burden; and thus their deficiencies are less
likely to escape notice.

In war he enacted that they should wear a
purple robe and carry a brazen shield, as he
supposed this to have least in common with
the female robe, and fittest for war, for it is
soonest made splendid and is with difficulty
soiled. He also allowed those above the age
of youths to wear their hair long, as he sup-
posed. them thus to inh taller, genteeler,
and sterner.

71

When they were thus arrayed, he divided
them into six regiments of cavalry and heavy-
armed. Hach of these political regiments! has
one general officer, four colonels, eight captains,
and sixteen subalterns. These regiments are
put in battle array. by word of command, some-
times each enomotia making only one file,
sometimes three files, sometimes six.

In supposing the Lacedemonian arrangement
in arms to be most intricate, the majority of
mankind have conceived what is most opposite
to fact. For in the Lacedemonian arrange-
ment in arms there are commanders in the
front ranks, and each line has within itself
every thing necessary for war.

It is so easy to understand this arrangement,
that no one acquainted with military move»
ments can mistake it; for some are enjoined to
lead, others to follow. The marching with one
of the wings in front is pointed out by the
orders of the subaltern, as if by a herald, by
which the phalanxes become both narrower and
closer; there cannot be the slightest difficulty
in understanding this circumstance.

But that the body thus arranged should be
able to fight with the enemy when thrown into
confusion, is not so easily understood ; except
by those educated under the laws of Lycurgus.

The Lacedemonians make these things very
easy which seem very difficult to men in arms.
For when they march by the wing, the enomo-
tia follows in the rear; and if, in such a posi-
tion, the enemy’s phalanx should appear in
front, orders are given to the enomotarch to
to arrange his men with front to the left ; and
in like manner throughout the whole, until the
phalanx stands opposite. But if, when in this
position, the enemy appear in the rear, each

1 πολιτικῶν μορῶν, Thucydides, v. 68, mentions the
same division of the Lacedemonian army. What num.
ber of soldiers was contained in each mora is uncertain ;
some make them five, some seven, and others nine hun-
dred ; but at the first formation of the commonwealth,
they seem not to have exceeded four hundred, who w ere
all foot-men. -’Evwuorio was the half of πεντηχοστὺς»
contained originally twenty-five men, and derived its
name from the soldiers in it, being bound by a solemn
oath upon a sacrifice to be faithful and loyal to their coun-
try. In the course of time the numbers of the ἐνωμοτίοι
were changed and increased, though the ancient name
still remained, so that the ἐνωμοοτία consisted of upwards
of fifty, and πεντηκοστὺς of upwards of one hundred men.
From a calculation made on a passage of Thucydides,
the ἐνωμοτίοω is proved to consist of thirty-two men,
which makes up for the whole regiment the number of
512.

712

rank countermarches' until the bravest are op-
posed to the enemy.

But when the commander is on the left, even
then they are not reckoned to be ina worse
condition, and they are even sometimes in a
better. For if any person should attempt to

1 ᾿Εξελέττεται. ᾿Ἐξελιγμὸς, ἐξελισμοὸς, or ἐξέλιξις») Was a
countermarch, by which every soldier, one marching
after another, changed the front for the rear, or one
flank for another ; whence there were two sorts of
countermarches, κατὰ λόχους, and κατὰ ζυγὰ» one by
files, the other by ranks.

1 ᾿Εξελιγμὸς Μακεδὼν κατὼ λόχους» was as follows:
first, the leaders of the files having turned to the right
or left, the next rank passed through by them on the
same hand, and, occupying the distant spaces, placed
themselves behind the leaders of their files, and turned
their faces the same way. In like manner the third and
fourth ranks, and all the rest, till the bringers-up were
last, and had turned about their faces, and again oc-
cupied therear. By this motion the army was removed
into the ground before the front, and the faces of the
soldiers were turned backward. It appeared so like a
retreat, that Philip of Macedon, instead of it, used the
following motion. — 2 ᾿Ἐξελιγμὸς Λάκων πωτὰ λόχους,
was contrary to the last: this motion occupied the
ground behind the phalanx, and the. soldiers’ faces
turned the contrary way; it was made from front to
rear. This evolution was performed in two ways: one
was, when those in the rear first turned about their
faces, the next rank also turned theirs and began the
countermarch, every man placing himself directly be-
fore his bringer-up; the third did the same, and the
rest, till the rank of file-leaders was first. The other
method was, when the leaders of the files began the
countermarch, every one in their files followed them in
order: by this means they were brought nearer to the
enemy, and represented a charge.—3 ᾿Εξελιγμὸς Περ-

σιρὸς, or Κρητικὸς, κατὰ λόχους. sometimes termed |

0280s, because managed like the Grecian chori, which
being ordered into files and ranks, like soldiers in battle-
array, and moving forward toward the brink of the
stage, when they could pass no farther, retired, one
through the ranks of another ; the whole chorus keep-
ing all the time the same ground of which they were
before possessed.

᾿Εξελιγμὸς κατὰ Cvye, countermarch by rank, was
contrary to the countermarch by file: in the counter-
march by file, the motion was in the depth of the bat-
talia, the front moving towards the rear, or the rear
towards the front, and succeeding into each other’s
place. In this, the motion was in length of the battalia
flankwise, the wing either marching into the midst, or
quite through to the opposite wing. In doing this, the
soldiers who were last in the flank of the wing, moved
first to the contrary wing, the rest following in their
order. It was also performed three ways.

1 The Macedonian countermarch began its motion at
the corner of the wing nearest the enemy, and remoy-
ing to the ground on the side of the contrary wing,
resembled a flight.--2 The Lacedemonian countermarch,
beginning its motion in the wing farthest distant from
the enemy, seized the ground nearest to them, by which
an attack was represented.—3 The Chorean counter-
march maintained its own ground, only removing one
wing into the place of the other.

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

surround them, he would fall in, not with un-
armed, but heavy-armed men. But if at any
time it may seem advantageous for some pur-
pose, that the leader should stand on the right
wing, turning the troop upon the wing, they —
deploy the phalanx until the general is on the |
right and the rear is on the left.

But if again from the right a body of the
enemy should appear marching, each cohort
makes a central movement of half-turning like
a galley, whose prow is wished to be presented
to the enemy, and then the rear company comes
to the right. And if again the enemy should
attempt the left, they do not allow this, but
drive them off, or turn the opposing companies
to the enemy, and thus again the rear ἡρβυν cid
is placed on the left.

XII. I will also explain how ἜΤΗ
enacted that their camps should be pitched.
Because the angles of a quadrangle were use-
less, the camp was pitched in a circle, unless
they were protected by a mountain, or had 8
wall or river on their rear. 3

He instituted daily watches which looked
inwards to the camp: these’are placed, not for
the sake of the enemy, but their friends; and
cavalry watch the enemy from places where
they can see farthest in advance.

But if any one should advance during the
night beyond the phalanx, he decreed that he
should be watched by the Seyrites: but now
this is done by strangers, provided some of |
them be present.

It ought to be well iinet that they
always go about with their spears, and for this
same reason, they prevent their slaves from
joining the army. And it is not to be won-
dered at, that those going out for necessary pur-
poses, do not retire so far from each other, or
the army, as to excite uneasiness in each other ;
this is done for self-preservation.

They frequently change their camp, that
they may injure their enemy, and assist their
friends. And it is enjoined by law, that all
Lacedemonians should exercise themselves
wherever they are engaged in war; which adds
greatly to their magnanimity and ingenuous-
ness. Their exercises in walking and running
take place in front of their own regiment, and
no one can proceed beyond it.

And after the exercises the first polemarch
issues orders for them to sit down; this serves
all the purposes of a review: after this they
breakfast, and immediately the advanced cen-

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

tinel is relieved : after that again, conversation
and recreation before the evening exercises.

Immediately afterwards, orders are given to
sup, and when they have sung to the gods, to
whom they have previously sacrificed, they re-
tire to rest in their armour.

No person need wonder that I write so
much on this subject, as nothing which requires
diligence seems to have been overlooked by
the Lacedemonians in warlike matters.

XIII. I will also explain the power and hon-
our which Lycurgus decreed should be given to
the king when withthe army. First, then, the
state supports a king and attendants in the camp:
the polemarchs live in the same tent with him,
that being always present they may be better
enabled to hold a common council when neces-
sary. Other three men, also, of the alike-hon-
oured, live in the same tent with him. These
attend to all the necessaries of life, that their
minds may not be distracted by minor consi-
derations,from attending to warlike affairs.

I will now explain how the king moves for-
ward to battle with the army. He sacrifices
first at home to Jupiter the leader, and the
other gods ; and when he has thus sacrificed,
the fire-bearing attendant taking fire from the
altar, leads the way to the borders of the coun-
try: the king then again sacrifices to Jupiter
and Minerva.

When they have sacrificed to both these
gods, then he passes the boundaries of the
country. Fire from these sacrifices leads the
way, never to be extinguished; all kinds of
victims are then sacrificed. Whenever he sa-
crifices he begins this work at daybreak, wish-
ing to anticipate the good-will of the god.

There are present at the sacrifice, the pole-
march, lochagi, pentecosteres, commanders of
mercenary troops, the commanders of baggage
troops, and any one of the generals from the
city who chooses.

Two of the ephori are also present, who do
not interfere in the conducting of business,
unless they are summoned by the king; but
looking on what each did, they naturally ren-
der them more modest. When the sacred rites
are finished, the king, having called them all
forward, prescribes what is to be done; so that
contemplating these things, you would suppose
that other nations enter into military affairs
with precipitation, but that the Lacedemonians
alone in reality were the artists of war.

But when the king leads, if no enemy ap-

713

pears, no one proceeds befure him except the
Scirite and the cavalry, who march in advance
to reconnoitre, and if at any time they suppose
a battle likely to ensue, the king takes the troop
of the first regiment and leads it, turning aside
to the right, until he is in the middle between
the two more and the two polemarchias.

Whatever instructions in addition to these
must be given, are arranged by the eldest of
those connected with the public table; and
these are the men who live in the same tent
with the alike-honoured, the prophets, phy-
sicians, musicians, officers of the army, and the
volunteers present. So that of the things
necessary to be done none is neglected ; for
every thing is previously considered.

Lycurgus, in my opinion contrived what
was very advantageous with respect to the
contest on arms. For when in sight of the
enemy the goat is sacrificed, the law is, that
all the musicians present should play, and
that none of the Lacedemonians should be un-
covered with garlands; and they are enjoined be-
fore-hand to clean their arms. The youth are
allowed to march to battle combed, and to be
sprightly and graceful. . . . And that it
may be well done, the polemarch must take care.

The king decides on the proper season and
place for pitching the camp. He possesses also
the right of dismissing ambassadors whether
friendly or hostile. He also commences what-
ever they wish done.

When any person comes desiring justice, the
king refers him to the Hellanodice, and if
money, to the questor, and if bringing in booty,
to the dealer in booty. When they do thus no
other business is left in battle for the king,
than to be priest in what regards the gods and
general in what regards men.

XIV. Should the question be asked, do the
laws of Lycurgus at present seem to remain
unchanged ? to this I certainly would not an-
swer in the affirmative.

For I know that the Lacedemonians form er-
ly preferred to associate together, in possession
of moderate means, than to goyern cities and
be corrupted by adulation,

And formerly, I know that they were afraid
to appear possessed of gold; but I know some
who are at present vain and ostentatious of
their possessions.

I know, too, that formerly on this account
strangers were expelled, and the citizens were

not allowed to reside abroad, lest their morals
: 4X

-@

τ

714

shouid be corrupted by strangers. But now I
know that they prove the first to exert them-
selves, that they may never cease to govern a
foreign city.

There was a time, too; when they were sedu-
lous to make themselves worthy of governing ;
but now they study more to obtain rule than
deserve it.

The Greeks, formerly, resorted to La-
cedzemon, and requested of them to take the lead
against those who did an injury—but now,
many of the Greeks exhort each other to hinder
them from again taking the lead in their affairs.

It is by no means wonderful, that such blame
should be attached to them, as they show them-
selves neither obedient to the deity, nor to the
laws of Lycurgus.

XV. I wish also to explain what agree-
ments Lycurgus made between the king and
the city; for he is the only magistrate, whose
office remains such as it was originally insti-
tuted: the other political situations have been
changed, and are even now changing.

For he enacted that the king should offer
without the city, all the public sacrifices, as he
was descended from the deity, and be com-
mander wherever the state should send the
army.

He granted also, that he should receive a
share of the sacrifices, and be possessed of so
much good land in many of the neighbouring
cities, as never to be in want of moderate
means, and never be possessed of excessive
wealth. ;

LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC.

He assigned a public tent for the kings, that
even they should live in tents, and allowed
them a double share at supper, not that they
might consume that portion; but that they
might have it in their power to honour any ~
one they pleased.

He granted also, that each of them should
choose two companions,who were called Pythii.
He granted him also, to receive a pig from every
litter, that he might never be in want of
victims, when it was necessary to consult the —
gods on any matter. And near his house a
pool of water presents abundance: that
this is useful for many purposes, those who
do not possess one know best. All rise up
from their seats to the king, but the ephori do
not rise from their chairs of office.

They bind each other by oaths every montb,
the ephori for the city, and the king for him-
self. The king’s oath is, that he will govern
according to the existing laws of the city: the
city’s oath, that if he does not violate his
oath, they will preserve his kingdom unshaken
and firm.

And these are the honours which are paid to
the king in his native land when living: they
do not far exceed those paid to a private indi-
vidual ; for he did not wish to infuse a tyran-
nical spirit in the kings, nor to excite among
the citizens an envy of their power.

But honours are paid to the king when
dead: by this, the laws of Lycurgus wish to
show, that they have honoured the kings of the
Lacedemonians, not as men, but as heroes.

HORSEMANSHIP.

5

any EES ST ΟΠ

ἐξέ, Tse cdot, Aas ba

SS Ter Y eter ; ἃ, FRE TO “a τ ν ee
Pp a he , ΔΑ ΩΣ: ὃ ; ie τ seh, ὃ» ἘΣ AS od

SU A ORS Cie ΔΜ a ee ne Me setae:
: εν: as ~ . ke ᾿ Ἢ - π᾿ αν ae 8“
sities S333° : ᾿ πεν Pee SO Boe Ἑ

4

ON

HORSEMANSHIP.

As it has fallen to our lot, from long practice,
to have become experienced in horsemanship,
we wish to point out to our younger friends how
we think they can use their horses most pro-
perly. Simon has indeed written a treatise on
horsemanship ; he also erected a brazen horse
at the temple of Ceres at Athens, and carved
ou the pedestal his own deeds. We will not
expunge from our own writings whatever we
find in accordance with his views, but we will
give them with much more pleasure, to our
friends, reckoning them more deserving of cre-
dit, inasmuch as he, who was a horseman, cor-
responded in opinion with us. Whatever he
has omitted, we will attempt to explain.

We will first describe how a man may be
least deceived in purchasing a horse. It is evi-
dent that we ought to prove the body of the
untamed foal, for the horse not yet mounted
cannot exhibit very distinct proofs of his spirit.

And, of his body, we assert that the feet
should first be examined. For as a house
would be useless which had the upper parts
beautiful, without having the necessary foun-
dation laid; so also a war-steed would be use-
less, though every other part of the body were
good, if the feet were badly shaped, for none
of his advantages could be brought into action.

When we wish to prove the feet, the hoofs
must first be examined.
much influenced by the thickness or thinness
ofthe hoofs. This also must not be lost sight
of, whether the hoofs are high before and be-
hind, or low; for the high ones have the hol-
low of the sole removed from the ground ; but
the low walk equally on the strongest and soft-
est part of the foot, like in-kneed men. Simon
excellently remarks, that good feet are known
by the sound; the hollow hoof struck on the
ground sounds like a cymbal.

Soundness of feet is.

Having begun with the feet we will ascend
gradually to the rest of the body. It is neces»
sary then that the upper part of the hoofs and
the lower bones of the fetlock should not be
too erect, like a goat’s; for being very elastic,
it fatigues the rider, and such legs are more
easily inflamed: nor ought the bones to be too
low, for the fetlocks would become hairless
and ulcerated, whether the horse rode over
clods or stones. :

The bones of the leg ought to be thick, for
these are the supports of the body ; they should
not however be covered with fat flesh or
large veins. For when driven through rough
roads, these must necessarily be filled with
blood, hard tumours arise, the legs become fat,
and the skin separates. And when the skin
becomes loose, the smaller bone of the leg fre-
quently separates, and renders the horse lame.

Moreover, if the foal, when walking, bends
his knees pliantly, you may reckon it probable
that when ridden he will have pliant legs. For
they all in the course of time bend their knees
much more pliantly. Flexible knees are justly
held in repute ; inasmuch as they render the
horse less liable to stumble and shake the rider,
than stiff legs.

When the arms are fat, horses appear strong-
er and more elegant, as is the case in the
human form. And when the chest is wide, it
contributes both to his beauty, to his strength,
and bears the legs more gracefully ; not close one
to the other, but considerably separated. More-
over, from the chest his neck should not fall
forward like boar’s, but, like a cock’s. should
rise erect to the head, and be slender at the
arch. ‘The head should be bony, and have a
small jaw-bone ; thus his neck will be before
the rider, and his eye see what is before his feet.

A horse thus shaped would be less able to

718

horses attempt to do injury, not by arching
the neck, but by extending the head forward.

It is also necessary to consider, whether the
inside of both their jaws be tender or hard,
or if only one; for those which have dissimi-
lar jaws are generally unmanageable. When
the eyes are prominent, the horse seems more
vigilant, and can see much farther than when
they are sunk in the socket.
᾿ς Wide nostrils are also much more convenient
for breathing; and render the appearance of
the horse more terrible; for when one horse
is enraged at another, or is excited in riding,
he distends his nostrils exceedingly.

When the head is large at the top, and the
ears small, the horse appears much more ele-
gant. When the point of the shoulder is high,
the rider has a safer seat, and adheres more
closely to the shoulders. The loins, when
double, are much more easily sitten upon, than
when single, and much more pleasant to the
eye.

When the sides are deep, and somewhat pro-
tuberant at the belly, the horse is generally
more easily ridden; and stronger, and more
capable of enjoying food. In proportion as the

loins are broader and shorter, so much easier
is it for the horse to raise the fore-part of the
body and bring forward the hinder; and the
belly thus appears smaller, which when large
deforms the horse, weakens it, and renders it
less capable of carrying burdens.

It is necessary also that the haunches should
be broad and fleshy, to correspond with the
sides and breast: when all these parts are solid,
it renders the horse lighter for the race, and
much fleeter.

Moreover, if the hocks be separated by a
broad line, then the hind legs in walking will
be separated by a proper space, and be brought
up so as not to touch each other: when this is
the case a great addition is made to the bold-
ness and strength of his look, both in walking
and riding. This may be proved from men,
for when they wish to raise anything from the
earth, they attempt to do so by standing astride
rather than with legs close.

A horse, besides, should not have large tes-
ticles; this cannot be observed in the foal.

With regard to the pastern, the shank bones,
the fetlocks, and hoofs of the hind legs, the
same may be said as of the fore.

I now explain how a man may run the least

HORSEMANSHIP.

use violence, even though very spirited; for.

risk of being deceived, when conjecturing the
future height of a horse. The young horse
which, when foaled, has the shunk- bones long-
est, invariably turns out the largest. For as
time advances, the shank-bones of all quad-
rupeds increase but little; but that the rest
of the body may be symmetrical, it increases
in proportion with them.

Persons who thus prove the form of a
foal, seems, in my opinion, most likely to ob-
tain a good-footed, strong, well-fleshed, grace-
ful, and large-sized horse. .Though some,
when growing, change much, still, in our choice
of them, we may confidently follow the above
rule; for there are far more deformed foals
which turn out beautiful horses, than beautiful
foals which prove deformed horses.

II. It seems now necessary to explain how
young horses should be trained. Those men
in cities are enjoined to ride, who are best
enabled from their wealth, and who partake in
the honours of the state. It is much better
that a young man should be studious of firm
habits of body and of horsemanship ; or if al-
ready skilled in riding, of exercising himself,
than be a breaker of horses ; and that an old
man should be engaged with his family, his
friends, political and military affairs, than be
engaged in training horses.

Whoever is acquainted with the method of
rearing horses, as I am, will give them out to
be trained. It is necessary, however, before
giving them out, to have a written agreement
regarding the manner in which you wish them
trained, as is done when a boy is engaged to
learn any art; for that will show the breaker
what he ought to attend to, in order to receive
his reward.

Care must be taken, that when the breaker
receives the foal, he be gentle, tractable, and
fond of men. For he is generally rendered so
at home by the groom, if the foal is made to
understand that hunger, thirst, and irritation,
are procured by solitude ; and that meat, drink,
and freedom from irritation, are procured by
men. When these things take place, foals not

[ only love, but long for men.

It is necessary also to touch those parts
which, when touched, give greatest pleasure
to the horse; and these are the hairiest, and
those parts in which, when he feels any pain,
he cannot relieve himself.

The groom should be enjoined to lead him
through a crowd, and cause him to approach

HORSEMANSHIP.

all kinds of sights and sounds. Whichever -of
these the foal may dread, it is necessary to
teach him not by harshness, but gentleness,
that they are not dangerous. Regarding the
training of horses, it seems to me sufficient, to
tell the unskilled to follow the above instruc-
tions. s

III. We will now suggest a few things
which ought to be attended to, by the pur-
chaser of a riding horse, if he wishes to avoid
being cheated in the bargain. First, then, let it
not escape his notice what his age is; for if he
has not the foal-teeth, he can neither give us
pleasure with anticipated exertion, nor can he
be easily disposed of again.

When his youth is manifest, it is necessary
again to observe narrowly how he receives the
bit in his mouth, and the bridle about his ears ;
there is least chance of this escaping notice, if
the bridle be put on and off before the pur-
chaser.

Then we must also observe, how he receives
the rider on his back. For many horses are
with difficulty approached, as they know, if
they allow it, they will be obliged to la-
bour.

This must also be considered, if when
mounted he desires to withdraw from other
horses, or if when they chance to be near, he
advances to them without the will of his rider.
There are some, who on account of bad train-
ing, fly homewards from the race ground.!

Fetlock riding, as it is called, shows the in-
tractable horse,and much more the sudden change
of the riding. For many do not attempt to run
against the will of their rider, unless the hard
jaw which does not feel the force of the bit,
and the horse’s speed directed homewards,
coincide. It is necessary also to know, if
when forced to full speed he is drawn up quick-
ly, and if he wishes to be turned.

It is good also not to be inexperienced, if
the horse, when roused with blows, is equally
willing to obey as formerly. For a disobe-
dient servant and army, are equally useless :
but a disobedient horse is not only useless, but
frequently acts traitorously.

When we wish to purchase a war-steed, we
must try him in all those thirigs of which ex-
perience are required in war : these are, to leap
across ditches, scale walls, spring up ascents,

I Riding in a circle when tied by a rope to the centre.

719

and dash down descents, and to be experienced in
charging on slopes, declivities, and transverse
ways. For all these things prove the strength
of his spirit, and health of his body. The
horse, however, which does not excel in these
things, is not to be rejected. For many fail,
not for want of ability, but want of experience
in these things: but if instructed, accustomed,
and trained, they would excel in them, if other-
wise healthy and not vicious.

We must also guard against naturally timid
horses. For the excessively timorous, do not
allow the enemy to be injured, and they fre.
quently deceive their rider, and bring him into
the greatest difficulties.

It is necessary also to learn if the horse is
fierce, either towards other horses, or towards
men, and if sullen and peevish; for all these
things become difficulties to the purchaser.

The refusing to be reined and mounted, and
other tricks, may be much more easily learned,
if when the horse has already been toiled, he
should attempt again to do the same things as
before he began to ride. Such as have toiled,
and are willing again to undergo labour, show
sufficient proofs of a strong spirit.

In short, that horse which has good feet, is
gentle, fleet enough, is willing and able to en-
dure labour, and is very obedient, is most likely
to occasion least uneasiness, and be the author
of most safety to his rider in warfare. But
those which require much driving on account
of laziness, or much coaxing and care, on ac-
count of being high mettled, occasion much
employment to the rider, and despondence in
dangers.

IV. Whena man has purchased a horse which
he admires, and brings him home, it is proper that
the stall should be in a part of the house where
the master could oftenest see the horse: and
it is good, that the stable should be so situated,
that it would be as difficult to steal provisions
out of the manger, as out of the master’s
cellar. He who is negligent of this, seems to
me to be heedless of his own interest ; for it is
evident, that in dangers the master entrusts his
body to his horse.

A secure stable is not only good for pre-
venting the stealing of the horse’s provender,
but also, because it shows when he disdains
his food, and throws it out of the stall. When
this is perceived, it is known that the body
through abundance of blood, requires curing,
or haying toiled hard needs repose, or broken-

720

windedness, or some other malady is creeping
upon him. It is with a horse as with a man,
diseases are all much more easily cured at the be-
ginning, than when they have become invete-
rate, and errors have been committed in at-
tempting their cure.

And as attention must be paid to a horse’s
provisions and exercises, that the body may
be strong, so also his feet must be exer-
cised. Moist and smooth stalls injure hoofs
which are naturally good. It is also necessary,
that they be not moist, be sloping, and have
sewers: and not to be smooth, to have large
stones against each other, almost equal in size
to their hoofs ; for such stalls at the same time
consolidate the hoofs of those standing on
them.

After that, the horse must be led by the
groom where he may be rubbed: he must be
untied after breakfast from the manger, that he
may go with greater pleasure to the evening meal.
The outside of the stall should be as good as
possible, and would strengthen the feet, if
there were strewed here and there four or five
cart loads of tapering stones, measuring a hand
breadth, and about a mina in weight, encom-
passed with iron braces, that they may not be
scattered. When he stands on these, he al-
ways goes some part of the day, as if on a stony
road.

It is necessary also, when taken out to be
rubbed or driven by the spur, that he should use
his hoofs as when he walks. Stones thus
strewn, strengthen the hollow of the horse’s
hoof. It is necessary to be careful about the
strength of their hoofs, and the softness of
their mouths. For the same things soften a
man’s flesh and a horse’s mouth.

V. It seems to me to be the duty of a horse-
man, to have his groom instructed in what
is necessary to be done about a horse. And
first, he ought to know never to make the knot
of the manger headstall where the reins round
the head are put: for the horse frequently
moves his head in the manger, and if the head-
stall hurts his ears, it frequently occasions ul-
cers; and when these are ulcered, it is a
necessary consequence, that the horse is more
difficult to rein and to rub.

It is good also to enjoin the groom to carry
out to one place, every day, the dung and straw
from under the horse. When he does this, he
will remove it with greatest ease, and at the
same time do a benefit to the horse.

HORSEMANSHIP.

The groom should also be accustomed to
put the breaking bridle upon the horse, when
he leads him out for rubbing or for weltering.
It is necessary that he should be always caves-
soned when led out unbridled. For the caves-
son does not prevent his breathing, and does
not allow him to bite ; and when thrown around
the horse, prevents him from laying snares for
other horses.

The horse should be bound by suspending

the reins from the upper part of the head.
For whatever troublesome object affects his
face, he instinctively attempts to remove it by
throwing up his head. When thus bound, it
rather loosens the halter than draws it tight.
He who uses the currycomb should com-

mence with the head and mane; for it would

be vain to clean the lower parts, when the
upper are not yet cleaned. And then the hair
of the rest of the body should be raised with all
the instruments of cleaning, to brush off the
dust, not according to the grain of the hair.
The hairs on the spine of the back should not
be touched by any instrument, but be merely
rubbed by the hands, and softly touched in the
manner in which they lie naturally, and the seat
on the horse’s back would thus be least injured.

The head ought to be washed by water, for
being bony, if it were cleaned with iron
or wood, it would pain the horse. The fore-
lock also should be moistened; for when these
hairs are long, they do not hinder the horse
from seeing, and they dash away from his
eyes whatever gives pain. It is natural enough
to suppose that the gods gave these locks to
the horse instead of large ears, which they have
given to asses and mules to protect their eyes
from injury.

It is proper also to wash the tail and mane,
as the hair should be caused to grow, that on
the tail, that the horse extending it at its full
length, may switch off whatever pains him,
and that on the main, that the mounter may
have the most abundant quantity to take in his
grasp. The mane, forelock, and tail are given
by the gods as an ornament. In proof of
this, those horses kept for breeding, do not
allow asses to mount them as longas they have
long hair: wherefore, all those who take the
charge of connecting mares with asses, cut off
their hair that they may copulate. .

Moreever, we exempt the legs from wash-
ing; for it is of no advantage, and a daily
washing injures the hoofs. It is necessary

HORSEMANSHIP.

also to be moderate in washing the parts under
the belly; for it pains the horse excessively,
and the cleaner these parts are, they are the
more apt to collect what occasions pain under
the belly.

And even though great pains be spent upon
them, the horse is no sooner led out, than he
is immediately as dirty as ever. These parts
must therefore be let alone, as rubbing the
legs with the hands is sufficient.

VI. We will show also this, how a person
with least injury to himself, and most advan-
tage to the horse, can rub him down; for if he
cleans him looking the same way as the horse,
there is danger that he should be struck in
the face with the knee or hoof.

But if he looks the contrary way to the horse,
and to the outer part of the leg when he cleans,
and comes gradually down from the shoulder
blade to the hoofs, thus he can suffer no injury,
and will be enabled to cure the hollow of
the horse’s hoof, by opening up the hoof. The
hind legs must be cleaned in a similar manner.

The person engaged about the horse should
know, that these and all other things which
must be done, ought to be done by approaching
the horse neither in front nor rear; for if the
horse attempts to injure by either of these
ways, he is superior to the man. But who-
ever approaches laterally, does so with least in-
jury to himself, and he can injure the horse
materially.

When it is necessary to lead a horse, I do
not commend, that the leader should go before
the horse ; because the leader cannot be upon
his guard, and the horse has thus the power of
doing what he pleases.

We reprehend also the allowing the horse to
precede the groom with a long halter, because
the horse can work mischief on whichever side
he chooses; he may also turn back and rush
against his leader.

How could horses when in crowds be kept
separate when thus led? But the horse accus-
tomed to be led by the side, can do least injury
either to horses or men, and would be most
excellently prepared for his rider, if it should at
any time be necessary to mount with speed.

And that the groom should put on the reins
correctly, he should approach the horse on the
left side, and then throwing the reins upon his
head, let him place them upon the point of the
shoulder, seize the headstall in his right hand,
and bring forward the bit in his left.

721

And if he does not receive it, then the throat
band of the bridle must be put on; and if he
does not open his mouth, the bridle must be
held near the teeth, and the middle finger of
the left hand inserted within the horse’s jaw.
Many horses when this is done open their
mouth. And if he does not receive it therr, let
the lip be pressed to the eye-tooth: there are
very few which do not receive it when thev
suffer this.

The groom must also be instructed in the
following points. First, never to lead the
horse by the reins, for this renders one side of
the mouth harder than the other. He must
also keep the reins as much as possible apart
from the jaws. For when it is brought too
close, it renders the mouth callous and conse-
sequently insensible; when, however, the bit
hangs too far out of the mouth, it enables the
horse to hold the bit in his teeth and refuse
obedience to his rider. ;

The groom must also pay the closest atten-
tion to this, if his exertions are anywhere ne-.
cessary ; for it is a matter of so much conse-
quence that the horse should be willing to take
the bridle, that the one which does not receive
it is altogether useless.

But if the horse is bridled not only when
about to labour, but also when led to be fed,
and when led from riding into the house, it
would not be wonderful if he should seize the
bridle of his own accord when stretched out to
him.

It is proper also that the groom should un-

5

derstand the Persian mode of assisting in

mounting,’ that the master himself, if he should
be at any time sick, or become advanced in
years, should have at hand a person who can
so assist him, and enable him to gratify another
who wishes that assistance.

This precept and practise is best on treating
a horse, never to ill usehimthroughanger. For
anger frequently excites to such rash and in-
considerate deeds, that they must be followed
by repentance.

When a horse sees any thing suspicious, and
does not wish to approach it, he should be
made to see that there is nothing fearful in it,
more especially a high mettled horse: but if
that cannot be done, the horseman himself must
touch the object exciting terror, and lead the
horse gently to it.

1 See note, p. 243,
4 Y¥

722

Those who drive horses forward with
blows, inspire them with greater terror. For
they suppose that, when they suffer any injury
in such a situation, the suspected object is the
cause of it.

When the groom presents the horse to the
rider, we would recommend that he should be
acquainted with the manner of causing the
horse to bend down, to enable the rider to
mount easily. We are of opinion, however,
that the rider should exercise himself in mount-
ing, even when the horse does not assist him.
For sometimes a different horse falls in our
way, and sometimes the same horse acts in a
manner different from that to which he is ac-
customed.

VIL When a horse has been received for
the purpose of being mounted, we will explain
what the horseman should do, to be most ad-
vantageous to himself and the horse in riding.

He should first hold the reins easily turning |

in his left hand, and fitted to the under part
of the bridle or the curb, and so loose as not
to draw back the horse, whether he mounts by
seizing hold of the mane near the ears, or
jumps on horseback with the assistance of his
spear. And with his right hand let him seize
the reins near the point of the shoulder along
with the mane, so that he may not in any man-
ner, when mounting, draw the horse’s mouth
with the bridle.

When he has prepared himself for the as-
cent, let him support his body with his left
hand, and stretching forth his right hand, let
him leap on horseback, and when be mounts
thus, he will not present an uncomely spectacle
from behind. This shouldbe done with the leg
bent, and without touching the horse’s back-
bone with the knee, but by throwing the leg
over to the horse’s right side. And when he
has thrown his leg across, he should then take
his seat on the horse’s back.

But if the horseman should happen to lead
the horse with his left hand, and have his spear
in the right, it seems to us proper, that he
should exercise himself in mounting on the
right side. ‘This can be learned in no other
manner, than merely doing with the left side,
what he otherwise did with the right, and with
the right what he did with the left.

For this reason we commend the latter mode
of mounting, because as soon as the rider is on
horseback, he is prepared for every event, if it

HORSEMANSHIP.

should be necessary suddenly to encounter the
enemy.

As soon as he is mounted, whether on the
horse’s bare back or on a saddle, we do not
approve of the same bearing a man has in a
carriage, but that an upright posture be ob-
served with the legs apart. His thighs will

‘thus have a firmer hold of the horse, and being

erect, he will be enabled when necessary, to
hurl the javelin or strike a blow from horse-.
back much more vigorously.

The shank bone and foot should be pliant —
and loose at the joint under the knee ; for when
the leg is rigid, it is apt to be broken when
struck against any thing. When the leg is
moist at the joint, if any thing should befall
it, it would yield, and not dislocate the thigh.

The horseman should by exercise accustom
himself to keep the parts of his body above the
thigh bone as agile as possible. He will thus
be better fitted for labour, and if any person
should drag or push him, he would be less
likely to tumble.

When he has mounted, he should first train
the horse to stand still till he has put his
mantle in order, when necessary, and adjusted
the reins, and taken the most convenient grasp
of his spear. Let him then hold his left arm
by his side, which attitude is most graceful in
the rider, and gives greatest power to the
hand.

We commend those reins which are equal in
length, not weak, nor slippery, nor thick, that
the spear may be held in the same hand when
necessary.

When the horse receives the signal to ad-
vance, he should be made to commence slowly,
as this causes least alarm. If the horse
stoops somewhat, let the reins be managed
higher up in the hands, but if he walk with
his head erect, they must be held lower down.
The carriage of the horse will be thus more
graceful.

Besides, when he drives in his natural course
and pace, he relaxes the body with greatest
ease, and advances with greatest pleasure when
the rod is held over the head to point out the
way. As it is the most approved practice to be-
gin with the left feet, this would be best done,
if, when the horse is running on the right after
being mounted, a signal should be given with
the rod.

For when he is about to lift the left side, he

HORSEMANSHIP.

will commence the gallop with it ; and when
he turns to the left, he could then commence
the inclination. For a horse is accustomed
when turned to the right, to commence with
the right, and when turned to the left, with the
left.

We commend that riding which is directed
straight forwards, for it accustoms the horse
to be turned by both jaws. It is good also to
change the course of the horse, that both jaws
may be made equal by both modes of riding.

We commend the oblong riding in prefe-
rence to the circular: as the horse will thus
turn with greater ease, being satisfied with the
straight line, and he will thus be exercised both
in running in a straight line, anal in turning
suddenly.

In these turns, the reins must be held in.
For it is not easy or safe for the horse to turn
speedily in a small compass, more especially
if the ground be rugged or slippery.

When the reins are held in, the horse must
not by any means be turned sideways by the
reins, and the rider himself must not sit oblique-
ly ; for he ought to be well aware, that the slight-
est impulse in that situation, will be sufficient
to overthrow both himself and the horse.

When the horse after having turned, has a
straight forward course, then he must be spur-
red to full speed; for it is plain, that in
warfare, there must be sudden turns either for
pursuit or retreat: it is proper therefore, to
train the horse to exert his utmost speed after
having turned.

When the horse seems to have been sufli-
ciently exercised, it will be proper to spur him
suddenly after he has rested, to full gallop,
both away from other horses, and directly
against them; and after full speed to halt as
near therm as possible, and after having stood,
he should be turned, and driven forward again.
For it is evident that occasions will occur in
which both these modes will be necessary.

When it is time to dismount, this ought not
to be done among other horses, nor near an as-
sembly of men, nor beyond the race ground,
but in whatever place the horse is obliged to
labour, there he ought to enjoy ease.

VIII. As occasions will occur in which it
will be necessary for the horse to run over de-
clivous, mountainous, and transverse roads,
and also to leap across, jump out, and rush
dewn; he ought to instruct and train both
himself and his horse completely in these mat-

723

ters, and they will thus prove most salutary and
advantageous to each other.

It may be supposed that we are now repeat-
ing what we have already explained—this is
not the case.— When a man purchased a horse,
we exhorted him to prove if the horse could do
these things: but now we insist upon the ne-"
cessity of instructing the horse in these mat-—
ters, and explain how it may be done.

He who has got a horse completely unac-
quainted with leaping ditches, should slacken
the halter, and leap over first, and then draw
the reins tight to urge him to leap.

And if he is unwilling, let some person take
a whip or rod and apply it lustily ; he will then
not only leap over the proper space, but much
more than necessary. There will be no occa-
sion afterwards to strike him; for if he only
observes any one approaching behind him, he
will take the leap.

When he has been thus nceinkaniia to leap,
let him be gradually induced to leap when
mounted, first over small ditches, and then
gradually over broader. When he is about to
leap, let him be urged forward with the spur.
He should be treated in the same manner
when to leap up and down; for when the
horse’s whole body assists in the leap, both
horse and rider are much safer than when the
hinder parts fag, either in leaping across a
ditch, springing up, or dashing down a de-
clivity.

In training a Novad to mount declivities, he «
must first be tried on soft ground : and finally,
when accustomed to this, he will run with
greater pleasure on acclivities, than declivities.
Those who are afraid lest the horse’s shoulder
should be dislocated by driving up steep places,
should take courage when they consider, that
the Persians and Odrysians, who are accus-
tomed to fight on declivities, have their horses
as sound as the Greeks.

We will not omit to explain how the rider
ought to accommodate himself to all these situ- |
ations. When the horse commences a gallop
suddenly, he should stoop forward, for the
horse will thus be less depressed with his
weight, and less able to throw back the rider
by rearing, and immediately when he pulls in
the reins, let him bend back and he will be thus
less jolted.

In crossing a ditch and ascending an acclivity,
it is proper to seize the mane, lest the horse
should be oppressed both by the difficulty of

724

the ground and the bridle. In descending a
declivity, the rider’s head must be kept up, and
the horse checked by the bridle, lest horse and
rider be borne precipitately down the declivity.

It is proper frequently to change the place
and extent of the race ground: for this is more
agreeable to the horse, than being always
trained in the same places and in the same
manner.

Since it is necessary, that he who drives his
horse rapidly through all sorts of places, should
be able to sit firmly on his back, and use his
arms dexterously ; we much commend the ex-
ercise of horsemanship in hunting, where the
situation is convenient, and wild beasts to be
found. When that is not the case, it is a
useful exercise for two horsemen to agree be-
tween themselves, that the one shall retire
on horseback through all sorts of places, and
retreat, often turning about with his spear pre-
sented: and the other shall pursue, having
javelins blunted with balls, and a spear of the
same description, and whenever he comes with-
in a javelin throw, that he hurl the blunted
Weapons at the person retreating, and when-
ever he comes within the stroke of a spear,
that he strike him with it.

It is good also when they encounter,
that he drag his enemy to himself, and
suddenly repel him: for this is apt to unhorse
him. It is also advisable that the person drag-
ged should spur on his steed: for when he does
this, he is more likely to overthrow his anta-
gonist than be overthrown.

And if at any time, when one camp is pitch-
ed opposite another, a charge should take
place, and they should pursue the enemy to the
hostile ranks, and then retreat to their own
lines, it is good even here to know, that as long
as he is near his friends, he will act bravely
and safely, by advancing among the first, and
pressing closely and vigorously on the enemy.
When he comes near the enemy, he should
tighten the reins and check the horse, that he
may be able to retreat suddenly : when he acts
thus, it is natural to suppose that he will in-
jure the enemy, and receive no injury in re-
turn.

The gods have granted the ability to men,
to inform others by speech what they wish
done. A horse, however, cannot be instructed
by speech : but if when he does what you wish,
you grant a favour in return, and when he is

HORSEMANSHIP.

disobedient, punish him, he will be thu» trained
to obey when necessary. .

This rule has been given in few words, but
it is advantageous in every branch of horse-—
manship. For he will endure the bridle more
willingly, if when he does so, something good
happens to him, and he will leap across ditches,
spring forward and obey in all other occasions,
if he expects some indulgence after having per-
formed what he is ordered.

-IX. We have now explained how a person
may be least deceived in purchasing a foal or
horse, and how he may be least injured in
using them, more especially if it be necessary
to exhibit a horse, as possessed of all the quali- τ
ties a horseman requires in war. It is per-
haps time to explain how we should use cor-
rectly a horse, which is either too spirited or
too lazy.

First, then, he ought to know that spirit is to
a horse, what angeris to a man. And as
there is little likelihood of a man being put in
a passion, who has nothing unpleasant eitber
said or done to him, so also a high-mettled
steed cannot be exasperated, when he suffers
nothing disagreeable.

In mounting a horse we must be careful not
to occasion any pain. When we have mount-
ed, we ought to remain quiet a longer time
than usual, and then move him forward by the
gentlest signs: we should commence very
slowly, and gradually induce him to quicken
his step, that even he may not observe when
he is forced to full speed.

A spirited horse, like a man, when he
sees, or hears, or feels any thing suddenly, is
thrown into confusion: this circumstance
ought always to be kept in view when manag-.
ing him.

If we require to rein in a spirited horse
when running quicker than required, we should
not draw in the reins suddenly, but pull back
the bridle gently, and thus coax not force him
to stand still.

Long continued rides are more apt to tame
horses than frequent short turns; and long
gentle rides soften, and tame, and do not exas-
perate the high-mettled horse.

If any person imagines, that by fatiguing
the horse with a swift and long race he will tame
him, he is greatly deceived. For in such cir-
cumstances, the spirited horse attempts to use
violence, and when enraged, like a passionate

HORSEMANSHIP.

man, frequently does irreparable injury both to
himself and rider.

It is proper also to check the high-mettled
horses from galloping at full speed, and re-
strain them altogether from contending with
other horses ; for if permitted, they generally
become most fond of contention and refractory.

A smooth bridle is much more suitable than
arough one. But, if a rough one be put on,
it must be rendered similar to a smooth one by
being held slackly. It is good also to accus-
tom one’s self to sit quiet, especially on a spir-
ited horse, and to touch no other part than
what is necessary to preserve a firm seat.

A horseman should also know, that it is a re-
ceived precept to soothe him by whistling, and
rouse him by a sharp sound made between the
tongue and the palate. But, if the rider com-
mence by accustoming the horse to the latter
sound when receiving soothing treatment, and

725

But, if the horse should be trained to ride
with a slack rein, and to rear his head, and arch
his neck, he will thus be impelled to do what
he rejoices and exults in.

As a proof that they delight in such gestures,
when they come among other horses, but more
especially mares, spirited fiery horses rear
their heads, arch their necks, elevate their
limbs pliantly, and erect their tails.

When the horse is excited to assume that
artificial air which he adopts when he is proud,
he then delights in riding, becomes magnifi-
cent, terrific, and attracts attention. How
that gait can be obtained, we shall now at-
tempt to explain.

First, then, itis necessary to have no fewer
than two reins. Let one of these be smooth,
having large olive bits, and the other have heavy
and small olive bits, with sharp small globes :
that, as soon as they seize it and feel its rough-

to whistling when roughly used, he will soon | ness intolerable, they may let it go: and when
learn to be roused by whistling, and pacified | they have exchanged it for the smooth one
by the sharp sound made between the tongue | with which they are pleased, they will perform

and the palate.

So also when a shout is raised, or at the
sound of a trumpet, the rider should not ap-
proach the horse as if he were dismayed, nor
exhibit any thing to the horse exciting conster-
nation, but in such circumstances soothe
him as much as possible, and present to him
his dinner or supper if it can be conveniently
done.

Never to procure a very high-spirited horse
for war, is a most excellent advice. I consider
it sufficient to recommend, that the lazy horse
should be treated in a manner directly contrary
to that in which we advised the high-mettled
to be used.

X. Ifa horseman desires to possess a horse
useful for war, and very magnificent and con-
spicuous to ride upon, he ought to refrain from
drawing his mouth with the bridle, and from
spurring and flogging him, which when the ma-
jority of people do, they suppose that they
cause him to act splendidly. Such persons
produce an effect contrary to what they intend.

For when they draw up the horse’s head,
᾿ instead of allowing him to look forward, they
blind him, and when they spur and strike him,
they agitate him so much as to terrify him, and
cause him to expose himself to dangers. Horses
which act thus, are those which have taken a
dislike to riding, and conduct themselves
shamefully.

| the same actions when urged by the smooth,
which they were trained to do with the
rough.

But, if again they despise its smoothness,
and frequently press against it, we must then
add a few larger rollers to the smooth rein,
that being obliged to open his mouth by them,
they may admit the bit. It is possible also, to
diversify the rough bridle by coiling it up and
extending it.

Whatever number of bridles there be, they
should all be flexible and soft. When they are
not pliant, the horse wherever he seizes it,
holds it all close to the jaws. He raises the
whole like a spit whenever he seizes it.

The other description of bridle is like a
chain; for wherever it is held, that alone re-
mains unmoved, the rest hangs loose: as he is
always catching at it while it is escaping out of
his mouth, he drops the bit out of his jaws. For
this reason little rings are suspended at the
middle from the axles called players, that while
he aims at these with his tongue and his teeth,
he may neglect to seize the bridle at the jaws.

If it should not be known what we mean
by a flexible and soft bridle, and what by a
hard one, we will explain it. It is called fiex
ible when the axles have broad and smooth
junctures, so as to be easily bent: and every
thing which encircles the axles, if it be large

| and not compact is flexible.

726

But, if each of these parts of the bridle run
with difficulty on their axles, then we call it a
hard bridle. Whatever kind of bridle it be,
all the following directions must be attended
to, by him who wishes to render the horse’s
form such as we have explained above.

The horse’s mouth must not be too severely
drawn back, lest he should refuse obedience by
declining his head ; nor too gently, lest he should
not feel it. When he raises his neck by
throwing his head upwards, the rein must be
immediately given him, and even in other res-
pects, as we are always recommending, when
he has performed his duty properly, we must
humour him.

When the rider perceives that the horse is
_ well pleased by holding his neck high, and by
the laxity of his reins, then nothing disagree-
able must be offered, as forcing him to labour,
but he must be coaxed, as if it were desired
that he should cease from toil. By these
means he will advance more cheerfully to his
quickest speed.

It is a sufficient proof, that horses delight in
running, that when set free, none of them pro-
ceeds slowly, but at a gallop. Of this they are
naturally fond, unless they are forced to run
to an immoderate distance. Nothing immode-
rate is agreeable either to horse or man.

When we wish our horses trained to ride
with pomp and magnificence, they must pre-
viously have been accustomed in riding, to pro-
ceed at full speed after being turned. And
should the rider, having previously trained his
horse to this, at the same time rein him in, and
give him the signal to advance rapidly, the
horse is stimulated by being checked with the
bridle, and incited to proceed rapidly, and he
throws forward his chest, and raises his legs
furiously though not pliantly : for when horses
are hurt or offended, their legs are no longer
pliant...

If the reins be given to a horse thus ren-
dered fiery by being checked, then for joy that
he supposes himself set free, on account of the
slackness of the bit, he is borne along prancing-
ly, with a triumphant gait and pliant limbs, and
in every respect imitating the graceful motion
assumed by horses approaching each other.

Persons beholding such a horse pronounce
him generous, free in his motions, fit for mili-
tary exercise, high-mettled, haughty, and both
pleasant and terrible to look on.
who desire a horse trained to the above atti-

HORSEMANSHIP.

tudes, we consider the precepts now given to be
satisfactory.

XI. If any one should desire to be possess-
ed of a horse fit for show, erectly walking, and
splendid, he cannot indeed expect these quali-
ties in every horse, but only in those which
nature has endowed with a high spirit and a
robust body.

It is generally supposed that those horses
which have soft pliant legs, have the greatest -
facility in lifting them: this is not the case;
this quality is to be found in those which have
soft, short, and robust loins. We do not at
present allude to the loins near the tail, but at
the belly between the sides and the hips.
Horses thus shaped will be able to throw their
hinder legs considerably in advance of their
fore legs when running.

When the horse is in this position, if the
rider should pull back the reins, he falls back
on the pasterns of his hind legs, raises the fore
part of his body, and exhibits to those in
front his belly and privy parts. When in this
position, therefore, the reins should be given
to him, that he may of his own accord assume
the most graceful attitude, and seem to the
spectators to do so.

Some train their horses to these things, one ©
party by striking them under the pasterns with
a rod, and another by causing a man to run by
their side and strike them on the thigh.

But we consider it the best method of train-
ing, as we have always said, if upon every
occasion that he performs readily and grace-
fully what his rider requires, he should enjoy
ease.

For whatever a horse does when forced to it,
as Simon also remarks, he does not under-
stand, nor is it more comely, than if we were
to flog and spur on a dancer to his duty. For
either a horse or man when thus treated would
act much more ungracefully than otherwise. A
horse should be excited by signs, of his own ac-
cord to assume all the most graceful and splen-
did attitudes. .

But if after riding and a copious sweat, and
when he has reared gracefully, he should
be immediately relieved of his rider and reins,
there is little doubt but that he will of his own
accord advance to rear when necessary.

In this attitude gods and heroes are painted
as seated on horseback; and men who manage

To those | their horses gracefully appear magnificent.

_A steed which rears gracefully is an object

HORSEMANSHIP.

of so much comeliness, wonder, and astonish-
ment, that he attracts the attention of all spec-
tators whether young or old. No _ person
leaves him or grows tired of seeing him, until
he has exhibited all his splendour.

‘If a person possessed of such a steed
should happen to lead and command a troop of
cavalry, it is not proper that he should indi-
vidually be ostentatiously splendid, but ra-
ther that the whole of the line which fol-
lows him should be gratifying to the sight.

And if one of these horses, so much com-
mended, should take the lead, which rears very
high and frequently, and advances with quick
short steps, it is evident that the other horses
must follow him with a slow and gentle pace.
In what consists the splendour of such a spec-
tacle ?

But if he excites his steed and leads the van
neither with too great speed, nor too great slow-
ness, he will cause the horses which follow
to exhibit themselves as very high-spirited,
fiery, and graceful’: there will then be an unin-
terrupted noise, and a universal snorting and
panting throughout the troop, so that not only
the leader but the whole line will exhibit a gra-
tifying spectacle.

If a person be fortunate in the purchase of a
horse, and feed him so as to enable him to en-
dure labour, and train him properly for martial
exercises, and ostentatious exhibitions of horse-
manship, and contests in the field of battle,
what can be an obstacle to his rendering horses
more valuable than when he received them,
and to his possessing approved horses, and ob-
taining renown as a horseman, unless some
heavenly power prevent it?

XII. We will also explain how he should
be armed who intends to encounter danger on
horseback. First, then, we assert that the
breastplate should be made to fit the body:
when it fits well, the body supports it; when it
is too loose, the shoulders alone sustain the
weight ; when it is too strait, it becomes a pri-
-son, not armour.

And as the neck is one of the vital parts, we
recommend that a covering be made similar
to the neck out of the breastplate ; for this is at
the same time ornamental, and if properly
made, will receive within it, when necessary, the
rider’s face as high as his nose.

Moreover, we consider the helmet of Boeo-
tian manufacture as by far the best : because it
completely protects all above the breastplate.

727
and does not prevent our seeing. Let the
breastplate be so made that it may-not hinder
either our sitting down or stooping.

About the lower extremity of the belly, the
genitals, and the parts around, let extremi-
ties of the mail of such a description and size
be so placed as to defend the limbs.
~ When the left hand suffers any injury it
proves destructive to the rider, we therefore
recommend the defensive armour invented for
it, called gauntlets. For it both protects the
shoulder, and the arm above and below the
elbow, and the contiguous parts of the reins,
and may be extended and contracted at plea-
sure ; and, besides, it covers up the vacant space
of the breastplate under the armpit.

The right hand must also be raised, whether
the rider wishes to hurl the javelin or strike a
blow. Whatever part of the breastplate hin
ders this must be removed, and instead of it,
let there be artificial extremities on the joints,
that when the hand is raised, they may be
unfolded, and when it is drawn back, they
may be closed.

It seems to us much preferable to have a
covering of the arms similar to greaves for the
legs, than to have it connected with the rest of
the armour, That part which is bared by
raising the right hand, must be protected near
the breastplate by a piece of leather or brass,
otherwise a most vital part is left unguarded.

And since, when an accident befals a horse,
the rider is also brought into the greatest dan-
ger, the horse must be armed with a plate
of brass on the forehead, another on the breast,
and another on the side: for these also prove
coverings for the rider’s thighs. Above every
thing, the horse’s belly must be protected ; for
it is the most fatal and infirm part of his body,
and it may be defended by the saddle.

The saddle should be formed of such mate.
rials as to enable the rider to sit with great-
est safety, and not injure the seat on the horse’s
back. On the other parts of the body let
horse and horseman be thus armed.

The rider’s legs and feet will naturally hang
down below the covering of the horse’s thighs ;
these would be armed, if covered with boots
made of the same leather as the military shoes ;
and they would thus serve as defensive armour
to the legs, and shoes to the feet.

The above is the equestrian armour, by
which, with the assistance of the gods, injury
may be warded off. But in injuring the enemy,

728

we give a decided preference to the poniard
over the sword: for as the horseman is elevat-
ed, the stroke of a falchion is more effectual
than that of a sword.

Instead of a spear made of a pole, as it is
fragile and incommodious to carry, we give a
preference to two spears made of the cornel
tree. For the one can be hurled by the person
skilled in throwing it, and the remaining one
can be used in front, laterally, and in rear:
they are besides stronger and lighter than a
spear.

We commend that hurling of javelins which
takes place at the greatest distance; for by
this means more time is granted to turn aside

HORSEMANSHIP.

and tochange the missile weapon. Wewillnow -

briefly explain the best mode of hurling the
javelin. If we throw forward the left hand,
draw back the right, rise from our thighs,
and hurl the javelin slightly pointed upwards,
it will be thus carried most impetuously to
the greatest distance, and with unerring aim,
provided the point of the lance when thrown
is directed towards the mark. c

The above are our admonitions, instructions, —

and exercises, which we recommend to the un-
skilled rider: what the general of the horse
should understand and practise is explained in
another treatise.

i
!

THE

EPISTLES OF XENOPHON.

TRANSLATED BY

THOMAS STANLEY, Eso.

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Acie ad Detaled pera srt iia

EPISTLES OF XENOPHON.

EPISTLE I.
TO ZSCHINES.

MeeEtTInG with Hermogenes, amongst other
things I asked him what philosophy you fol-
lowed, he answered, the same as Socrates.
For this inclination I admired you, when you
lived at Athens, and now continue the same
admiration for your constancy above other
students of wisdom; the greatest argument to
me of your virtue, is your being taken with
that man, if we may call the life of Socrates
mortal. That there are divine beings over us,
all know: we worship them as exceeding us in
power ; what they are is neither easy to find,
nor lawful to inquire. It concerns not ser-
vants to examine the nature and actions of
their masters, their duty is only to obey them,
and which is most considerable, the more
admiration they deserve who busy themselves
in those things which belong to man ; the more
trouble this brings them, who affect glory in
vain unseasonable objects. For when, Aischi-
nes, did any man hear Socrates discourse of
the heavens, or advise his scholars to mathe-
matical demonstrations ὃ we know he under-
stood music no farther than the ear; but was
always discoursing to his friends of something
excellent; what is fortitude and justice and
other virtues. These he called the proper
good of mankind; other things he said men
could not arrive at; or they were of kin to
fables, such ridiculous things as are taught by
the supercilious professors of wisdom. Nor
did he only teach this, his practice was answer-
able; of which I have written at large else-
where, what I hope will not be unpleasing to
you, though you know it already, to peruse.

.
3

Let those who are not satisfied with what So-
crates delivered, give over upon this conviction,
or confine themselves to what is probable.
Living, he was attested wise by the deity;
dead, his murderers could find no expiation by
repentance. But these extraordinary persons
affect Egypt, and the prodigious learning of
Pythagoras, which unnecessary study argueth
them of inconstancy towards Socrates, as doth
also their love of tyrants, and preferring the
luxury of a Sicilian table before a frugal life.

EPISTLE II.
TO CRITO.

Socrates often told us, that they who pro-
vide much wealth for their children, but ne-
glected to improve them by virtue, do like those
that feed their horses high, and never train
them to the manage ; by this means their horses
are the better in case, but the worse for ser-
vice, whereas the commendations of a horse
consists not in his being fat, but serviceable in
war. In the same kind err they who purchase
lands for their children, but neglect their per-
sons ; their possessions will be of great value,
themselves of none, whereas the owner ought
to be more honourable than his estate. Who-
soever therefore breeds his son well, though he
leave him little, gives him much: itis the mind
which makes him great or small: whatsoever
they have, to the good seems sufficient, to the
rude too little. You leave your children no
more than necessity requires, which they, being
well educated, will esteem plentiful. The ig-
norant, though free from present troubie, have
nothing the less fear for the future.

732
EPISTLE III.

TO SOTIRA.

Death in my opinion is neither good nor ill,
but the end of the life, not alike to all, for as
stronger or weaker from their birth, their years
are unequal; sometimes death is hastened by
good or evil causes: and again, neither is it
fitting to grieve so much for death, knowing
that birth is the beginning of man’s pilgrimage,
death the end. He died as all men, though
never so unwilling, must do: but to die well,
is the part of a willing and well educated per-
son. Happy was Gryllus, and whosoever else
chooseth not the longest life, but the most
virtuous: though his, it pleased God, was short.

EPISTLE IV.
TO LAMPROCLES.

You must first approve the excellent asser-
tion of Socrates, that riches are to be measured
by their use. He called not large possessions
riches, but so much only as is necessary, in the
judgment whereof he advised us not to be de-
ceived, these he called truly rich, the rest poor,
labouring under an incurable poverty of mind,
not estate.

EPISTLE V.

They who write in praise of my son Gryllus,
did as they ought, and you likewise do well in
writing to us the actions of Socrates; we ought
not only to endeavour to be good ourselves,
but to praise him who lived chastely, piously,
‘and justly, and to blame fortune, and those
who plotted against him, who ere long will
receive the punishment thereof. The Lace-
dsemonians are much incensed at it, for the ill
news is come hither already, and reproach our
veople, saying, they are mad again, in that they
could be wrought upon to put him to death,
whom Pythia declared the wisest of men. If
any of Socrates’s friends want those things
which I sent, give me notice, and I will help
them, for it 1s Just and honest ; you do well in
keeping Aischines with you, as you send me
word. I have a design to collect the sayings
and actions of Socrates, which will be his best

XENOPHON’

S EPISTLES.

apology, both now and for the future, not in
the court where the Athenians are judges, but
to all who consider the virtue of the man. If
we should not write this freely, it were a sin
against friendship, and the truth. Even now
there fell into my hands a piece of Plato’s to
that effect, wherein is the name-of Socrates,
and some discourses of his not unpleasant.
But we must profess that we heard not, nor
can commit to writing any in that kind, for we
are not poets as he is, though he renounce —
poetry; for amidst his entertainments with
beautiful persons, he affirmed tbat there was
not any poem of his extant, but one of Socra-
tes, young and handsome. Farewell, both, ©
dearest to me.

EPISTLE VI.

Intending to celebrate the feast of Diana,
to whom we have erected a temple, we sent to
invite you hither; if all of you would come, it
were much the best, otherwise, if you send
such as you can conviently spare to assist at
our sacrifice, you will do us a favour. Aris-
tippus was here, and before him, Phedo, who
were much pleased with the situation and
structure, but above all, with the plantation
which I have made with my own hands. The
place is stored with beasts convenient for hunt-
ing, which the goddess affects; let us rejoice
and give thanks to her who preserved me from
the king of the Barbarians, and afterwards in
Pontus and Thrace from greater evils, even
when we thought we were out of the enemies’
reach. Though you come not, yet am I ob-
liged to write to you. I have composed some
memorials of Socrates, when they are perfect
you shall have them. Aristippus and Phedo
did not disapprove of them ; salute in my name
Simon the leather-dresser, and commend him
that he continueth Socratic discourses, not di-
verted by want, or his trade, from philosophy,
as some others, who decline to know and
admire such discourses and their effects.

EPISTLE VIL

Come to us, dear friend, for we have now
finished the temple of Diana, a magnificent
structure, the place set with trees, and conse-
crated, what remains will be sufficient to main-

XENOPHON’S EPISTLES.

tain us; for, as Socrates said, if they are not
fit for us, we will fit ourselves to them ; I write
to Gryllus my son and your friend, to supply
your occasions ; I write to Gryllus, because, of
a little one you have professed a kindness for
him.

EPISTLE VIII
TO XANTIPPE.

To Euphron of Megara, I delivered six
measures of meal, eight drachms, and a new
raiment for your use this winter ; accept them,
and know, that Euclid and Terpsion are ex-
ceeding good, honest persons, very affectionate
to you and Socrates ; if your sons have a desire
to come to me, hinder them not, for the journey
to Megara is neither long nor incommodious ;
pray forbear to weep any more, it may do hurt,
but cannot help. Remember what Socrates
said, follow his practice and precepts ; in griev-
ing you will but wrong yourself and children ;
they are the young ones of Socrates, whom we
are obliged not only to maintain, but to pre-
serve ourselves for their sakes ; lest, if you or
I, or any other, who, after the death of So-
crates, ought to look to his children, should
fail, they might want a guardian to maintain
and protect them. 1 study to live for them,
which you will not do unless you cherish your-
self. Grief is one of those things which are
opposite to life, for by it the living are pre-
judiced. Apollodorus surnamed the Soft, and
Dion, praise you, that you will accept nothing

733

from any, professing you are rich; it is wel
done, for as long as I and other friends are able
to maintain you, you shall need none else.
Be of good courage, Xantippe, lose nothing of
Socrates, knowing how great that man was,
think upon his life, not upon his death ; yet,
that to those who consider, it will appear noble
and excellent. Farewell.

EPISTLE IX.
TO CEBES AND SIMMIAS.

It is commonly said, nothing is richer than
apoorman. This I find true in myself, who
have not so much, but whilst you my friends
take care of me, seem to possess much ; and it
is well done of you to supply me as often as I
write: as concerning my commentaries, there
is none of them but I fear should be seen by
any in my absence, as I professed in your hear-
ing, at the house where Euclid lay. I know,
dear friends, a writing once communicated to
many is irrecoverable. Plato, though absent,
is much admired throughout Italy and Sicily
for his treatises ; but we cannot be persuaded
they deserve any study ; I am not only careful
of losing the honour due to learning, but ten-
der also of Socrates, lest his virtue should
incur any prejudice by my ill relation of it. I
conceive it the same thing to calumniate, or not
praise to the full those of whom we write;
this is my fear, Cebes and Simmias, at present,
until my judgment shall be otherwise informed.
Fare ye well.

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INDEX.

INDEX.

Abradatas, king of the Susians, and husband of Pan-
thea, 73—ambassadors from the Assyrians to the Bac-
trians while Panthea was taken captive, ib.—his dis-
position to revolt from the Assyrian, 99—sent for by
Panthea to become Cyrus’s friend, ib.—his discourse
with his wife and Cyrus, ib.—offers himself to Cyrus
as his friend and ally with 2000 horse, ib.—prepares
109 armed chariots for Cyrus, ib.—description of his
own chariot, ib.—takes the front station of Cyrus’s
army against the enemy, 106—Cyrus struck with ad-
miration of him, ib.—the fine armour and habit pre-
sented to him by Panthea, ib.—the most beautiful and
graceful person in the whole army, ib.—scene be-
tween him and his wife on taking leave, ib.—his ad-
miration and fondness of her, and prayer, 107—bra-
very against the Aigyptian phalanx, 113 —terrible
slaughter made by his chariots, 114—killed by a fall
from his chariot, ib.—bitter lamentations of Panthea
and Cyrus over his body, 118—praise, ornaments,
sacrifices, stately monument, ib.—Panthea unable to
survive him, ib. ¥

Abrocomas, enemy to Cyrus, 176—400 Greeks desert
from him to Cyrus, ib.—goes to the king upon the ap-
proach of Cyrus, 177—burns all the boats on the Eu-
phrates, 179—arrives not till the day after the battle,
187.

Abydos and Sestos persist in their allegiance to Lacede-
mon, 431.

Acanthus and Apollonia, ambassadors from, arrive at
Lacedzemon, ib.

Acarnanians send ambassadors to Lacedzemon, 429—
make a peace with the Achzans, ib.—and an alliance
with the Lacedemonians, ib.

Acheans betray the colony of Heraclea, 700 of whom
are slain, 361—blockaded in the possession of Calydon
by the Acarnanians, 428—send an imperious mes-
sage to Lacedzemon, ib.—procure aid thence, ib.—dis-
contented with the proceedings of Agesilaus, 429.

Achaians, see Arcadians.

Acheruseas, a peninsula, 310. :

Adeas appointed to command the mercenaries in Si-
eyon, 491.

Adimantus, an Athenian commander of land-forces,
364.

Adoration among the Persians, 184, n.

Adusius, a Persian, his character, 118—sent by Cyrus
with an army to compose their differences, ib.—his
stratagem and success, 119—made satrap of Caria,
146.

figos-potamos, battle of, 377.

Zigyptians, allies to the Assyrian, 100—their number
and arms, ib.—their arrangement, 105—both armed

and formed ill, 107—their bravery and manner of

fighting, 113—slaughter ef them by Abradatas, &c.

114—various success between them and the Persians,
ib,—their heroic magnanimity; ib._submit to Cyrus’s
terms, but with honour, 115—forgive Cresus alone
of all the enemy, ib.—cities bestowed upon them by
Cyrus, ib.

fEneas, how killed, 250.

4éneus made general in chief of the Arcadians, 491—
marches into the citadel, ib.

4Gnians serve under Menon, 1'71—their dance, 305.

4Golians obliged to attend Croesus in the war, 100.

ZEschines pursues the enemy, 241—is the first that gains
the top of the mountain against the Colchians, 252—
and Aristotle seut on an embassy to Lysander, 380.

Agasias of Stymphalus detects Apollonides, 2]9—con-
tends with Callimachus who shall go upon a danger-
ous expedition, 237, 249—mounts the rampart with-
out arms, 279—his answer to Xenophon, 309—is sent
to demand money of the Heracleans, 310 —assem-
bles the army, 314—rescues a man from Dexippus,
318— accused by Dexippus, ib. —his speech to the
army, 319—retorts the accusation upon Dexippus be-
fore Cleander, ib.— wounded, see Callimachus.

Agasias, an Helean priest, 348.

Agathinus commands the Corinthian fleet, 432.

Agesilaus, brother to Agis, disputes the right of suc-
cession with Leotychides, 403— chosen king, ib.—
undertakes an expedition into Asia, 405—interrupted
while sacrificing at Aulis, ib.—enters into a truce with
Tissaphernes, ib.—thrown into the back ground at
Ephesus by Lysander, ib.—converses with him on
this topic, ib.—marches into Phrygia, 406—comes into
contact with the horse of Pharnabazus, ib.—defeats
them in a skirmish, ib.—gathers his reinforcements to
Ephesus, ib.—successful effects of his stimuli among
the soldiery, ib. 407—achieves a victory over the
enemy’s infantry, ib.—takes a vast quantity of booty,
ib.—refuses to withdraw his arms without instruc.
tions from Sparta, 408—marches against Pharnaba-
zus, and receives money from Theraustes, ib.—ap-
pointed by the Spartan magistrates to take charge of
the fleet, ib.—commands the erection of more vessels,
ib.—makes Pisander admiral, ib.—reaches the Phry-
gia of Pharnabazus, 415—pussesses the cities by siege
and voluntary surrender, ib.—accompanies Spithri-
dates to Paphlagonia, ib.—receives Cotys into con-
federacy, ib.—procures the daughter of Spithridates
for Cotys, ib. 416—winters at Dascylium, ib.—a forag-
ing party of his engaged by Pharnabazus, 416—has
an amicable interview with Pharnabazus, 417, 418—
makes terms of peace, and leaves the country, ib.—
recalled to Lacedzmon, ib.—his arrangements before
leaving Asia, ib.—on his march from Asia, 420—
meets Dercyllidas, who informs him of the Laceda.-
monians’ victory, ib.—despatches Dercyllidas with

DA

2 INDEX.

the information to Asia, ib.—molested by five confe-
derate states, ib.—defeats the Thessalians, 421—re-
ceives intelligence of the overthrow at Cnidus, ib.—
victor in another skirmish, ib.—forces in the field
against him, ib.—his own army and auxiliaries, ib.—
draws up on the plains of Coronea, ib.—account of
the battle, ib. 422—sails to Sparta, ib.—leads an ex-
pedition against the Argives, 425—disbands the con-
federates, ib.—resumes his exploits in behalf of Co-
rinth, 425—encamps before it, ib.—gains reputation
by a piece of management, ib. 426—the foe no longer
thinks of resisting, ib.—his excitement on learning
the fate of the brigade at Lecheum, ib.—leaves there
a fresh body, 428—proceeds against the Acarnanians,
ib.—sends a threatening message to their capital, ib.
—begins his devastations, ib.—his successful skirmish,
429—lays waste the country with fire and sword, ib.
—marches out of it, ib.—returns to Sparta, ib.—de-
elares another expedition against Acarnania, ib.—
disputes with the Theban ambassadors, 442—takes
prompt measures against that people, ib. — brings
them over to his own terms, ib.—menaces the Corin-
thians and Argives, ib.—liberates Corinth from Ar-
gos, 443—the peace takes its name from him, ib.—
begs exemption from commanding against Mantinea,
ib.—marches against Phlius, 449—visited by repeated
embassies from the enemy, ib.—lays siege to the city,
ib.—ineorporates with his army many Phliasian fugi-
tives, ib. 450—sincerely regrets the death of Agesipo-
lis, ib.—their former intercourse, ib.—the terms of
surrender for Phlius left to his determination, ib.—
leaves a garrison and returns to Sparta, ib.—his pre-
text for exemption from serving against Thebes, 452—
undertakes to command against Thebes, 454—enters
the enemy’s dominions, 455—movements and counter-
movements, ib.—carries devastation to the walls, ib.—
retreats to and fortifies Thespiz, ib.—leads back the
troops to Sparta, ib.—resumes the command against
the Thebaus, 456—his proceedings on the march, ib.
a skirmish, ib.—quells a sedition in Thespiz, ib.—his
return to Sparta, 457—severely unwell, ib.—sent am-
bassador to the Mantineans, 475—deputed to com-
mand against the Mantineans, 476— marches into
Arcadia, ib.— takes possession of Euteza, ib. —his
equitable conduct there, ib.—proceeds into the do-
minions of Mantinea, ib.—ravages the country, ib.—
returns, 477—his circumstances in the invasion of
Sparta, 478, n.—his demeanour on seeing Epaminon-
das, 479, n.—weeps for joy, in common with the peo-
ple, at the victory of Archidamus, 489—Plutarch’s
remarks on this, ib. n.—proceeds to the assistance of
the Arcadians, 502—returns to the aid of Sparta, ib.
Agesipolis commands an expedition against Argos, 430
—refuses to recognize the existence of a truce, ib.—
endeavours to outdo the exploits of Agesilaus, ib.—
leads off and disbands the army, ib.—leads the expe-
dition against the Mantineans, 443—lays waste the
country, ib.—blockades the city, ib.—saps their walls
and houses, ib.—reduces them to terms, ib.—deputed
to command against Olynthus, 449—shows himself
in battle array before Olynthus, 450—lays waste the
territory unmolested, ib. — proceeds against the
enemy’s confederates, ib.— storms Torone, ib.—at-
tacked by a fever, ib. -—conveyed to Aphyte, dies
there, ib.—his body taken to Sparta and pompously
interred, ib.—lamented by Agesilaus, ib.—their for-
mer intercourse, ib.

Agias, an Arcadian, one of the generals, goes to Tissa-
phernes, is apprehended, 211—put to death, ib.—his
eharacter, 214,

Agis, miaking a forage from Decelea, marches up to
the walls of Athens, 359—retires on the appearance
of opposition, ib.—takes the field with Lysander, 378
—his reply to the Athenian ambassadors, ib.—com-
mands an army sent against Elis, 401—while extend-
ing his devastations, deterred by an earthquake, ib.—
retreats and disbands his army, ib.—resumes the ex-
pedition at the head of the Lacedemonian confede-
rates, 402—joined in his progress by various bodies of
people, ib.—his ravages and captures, ib.—does not
choose to take the city, ib.—repairs to Delphi, and
offers up the tenth of his spoil, ib.—dies and is pom-
pously buried, ib.

Aglaitadas, a churlish colonel, humorously exposed, 28.

Alcetas in garrison at Oreus, 457—makes a seizure of
triremes, corn, and 300 Thebans, ib.—his negligence
observed by the prisoners, they take the citadel, ib.—
the town revolts, ib.

Alcibiades in great favour with Tissaphernes, 17], n.
—visits Tissaphernes with presents of friendship,
357—arrested by him and sent prisoner to Sardis, ib.
—escapes on horseback by night, ib.—flies to Clazo-
mene, ib.—joins the Athenians at Cardia with five
ships and a row-boat, ib.—goes by land to Sestos, and
orders ships thither, ib.—joined by Theramenes from
Macedonia, and Thrasybulus from Thasus, ib.—sails
to Parium, 358—the whole fleet assembles there, ib.
—sails to Proconnesus, ib.—expatiates on the neces-
sity of engaging the enemy, ib.—his precautions te
keep the enemy ignorant of his number, ib.—sails for
Cyzicus, ib.—has a view of the ships of Mindarus, ib.
—the Peloponnesians flee to the shore, ib. —he
stretches to a distance and lands, ib.—puts the enemy
to flight, ib.—exacts a large sum of money from the
Cyzicenes, and sails back to Proconnesus, ib.—after
various arrangements, returns to the Hellespont, ib.
—throws up a work of circumvallation round Chal-
cedon, 361—takes Selymbria and proceeds against
Byzantium, ib.—in exile, chosen general by the Athe-
nians, 363 — sets sail with an armed force for the
Pirzeus, ib.—his grateful reception by the people, ib.
—their estimate of his character and sufferings, ib.—
justifies himself in the senate and assembly of the
people, ib.—declared general-plenipotentiary, 364—
places himself at the head of the military strength of
Athens, ib.—sails on an expedition against Andros,
ib.—repulses the Andrians, ib.—erects a trophy, and
stretches away to Samos, ib.—severely censured for
Antiochus’ defeat, 365—sails with a single vessel to a
fortress of his own, ib.—from his fortress, views the
disadvantageous situation of the Athenians, 377—
suggests a better, but his council is spurned by Ty-
deus and Menander, &c. ib.—put to death by Pharna-
bazus, ib. n.—his conversation, while young, with his
tutor, 526, 527.

Alcibiades, an Athenian, cousin to Alcibiades, stoned
to death by Thrasylus, 360.

Alexander attains the supremacy in Thessaly, 474—his
character, ib.—put to death by his wife’s contrivance,
ib.—history and cause of the plot, ib.

Alexius, archon at Athens, 376.

Alike-honoured, Persian gentlemen, 24—rule the rest
of the Persians, 23—how superior to the common
soldiers, 25—their strict discipline, 31— arms, 24—
manner of fight, ib.—number of those who attend
Cyrus, 12—his commendation of them, 24—speech of
one of them to Cyrus, ib.—consent that the Persian
soldiers have the same arms, ib.—distinguished for
obedience, 52—cultivated by Cyrus in his new go.
yernment, 125—his speech to them, ib.

INDEX. 3

Amphicrates slain, 238.

Anaxagoras and Pericles, anecdote of, 547, n.

Anaxibius, the admiral, friend to Cheirisophus, 283—
celebrates the praises of the Greeks, 307—sends for
the generals to Byzantium, 327—promises the army
pay, ib.—refuses to pay them, ib.—orders them out
of the town, ib.—orders them to the Thracian villa-
ges for provisions, 328—flies to the citadel, ib.—in the
interest of Pharnabazus, 330—is informed that Polus
was appointed to succeed him, ib.—orders the Greek
soldiers to be sold, ib.—neglected by Pharnabazus,
ib.—sends Xenophon back to the army, ib.—sent to
be commandant of Abydos, 434—undertakes to carry
on the war against Athens, ib.—marches against An-
tandros, 435—gains it by composition, ib.—attacked
by an ambuscade, ib.—resigned to death, discharges
his followers, ib.—twelve commandants and a favyour-
ite boy die with him, ib.

Anaxicrates, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362.

Anaxilaus, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362—his
successful sophistry when tried for his life, ib.

Andromachus, an Elean commander, defeated, 198—
kills himself, ib.

Animals, gins and snares for them described, 19.

Anippus, prisoner of Iphicrates, kills himself, 467.

Antalcidas sent on an embassage to Teribazus, 432—
appointed admiral in chief, 439—commissioned to be-
come confederate with the Lacedzemonians, 441—re-
sumes the command of the fleet, ib.—reinforced by
twenty vessels, ib. 442—stops the navigation from
Pontus to Atheus, ib.

Antandrus, a town of Troas, 347.

Antigines, archon, 361.

Antileon of Thuria, his speech about the army’s return,
283.

Antiochus left by Alcibiades in command of the fleet,
364—his imprudent breach of trust, ib.—defeated in
an engagement with Lysander, 365—sent by the Ar-
cadians to the Persian court, 489—his representation
of the king’s power, 490.

Antisthenes’ animated picture of his contented poverty,
612, 613.

Anytus, Socrates’ remarks on seeing him, 515—educa-
tion and character of his son, ib.—his memory detest-
ed, ib.

Apollonides opposes Xenophon, 219—is detected and
punished, ib.

Apollophanes brings Pharnabazus and Agesilaus to an
interview, 417.

Arubia, the army marches through, 180.

Arabs subject to the Assyrian, 12—allies with him
against the Medes, 23—number of their force, ib.—
their king killed, 60—subjected to Cyrus, 120.

Aracus appointed admiral-in-chief by the Lacedemo-
nians, 375—and Navates inspect the state of affairs
in Asia, 399—enjoined by the ephori to commend the
soldiers of Dercyllidas, ib. — Xenophon replies to
them, ib.

_Araspes, a Mede, companion of Cyrus from a boy, '73—
beloved by him over all the Medes, 11—presented with
his Median robe, ib.—entrusted by him with Panthea,
73 —his conversation with him regarding her, and

love and beauty, ib. 74—thinks himself proof against
the impressions of either, 73—by what means capti-
vated, 74—solicits Panthea in vain, 97—threatens to
ravish her, ib. —his shame and fear on account of
Cyrus, ib.—praises of Cyrus’s candour and humanity,
98—his two souls, ib.—sent a spy to Lydia to redeem
his character, ib.— meets Cyrus advancing to the

enemy, 104—honourably received and complimented
by him, ib.—caressed hereupon, ib.—gives him an ac-
count of the number, &c. of the enemy, ib.—engages
with him against the enemy, 105.

Araxes, a river of Syria, 180.

Arbaces commands under the king, sips of
Media, 349.

Arcadians, first to gain the top of the mountain against -.
the Colchians, 252—their dance, 35—with the Achaians
separate themselves from the rest of the army, 310—~
their number and departure by sea, 311—land at the
port of Calpe, and attack the Thracians, ib.—some of
their parties defeated, ib.—reduced to great straits,
312—relieved by Xenophon, 313—resolve never to
separate again, 314—one of them accuses Xenophon, -
340—receive aid from Thebes against Lacedemon,
477—persuade them to join in an invasion of Laconia,
ib. 478—flattered by Lycomedes, 487—submit to him
the nomination of magistrates, 488—entertain exalted
notions of themselves, ib.—causes of this, ib.--The-
bans and Eleans incensed against them, ib. —and
Argives endeavour to intercept the march of Archi-
damus, 488—routed and slaughtered, 489—harassed
by Lacedemonians and Achzeans, 490—and Argives
repair to the support of Euphron, 491—take the field
against the Eleans, 497—rush upon them from the
summit of a hill, ib.—victorious, 498—take several
cities, ib.—march into Elis, ib.—driven out, ib. —
bargain with the faction of Charopus, and seize the
citadel, ib,—expelled,ib. —possess themselves of Pylus,
ib.—march again into the enemy’s territory, ib.—
lay waste the country, and retreat, ib.—seize Olorus,
ib.—it is recovered from them by the Pellenians, ib.
resume hostilities with the Eleans, ib.—defeat them,
ib.—besiege Cromnus, ib.—encounter the Lacedzemo-
nians, 499-——grant them a truce, ib.—celebrate the
Olympic games, ib.—interrupted by the Eleans, ib,
500—anud Argives defeated, ib.—commanders appro-
priate the sacred treasures, ib.—dispute with the
Mantineans regarding this, ib.—embezzlers send for
help to Thebes, ib.—the order countermanded, ib.—
accommodate affairs with the Eleans, ib.—rejoicings
for a peace, 501—embezzlers seize those who differ
from them in opinion, ib.—send to Athens and Lace-
demon for aid against the Thebans, ib.

Archagoras left by Xenophon to guard a pass, 238—
dislodged, and brings Xenophon the news, ib.

Archedemus, a demagogue, accuses Herasinides, 368.

Archidamus iwtercedes for the life of Sphodrias, 454—
entrusted with command after the defeat at Leuctra,
472, 473—dismisses the confederates and leads home
the domestic troops, ib.—commands the aid of Diony-
sius and Spartan troops, 488—takes Carye by storm,
ib.—lays waste Parrhasia, ib.—intercepted in his con-
duct of Cassidas, ib.—draws up in battle array, ib.—
his exhortation to the soldiery, ib.—his soldiers in-
vigorated by auspicious symptoms, 489—achieves az:
immediate triumph, ib. — despatches the news of
victory to Sparta, ib.—leads the Spartan force to aid
the Eleans, 498—seizes Cromnus, ib.—leaves three
battalions and returns to Sparta, ib.—resumes the

_command, ib.— endeavours to force the enemy to
raise the siege of Cromnus, ib.—wounded in an at-
tack on the Arcadians, 499—a truce, ib.—marches
away, ib.—achieves a noble victory over the Thebans
at Sparta, 502.

Archidamus an Elean ambassador, 489.

Archidemus and Crito, their intimacy induced by So-
crates, 554, 555.

4 INDEX

Archytas presides among the ephori, 376.

Arexion of Arcadia, a priest, 314—sees an eagle on the
favourable side, 315—offers sacrifice, ib.

Arginusa@, disposition of the rival fleets at fight of, 367,

68—the engagement, 368.

Arzives heartily wish for peace, 442.

Argo, the ship, 309.

Argonautic expedition, dissertation upon the, 322.

Argyrius, chosen successor of Thrasybulus, 434

Arieus, lieutenant-general to Cyrus, has the command
of the left wing, 187—flies upon the death of Cyrus,
192—message to the Greeks concerning their return,
201—has the Persian throne offered him, 199—declines
it, 201—his reply to Clearchus, 202—pays less regard
to the Greeks, 206—encamps with Tissaphernes and
Orontas, ib.—sends a false message to the Greeks,
207—speaks to the Greeks about the death of their
generals, 21l—answers Cleanor, ib.—intimate with
Menon, 213.

Aristarchus sueceeds Cleander in the government of
Byzantium, 287—sells the soldiers, ib.—secured by
Pharnabazus, 288—forbids the Greeks to pass over
into Asia, ib.—his reply to Xenophon, ib —sends for
the generals who refuse to go, 331.

Aristeas of Chios offers himself upon a dangerous party,
237—frequently of great service to the army, ib.—
offers himself to secure a dangerous post, 247.

Aristippus of Thessaly petitions Cyrus for an army, 170
—sent for by Cyrus, ib.—gives the command of the
mercenaries to Menon, 213.

Aristo, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362.

Avistocrates, an Athenian commander of land-forces,
364.

Aristodemus appointed to command the Lacedemo-
nians, 419.

Ariston, an Athenian, sent to Sinope, 295.

Aristonymus of Methydria offers himself a volunteer to
seize a pass, 237—enters the stronghold of the Tao-
chians, 249.

Aristus, an Arcadian, a great eater, 334.

Armenia, the Greeks enter it, 242—the western, ib.—
-reason of its coldness, 243—country of, 246.

Armenians, neighbours of the Medes, 24—conquered by
them, 39—terms of subjection, 40—neglect to send
forces and tribute to Cyaxares, 34—revolt to the
enemy, ib.—their motives, 45—number of their force,
24—their habitations and retreat, ib.—Cyrus’s expe-
dition against them, 39—his message, 36—their king’s
repentance, cowardice, and flight, 39—subdued and
taken, ib.—his cause tried by Cyrus, 40—brought to
confession of his crime, ib.—lamentations of his wife
and children, ib,—Tigranes becomes his advocate, ib.
—is forgiven, and taken into favour by Cyrus, 42—
account of his force and riches, ib.—his gift to Cyrus,
43—his apology to him for putting his son’s friend to
death, ib.—perpetual plunders on them by the Chal-
deans, 44—always run away from them, ib.—their
sorry behaviour under Cyrus against them, ib.—the
king’s grateful speech to Cyrus on his defeat of the
Chaldeans, 45—peace established between them and
the Chaldeans, ib.—good effects of it, 46—are enter-
tained by Cyrus, ib.—all overjoyed and do him hon-
our, ib.—send a great force to him under Tigranes,
ib.— Armenian guides to Cyrus’s messenger to the
Indian, ib.

Ariabatas, satrap of Cappadocia, 146.

Arts, the spring of riches and all things valuable, 116.

Artabazus, a Mede, 1l—most excellent person, ib.—
long struck with the beauty of Cyrus, ib.—his fond-
ness to him at parting, ib.—pretends to be his rela-

tion, ib. and 95—his contrivances to kiss him, 57—
delivers a message to the Medes from Cyaxares,
ib.—his zeaious commendation of Cyrus, ib.—stirs
them up to follow him, ib.—his handsome and affec-
tionate speech to the same end, 75—his droll speech
for carrying on the war, 95—aggravates the message
of Cyrus to Araspes, 98—his handsome and humorous’
speech on Cyrus becoming king, 123—one of Cyrus’s
chief friends, 140—makes one at his entertainment
after the races, ib.—drolls on Hystaspes, 141— his
questions and drollery with Cyrus, 142.

Artacamas, governor of Phrygia, 349.

Artaezus sends a false message to the Greeks, 207—~
comes to them on the death of their generals, 211.

Artagerses, a commander of horse under Artaxerxes,
186—slain by Cyrus, 190.

Artapates, one of Cyrus’s chief confidents, 185—throws
himself upon his dying master, and is there slain, 190.

Artaxerxes, eldest son of Darius, 167—kills Cyrus, 190
—moves towards the Greeks, 193—passes by them,
194—attacked and flies, ib.—orders them to deliver
their arms, 200—runs away at the approach of the
Greeks, 203—desires a truce, 204.

Artimas, governor of Lydia, 349.

Asia, men of quality attend always at the king’s door,
129—other establishments of Cyrus imitated, 130.

Asiatics are all attended in war by what they value
most, women, &c. 57—remark upon it, 61—their war-
chariots abolished by Cyrus, 97—their general de.
clension after Cyrus’s death, 150.

Asidates, where encamped, 348—attacked, ib.—reliey-
ed by Itabelius, ib.—taken, 349.

Aspasia, the same with Miléo, n. 192.

Aspasia, her intellectual attainments, 55!, ἢ,

Asses of Arabia, wild, 180.

Assyria, king of, nations subject to him, 12—his εὐλμὰ
ambition, ib.—jealous of the Medes and Persians,
ib.—unites a powerful confederacy against them, ib.
—number and strength of his army and allies, 23—
exhorts his army, 50~—defeated by Cyrus, 52—killed,
ib, and 55—friend to Gobryas, 68— pronounced by
him an excellent man, ib—friend of Abradatas, 96—
unfortunate in his son, 83—despondency and revolt
occasioned by his death, 55, 57, 68, 78.

Assyria, king of, son of the former, his execrable charac.
ter, 86—his expedition into Media, and defeat, 10, 11—
his envy and cruelty to the son of Gobryas, and beha-
viour upon it, 68—his vile treatment of Gadatas, 84, 86
—injurious to the Hyrcanians, Sacians, and Cadusians,
7S—attempts to part Abradatas and Panthea, 99—the
despondency and flight of the Assyrian army, and de-
feat after his father’s death, 55, 59—revolt of Hyrea-
nians from him, 57, 59—of Gobryas, 68—pursued in-
to his own country, 80—his pride and insolence, 78—
his cowardice, 79—refuses a challenge from Cyrus, ib.
—just resentment and invective of Gadatas against
him, 80, 84, 86—the revolt of Gadatas from him to
Cyrus, 80, 134—hindered from taking his revenge,
and put to flight, 83—the enmity of the Sacians and
Cadusians to him, 78—they join themselves to Cyrus,
80—flies with his army to Babylon, 8i—pursued by
Cyrus, 85—defeats a party of Cadusians, 8i—consents
to Cyrus’s proposal of peace to all labourers, 85—As-
syrian forts taken, 87—demolished, 96—flies to Lydia
with treasures, 97—revolt of Abradatas from him, 99
Croesus appointed general, 100—number and strength
of the allies, ib.—Assyrian army defeated and put to
flight, 113—Egyptians cannot forgive him, 115—As-
syrian army ἢν to Sardes, ib.—the allies retire home,
ib.—Sardes taken by Cyrus, ib,—Babylon taken, and

INDEX. 5

the king killed, 121—joy of Gadatas and Gobryas
upon it, 122—motives of his war against Cyrus, 78.
Assyrians, their arms and manner of fight, 23—their en-
campment, 48—their consternation and flight, 52, 59—
foreign slaves in their army made free by Cyrus, 68—
general defection of their allies, 115—principal nation
of all, 56—Babylon their principal city, 23, 78—they
and their allies become subject to Cyrus, 1.

Astyages, king of the Medes, and father of Mandane,
mother of Cyrus, 2—his government absolute, 7—his
painting and other ornaments of his person, 4—his
feasting and drunkenness, 6—overcomes the Arme-
nians, 40—sends for Cyrus, 6—surprised at his sagacity
in the expedition against the prince of Assyria, 10—
loads him with presents at parting, 11—his death, 12.
Astyochus supports an accusation against Tissaphernes,
359.

Lacedemon, 442—iniimidated by the strength of the
Lacedzemonians, 453—despatch Stericles to aid Corcy-
ra, 464—man sixty vessels for the same purpose, ib.—
give the command to Timotheus and-subsequently to
Iphicrates, ib.—make a peace with Lacedzemon, 464—
accused of committing injustice, and war declared
against them, ib.—send ambassadors to Lacedemon,
467—invite the Thebans to co-operate in a negotiation
for peace, ib.—names of the commissioners, ib.—Calis-
tratus accompanies them, ib.—Callias first addresses
the council of state, ib. 468—his egotism, ib.—is suc-
ceeded by Autocles, ib.—foliowed up by Callistratus,
ib. 469—swear to a peace for themselves and confede-
rates, ib. 470—mortified at the Lacedzeemonians’ defeat,
473—their cool reception of the Theban herald, ib.—
administer an oath prescribed by the king of Persia,
4775—Lacedzeemonian ambassadors sent to, 479—debate

Athenadas of Sicyon, a commander under Dercyllidas,
397.

Athenian Ambassadors, proceedings regarding, 362.

Athenian Generals, ten nominated, 365.

Athenians attack Mindarus near Abydos, 357—battle

in the assembly, 480—addressed by Cliteles, ib.—suc-
ceeded by Patrocles, ib.—send their whole strength
to the aid of the Spartans, 481] — Lacedemonian
ambassadors sent to, 485—hold a convention to settle

continues, with fluctuating success, from morning till
night, ib.—joined by Alcibiades with a reinforcement,
ib.—put the Peloponnesians to flight, ib.—fight
continued on the beach, ib.—carry away 30empty ships
of the enemy, ib.—at Sestos apprised that Mindarus
is coming against them, 357—flee to Candia, ib.—join-
ed by Alcibiades, ib.—defeat the Peloponnesians at Cy-
zicus, 358—make an expedition against Abydos, 361—
opposed by Pharnabazus whom they defeat, ib.—pro-
ceed against Chalcedon and Byzantium, 361—besiege
Byzantium, 362—decree an aid to Conon, 367—draw
out in line of battle upwards of 150 sail at Arginuss,
ib.—their disposition there, ib.—depose all their com-
manders except Colon, after Arginuse, 368—commit
them to trial, ib.—bring to trial eight commanders in
the battle of Arginusz, 369—371—condemn them to
death, 371—their sentence carried into effect on six of
them, ib.—their repentance and impeachment of those
who thus beguiled them, ib.—make preparations to re-
sume hostilities, 376—sail up to Chios and Ephesus, ib.
—associate in the command Menander, Tydeus and
Cephisodotus, ib.-—Asia entirely against them, ib.—
closely chase Lysander, ib.—sail into Hgos-potamos,
ib.—pronounced by Alcibiades to have chosen an im-
proper station, 377—their commanders contemn his
opinion and suggestion, ib.—overthrown and taken
prisoners at AXgos-potamos, 377—bitter charges pre-
ferred against them by the victors, ib.—permitted to
return to Athens, ib.—effects of the intelligence
of the defeat at Athens, 378—prepare their city for a
siege, ib.—besieged by land and sea, 378—their miser-
able circumstances during the leaguer of Athens, ib.—
they restore to their privileges those under sentence of
infamy, ib.—make proposals for an accommodation, ib.
—send ambassadors to the Lacedzemonians, 379—con-
ditions of a peace, ib.—destroy their walls, ib.—an oli-
garchy erected, ib.—names of the thirty persons cho-
sen to remodel their laws, ib.—disarmed by their oli-
garchy, 381—all but the 3000 exiled from Athens, 286
—their estates seized by the thirty and their friends,
ib.—occupy Megara and Thebes, ib.—appoint new ma-
gistrates, 391—willing to act a chief part in war
against the Lacedemonians, 408.—accede to the
proposal of the Thebans regarding the war, 410—make
preparations for their succour, ib.—block up A‘gina,
439-—blockaded in turn by Gorgopas, ib.—inan a num-
ber of vessels and fetch off their people, ib.—fit out a
fleet against Gorgopas, ib.—desirous of a peace with
%

the conditions of a league, ib.—assembly addressed by
Patrocles, ib. 486—and Cephisodotus, ib.—terms
agreed on, ib.—make a league with the Arcadians,
496—send succours to the Arcadians, 502—their horse-
men perform a generous exploit in favour of Man-
tinea, 503—and Lacedzemonians, naval engagement
between, 357.—plans adopted by them to preserve a
democratical government, 695—conditions of slaves
and aliens among them, 696—proofs of their depravity,
697—their reasons for harassing good men in the al-
lied states, ib.—advantages gained by causing their al.
lies to repair to Athens for decision in their lawsuits,
ib.—advantages from having the ascendancy at sea,
698.

Atramyttium, a sea-port, 348,

Auguries, definition of, 519, n.

Autocles, See Athenians.

Autolicus, character and effect of his beauty, 603, 604.

B

Babylon, greatest city of the world, 143—richest of 4]
Asia, 116—Capital of Assyria, 86-—Walls round it im-
pregnable, 120—Divided bya deep river, ib.—provided
with necessaries for above 20 years, 121—citizens
laugh at Cyrus’s attempt to take it, ib,—how seized,
ib.—description of the porches and doors, ib.—revel-
ling, ib.—consternation and slaughter, 122—The king
killed, ib.—proclamation by Cyrus for all the inhabi-
tants to remain within, ib.—another for them to bring
out their arms, ib.—castles surrendered to Cyrus, ib.
—Babylonians tributaries and labourers to the Per-
sians, ib.—hold Cyrus in the utmost abhorrence, 124,
—his methods to secure himself and gain their affec-
tions, ib.—He inhabits it in winter, 147.—its distance
mistaken, 202—country of, 185, 202. See Cotyora.

Bactrians subject to the Assyrian, 12—afterwards to
Cyrus, 1.

Bailiff of a village surprised in his house, 245—goes with
Xenophon to Cheirisophus, 246—his discourse with
Cheirisophus, ib,—conducts the army, 247—ill-treated
by Cheirisophus, and runs away, ib. '

Barbarians, what number served under Cyrus, 186—
their disposition, 188—adyance in silence, ib.—run
away before the attack, 189—are afraid the Greeks
should stay in their country, 207—their horse shoot,
as they fly, 225. See Persians, Carduchians, Tao-
chians, &¢.

6 INDEX.

Bursias, an Arcadian, his head pierced through with an ) Callixenus consents to accuse the commanders of Argi-

arrow, 236.

Beauty of person commands respect, 132—conversation
between Cyrus and Araspes upon it, 73, 74—compared
to fire, ib.—safest way to fly from it, 74, 98—to forbear
speaking of the beautiful goddess before youth, 19—
most beautiful women of all Asia, 69.

Bee-hives in great quantities, 253.

Belesis, governor of Syria, his palace, 178,

Bisanthe, a town of Thrace, 339.

Bithynians use all the Greeks ill, 313—defeat a party of
them, 315—attack their advanced guard, ib.—defeat-
ed, 316.

Bithynian- Thracians compelled by Alcibiades to deliver
up the property of the Chalcedonians, 361.

Biton arrives with money for the army, and contracts
friendship with Xenophon, 347—restores him his
horse, ib.

Boiscus, the Thessalian pugilist, his insolence, 302.

Bulimy, a disease, 244.

Burial preferable to inshrinement in gold, 149—Cyrus
orders a rejoicing about his tomb, 150.

Bustards, 180.

Byzantium besieged by the Athenians, 362—betrayed
by five Byzantines, ib. See Greeks, Aristarchus.

σ

Cadusians great enemies to the Assyrian, 78—join
Cyrus with a great force, 8I—make a private excur-
sion from Cyrus’s army, killed and routed by the As-
syrian, 84—good-nature of Cyrus to them, ib.—liave
the choice of their commander, 85—for carrying on
the war against the Assyrian, 95.

Cana, a large and rich city.

Ceratadas, a Beotian commander, confederate of Cle-
archus, 262.

Callias, archon, 365—invites Socrates and his friends to
an entertainment, 603. See Athenians.

Callibius, deputed by Lysander to command the guard
of the thirty, 380—his commendation of their measures
eagerly sought by the oligarchy, ib.—retreats towards
Mantinea, 475—receives assistance from the Manti-
heans, ib.—treachery, ib. 276—massacre, ib.—and
Proxenus oppose the measures of Stasippus, 475—the
parties come into hostile collision, ib.—Proxenus
killed, ib.

Callicratidas, commissioned to succeed Lysander in the
command of the Lacedemonians, 365—his conversa-
tion with his predecessor, ib.—his measures opposed
by the friends of Lysander, ib—summons together
and addresses the Lacedzemonians, 366—journeys to
Cyrus for the seamen’s pay, ib.—anecdote respecting
his first visit to Cyrus, ib. n.—departs to Miletus, and
harangues the Milesians, ib.—_storms Methymne, ib.
his noble determination to preserve the freedom of
every Grecian, ib.—gives chase to Conon, 567—en-
gages and defeats him, ib.—receives money from Cy-
rus, ib.—prepares for the reception of the fleet sent to
the aid of Conon, 367—draws up his ships at Arginusz,
368—his reply to the advice of his steersman, ib.—
thrown into the sea at Arginusa, and lost, 368.

Cailimachus of Parrhasie has a contest with Agasias,
237—his stratagem, 2i9—stops Agasias, ib.—sent to
demand money of Heraclea, 310—one of the heads of
a party, ib.

Callimachus the Arcadian sent to Sinope, 295.

Callistratus killed by the army in the Pirzeus, 389.

Callistratus the orator. See Athenians.

ey
SS ᾿ς ͵͵͵͵.᾿͵΄΄΄΄΄ὋὋἵἪἝ;Ἢο“΄΄ἷ΄΄΄ὖ΄Κ ΄ὃἝἝὦἝὮἕἝ͵ἷἾἽἝἪ.....

nus‘ before the senate, 369—starves himself to death,
371.

Calpe, port of, situated in the middle of Thrace, 311—
described, 313.

Cambyses, king of Persia, and father of Cyrus, 2—de-
scended from Perseus, ib.—government limited, ib.—
has the direction of sacred affairs, 65, 145—attends
Cyrus to the borders of Media, 14—his admirable in-
structions to him concerning religion, policy, and art
of war, ib. 20—noble sentiments of the gods, piety, &c.
14, 20—binds Cyrus and the Persians by mutual obli-
gations, 145=his speech to them both, ib.—consents to ~
the marriage of Cyrus, ib-—his death, 148.

Cambyses, eldest son of Cyrus, to whom he bequeaths
his kingdom, 148—the dying instructions of his father
to him, ib.—dissensions between him and his brother,
150.

Camels, horses fearful of, 115—no brave man will mount
them in war, ib.—of no use but for baggage train, ib.

Canals between the Euphrates and Tigris, 204, 207.

Cuppadocia, the army marches through it, 172.

Cappadocians, subject to the Assyrian, 12—Aribzeus,
king of, his force against Cyrus, 23—killed by the Hyr-
canians, 60—allies to the Assyrian in the second en-

gement, 100—overcome by Cyrus, 1, 120.

Carbatines, asort of shoes, 245.

Carduchians, now Curdes, 232, and n.—not subject te
the king, ib.—the Greeks resolve to pass through
their country, ib.—enter it, 236—they leave their
houses, ib.—attack the rear guard of the Greeks, ib.—
press hard upon the Greeks, ib.—roll down great
stones, 237—fall upon and rout thém, 238—treat with
Xenophon, ib.—expert archers, 239—advance to attack
the Greeks in their passage of the river, 24l—attack
and are routed, ib.—a free nation, 349.

Carians subject to the Assyrian, 12-—invited by him, but
do not attend, 23—divided into parties; both call in
Cyrus, 118—reconciled by Adusius, good effects of it,
119—beg Cyrus to appoint Adusius their governor, ib.
—garrisons left in their castles for Cyrus, ib.

Carmande, a city upon the Euphrates, 181.

Carmides draws a humorous comparison between his
former riches and present poverty, 611, 612.

Carpean dance, 305, 306.

Castolus, the plain of, 167, 191.

Caystrus, the plain of, 171.

Celene, a city of Phrygia, 171.

Cenotaph erected by the Greeks, 314. é

Centrites, the river, divides the Carduchians from Ar-
menia, 239—the Greeks attempt to pass it, 241.

Cephisodorus, an Athenian captain, left by Xenophon to
guard a pass, 238—slain, ib.

Cephisodotus’ speech to the Athenians on the league
with Lacedzemon, 486.

Cerazunt, a Greek city, 287.

Cerasus, a river, 172.

Chabrias sails to the aid of Evagoras, 440—sits down in
ambuscade in gina, ib.—sallies out on Gorgopas, ib.
—overcomes him and his party, ib.

Chaleedonians, on an attack of the Athenians, transfer
their effects to the Bithynian-Thracians, 361.

Chaldeans, a warlike people, 40—poor, 44—country
mountainous, ib.—border on the Armenians, 42—«t
perpetual war with them, 44—their arms, ib.—ever
put the Armenians to flight, ib.—their heights attack.
ed and gained by Cyrus, ib.—peace between them and
the Armenians, 45—good effects of it, ib—applaud and
thank Cyrus, ib.—send a force to Cyrus, 46—Chaldean
guides to Cyrus’s messenger to the Indian, ib.—with

INDEX 7

the Persians mount the fortifications of Sardes, 115—
plunder the city, ib.—terrified at his displeasure, and
punished, ib.—their character, 240—a free nation, 349.

Chalus, a river of Syria, 178.

Chalybians serve under Teribazus, 344—their country,
245—oppose the Greeks, 247—defeated, 248—their

_ courage and character, 250—manufacturers of iron,

' 392—a free nation, ib.

Chares. See Phliasians-

Chariots used in war, 97—Trojan and Asiatic, abol'shed
by Cyrus, ib.—another kind invented, ib.—scythe
chariots of Abradatas, 99—execution done by them,
114—description of Abradatas’s chariot, 99—chariot-
races and prizes, 138—chariot at the procession of
Cyrus, 137—armed with scythes, 186—described, 188
—inefficient, 189.

Charminus the Lacedzmonian sent from Thimbron to
the Greek army, 339—vindicates Xenophon, 342—his
speech to Medosades, 344—incurs the censure of the
army, 346.

Chetrisophus the Lacedzemonian joins Cyrus, 176—sent
to Arizeus, 199—his return, 202—commends Xenophon,
220—his speech to the soldiers, 221—seconds Xeno.
phon’s proposals, 224—nominated by Xenophon to
command the van, ib.—answers Mithridates, 225—
blames Xenophon for pursuing, ib.—orders him to the
van, 230—propuses to burn the country, 231—with the
vanguard penetrates into the country of the Cardu-
chians, 236—leaves Xenophon, ib.—assigns the reason
for it, ib.—prevails upon the Barbarians to deliver up
their dead, 239—his conduct in relieving Xenophon,
341—passes the Centrites, 242—sends reinforcement to
Xenophon, ib.—comes to a village and encamps, 245—
sends to inquire after the rear, ib.—makes merry with
his friends, 246—discourse with the bailiff, ib.—strikes
the bailiff, and causes a difference between himself
and Xenophon, 247—holds a consultation about at-
tacking the enemy, ib.—his» answer to Xenvphon
about stealing, 248—replies to his proposal, ib.—
marches against the enemy, but comes too late, ib.—
attacks a stronghold of the Taochians, without suc-
cess, ib.—his discourse with Xenophon on this, 249—
accompanies him, ib.—marches against the Colchians,
252—proposes to fetch ships and departs, 283—comes
back with some galleys, 307—chosen general, 309—re-

. fuses to force the Heracleans, 310—-deprived of the
generalship, 311—conceives a hatred against the army,
ib.—marches by himself, ib.—arrives at Calpe, 312,—
his death, 314.

Chersonesus, 328.

Chestnuts used instead of bread, 191—children fatted
with them, ib.

Children, institution of them in Persia, 2, 4—care of

their education makes the most excellent men, 5—

should not be taught the art of war alone, 19—the
beautiful goddess should not be spoken of before them
ib.—Cyrus careful of good examples for them, 126
—less bashful than youths, 7—discourses and manners
of a fine child represented, 5—8.

Chrysantes, one of the alike-honoured, 30—of no advan-
tageous person, ib.—of excellent understanding, ib.—
his modest description of himself, ib.—in favour and
esteem with Cyrus, 141!—his advice and speech for
proportionable rewards, 28—transported with the or-
ders of Cyrus, 35—made a commander for his gallan-
try and obedience, 55—his speech in behalf of horse-
manship, 62—his abilities, 141—his speech changing
the panic of an army into grief, 101—his speech to the
army to instil obedience, 129—his speech to Cyrus on
his becoming king, 123—extremely useful to Cyrus,

141—his counsel generally approved and followed, 30,
62, 104, 129, 123—Cyrus’s praise of him, 141—Cyrus’s
raillery on his person, with his repartee, 142.—Cyrus
kisses him, ib.—appointed satrap of Lydia and Icnia,
145.

Chrysopolis of Chalcedonia fortified by Alcibiades, 358—
appointed to be the station for collecting tenths, ib.

Cilicia, the army prepares to penetrate into it, 173—en-
ters it without opposition, ib.

Cilictams subject to the Assyrian, 12—invited, but do
not attend him in war, 23—join the Assyrian army
afterwards under Croesus, 100—-Cyrus never appoints
a governor over them, 118.

Cinadon discovered to be the director of a conspiracy,
403—apprehended, and fully confesses, 404—he and
his accomplices punished, ib.

Cleenutus slain, 285.

Cleayoras, the painter, 346, 347.

Cleander, governor of Byzantium, 311—arrives at the
camp, 318—frightened and runs away, ib.—demands
Agasias, ib.—his answer to the generals, 319—Xeno-
phon offers him the command, 320—his reply, ib.—
contracts an intimacy with Xenophon, ib.—prevails
upon him not to leave Byzantium, ib.—procures per-
mission for his departure, 329—compassionates the
soldiers, 330.

Cleanor the Arcadian, his resolution, 200—presumed to.
be the same with :
Cleanor the Orchomenian, answers Arizeus, 211—cho-
sen general in the room of Agias, 220—his speech to
the army, ib.—gains the top of the Colchian moun-

tains, 253.

Clearatus slain, 297.

Clearchus, a Lacedeemonian, raises an army for Cyrus,
169—has 10,000 darics for that purpose, ib.—wars
with the Thracians, ib.—ordered to attend Cyrus, 170
—joins the army at Celeenz, 1'71—escapes being stoned
to death, 174—his speech to the men, ib.—they are re-
conciled, ib.—numbers desert from others to him, ib.
—again addresses the men, 175—refuses to lead them
back, ib.—sent to Cyrus from the enemy, 176—envied
by other commanders, 177~—strikes one of Menon’s
men, 182—hardly escapes being stoned, ib.—march to
attack Menon, ib.—appeased by Cyrus, 183—called to
the trial of Orontas, ib.—delivers his opinion, 184—
has the right wing assigned to him, 185—asks Cyrus a
question, 186—on the right of the river, 187—his brave
reply to Cyrus’s message, 188—const!ts regarding
their return, 193—sends Lycius to reconnoitre the
enemy, 194—offers Arizeus the throne, 199—his speech
upon the king’s message, 200—replies to Phalinus, ib.
—again, 201—his answer to the message of Arizeus,
ib.—harangues the commanders, 202—takes the com-
mand upon him, ib.—asks Arizus’s opinion concern-
ing their return, ib.—quiets an alarm in the camp, 203
orders the Greeks to stand to their arms, ib.—treats
with the king about a truce, 204—leads the army to
provisions, ib.—equal to the command, ib.—answers
Tissaphernes in name of the army, 205—quiets the
minds of the Greeks, 206—alarmed with a false mes-
sage, 207—shows the army to advantage, 208—ad.
dresses Tissaphernes, 209—accepts his invitation, 210
—prevails upon the generals to go to him, ib.—appre.
hended, 211—beheaded, ib.—his character, ib.

Clearchus, son of Ramphias, public host of the Byzan-
tines,359—Lacedzemonian commandant at Byzantium,
362—his arrangements for the preservation of Byzan-
tium neutralized by treachery, ib.

Cleocritus, herald of the Mystz, addresses the thirty in
a truce, 388.

8

Cteombrotus commands the expedition against Thebes,
452—his targeteers slay the embodied Theban pri-
soners, ib.—withdraws from the enemy’s territory,
453—assailed by a violent storm, 1b.—disbands the
army, ib.—leads an army against the Thebans, 457—
repulsed, ib.—disbands the army, ib.—sent to the aid
of Phocis, 461—at the peace with Athens receives in-
structions from Lacedemon, 470—marches his army
into Beeotia, ib.—takes the fortress of Crusis, ib.—en-
camps at Leuctra, ib.—stimulated by his friends to
come to an engagement, ib.—insinuations of his ene-
mies, ib.—holds the last council about a battle, 471—
disadvantageous comparison between his and the
enemy’s fortune and forces, ib. 472—nature of the
Lacedzemonian and Theban phalanx, ib.—his cavalry
instantly defeated, ib—has at first the better of the
fight, ib.—killed, ib.

Cleonymus, the handsomest and most accomplished youth
in Sparta, 453—intercedes for his father’s life with
Archidamus, 454—expression of his gratitude to his
friend, ib.—subsequently dies fighting at Leuctra, ib.—
472.

Cligenes, an Acanthian ambassador, 444—his speech in
an assembly at Lacedemon, ib. 445—resolutions re.
specting his required aid against Olynthus, ib. 446.

Cliteles addresses an Athenian assembly, 480.

Cnidus, sea-fight of, 421.

‘Coetans, a free nation, 349.

Colchians, mountains of, 251—oppose the Greeks, 252—
routed, ib.—encamp round the Greeks, 285—a free na-
tion, 349.

Colophonians join Thrasylus, 360.

Colosea, a city of Phrygia, 171—commander, his office
regarding the army, the enemy, and the gods, 16, 20—
to pay the greatest veneration to the gods, 23—never
to engage contrary to sacrifice and auguries, 20—to
consult the gods by divination, 18.

Commonwealth, a, defined, 639.

Conon, an Athenian general, 363—receives the command
of the Athenian fleet at Samos, 365—plunders the
country of the enemy, ib.—defeated by Callicratidas,
and taken prisoner,367—his bold escape with two ships,
ib.—retaken with one of his vessels, ib.—relieved from
the siege at Mitylene, rejoins the Athenians, 368—as-
sociated with Pharnabazus, 430—appointed to com-
mand at sea, ib.—sent to watch Abydos and Sestos,
43l—invested with charge of the ficet and receives
supplies, ib.—sails to Athens, ib.—rebuilds the walls,
imprisoned by Teribazus, 432.

Corinthians, wumbers massacred, 422, 423—order the
Athenians to evacuate their garrisons, 496—dismiss
them from Corinth, ib.—interrogate the Thebans re.
specting a peace, 497—receive the sanction of the Lace-
dzmonians, ib.—successfully negotiate with the The-
bans, ib.

Corsote, a desolate city, 181.

Corylas governor of Paphlagonia, 293—sends ambassa-
dors to the Greeks, ib.

Cotyora, a Greek city, 292—refuses the Greeks a mar-
ket, ib.—sends them presents, 293.

Cotys joins Agesilaus, 415—leaves with him 3000 soldiers,
ib.—marries the daughter of Spithridates, ib. 416.

Courage to be instilled by good laws, examples, and
habit, 51—inspired by piety and devotion, 52—instances
of it, 11, 52, 107.

Court, example and orders of Cyrus to his, 130—virtues
which reigned in it, 13].

Cramians, market of, a city of Mysia, 171.

Cratesippidas appointed to the command of the Lace-
dzmonian fleet, 359.

]

INDEX.

Cretans, their bows carry not so far as the Persians,
225—make use of the Persian arrows, 228—of great
service, 239—sixty of them run the long course,
253.

Critias, one of the thirty, impetuous for putting num-
bers to death, 380—begins to clash with Theramenes,
ib.—contends for the propriety of despatching all op-
posers, 381—alarmed at the resistance of Theramenes,
ib-—severe censure passed upon him by Socrates, ib. n.
—delivers a philippic against Theramenes in the
senate, 382, 383—attacked in turn by the accused, ib.
385—accomplishes his murder, ib.

Critias and Hippomackus slain at the battle of the
Pirzus, 388.

Critobulus, effects of his love for Amandra, 610, 611.

Cresus, king of Lydia, 12—his mean ancestors, 117—
sends to consult the Delphian oracle concerning his
haying sons, 116—answer and disappointment, ib.—to
inquire after happiness ; reply, and his false notions
of it, ib.—his happiness in peace, ib.—persuaded by
the Assyrian king to make war upon the Medes and
Cyrus, ib.—number of his force, 23—dejected on the
defeat of the Assyrian army, 55—flees by night, 59—
—chosen commander-in-chief of the Assyrian and con-
federate army, 100—temptations to accept of this com-
mand, ib.—acknowledgment of his ignorance init, 117
—number of his confederates, 100—prepares for an
engagement, 105—defeated, 113—he and his army fly
to Sardes, 1]5—deserted by his ailies, ib.—Sardes
taken, anda guard set over him, ib.—brought to Cyrus,
116—calls him sovereign, ib.—advises him not to plun-
der, ib.—gives him account of his consulting the oracie,
ib,—modest accusation of himself, 117—his high opi-
nion of Cyrus, ib.—comes to know himself by his pun-
ishment, ib.—inquires after happiness of Cyrus, ib.
—pitied by Cyrus, ib—Cyrus restores him his wife,
daughters, friends, &c. ib.—obliged to him for cutting
them off from war, ib.—his love ana praises of his
wife, ib.—his good humour admired by Cyrus, ib.—
carried about by Cyrus everywhere, ib.—gives him a
writing of the treasures he delivered to him, 1]9—at-
tends him to Babylon, 120—his advice to him to hoard
up, 135—convinced by him that friends are the richest
treasure, ib.

Ctesias, the king’s physician, 190.

Cunning and stratagem towards an enemy lawful, 18—
lessons for that purpose. ib.—story of the Persian whe
professed to teach it, ib.

Curdes, see Carduchians.

Cyaxares, son of Astyages, king of the Medes, 8—appears
jealous of Cyrus from his childhood, ib.—his expedition
under his father against the king of Assyria’s son, 10
—succeeds to the kingdom, 12—sends to the Persian
council for assistance against the Assyrian, ib.—relates
to Cyrus the numbers of the enemy, and their man-
ner of fighting, 23, 24—approves of Cyrus’s advice as
to the arms of the Persian soldiery, ib.—sends him a
rebe to appear before the Indian ambassadors, 33—
gives audience to the Indians, ib—converses with
Cyrus, ib. 3i—persuaded by him to make war on the
Armenians, ib.—allows him a force, ib.—goes himself
to strengthen his garrisons, ib.—Armenian treasure
sent to him, 47—approves of Cyrus’s proposal for in-
vading the enemy’s country, 49—gives him positive
orders to do it, 51—accompanies him, 49—his army
under Cyrus defeats the enemy, 52—congratulated by
Cyrus on the victory, 55—his speech against pur-
suing the enemy, ib.—hardly prevailed upon to let the
Medes attend Cyrus voluntarily, 57—stays behind
with a few Medes, 64—his mistake through intoxica-

INDEX 9

tion, ib.—sends an angry message to Cyrus, ib,—and
orders to the Medes to return, 65—Cyrus’s expostula-
tory letter to him, 66—contemptible to his own soldiers
for his effeminacy, 68—-women chosen for him, ib.—his
messenger caressed by Cyrus, ib.—Cyrus’s message to
consult with him, 87—tent provided for him, ib.—does
not care to admit Cyrus’s army into his territory, ib.
—met by Cyrus, 88—envious at Cyrus’s attendance
and success, ib.—refuses to kiss him, and weeps on
that account, ib.—private interview between them, ib.
90—cause of his envy, 88, 90—reconciled and kisses
him, 90—Cyrus proposes a debate upon the separation
of the army, 91—pleased with the respect of Cyrus
and the Medes, ib.—the allies attend at his doors, 95—
adorns his person, ib.—sits before them on a Median
throne, ib.—proposes to them the question of war, or
separation of the army, ib,—agrees to build a fort and
engine, ib.—war goes on under Cyrus, 97, 122—with
a third part of the Medes takes care of affairs at home,
103—Cyrus completes a conquest and settles his go-
vernment, 122, 144—palaces, &c. set apart for him, ib.
Cyrus makes a visit, ib.—mutual presents, ib,—offers
his daughter to Cyrus in marriage, ib.—and all Media
as her dowry, ib.—his daughter’s beauty, ib.

Cydnus, a river of Cilicia, 173.

Cydon, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362.

Cyprians, allies to the Assyrian army under Croesus, 100
—defeated by Cyrus, and become subject to him, 2,
115, 149—readily engage with Cyrus against the Ca-
rians, 118—suffered to choose their own kings, &c. ib.

Cyratados, a Theban, his character, 329—is accepted by
the Greeks for their general, ib.—and resigns the com-
mand, 330.

Cyrus, survey of his dominions, 1—excels all other
kings, ib.—admirable for inspiring men with love
and fear, 2—all desire to become his subjects, ib.—de-
scended from Perseus, 2—from the gods, 57, 117—his
parents, 2—character of his mind, ib.—his person
while a child, ib.—his early education, 4—great prefi-
ciency under it, 5—appointed judge over others, 6—
story of his wrong decision of a cause and. punish.
ment, 7—his mother caries him into Media to Astya-
ges, 4—his childish discourses and manners with his
grandsire, 5—8—his sprightliness, simplicity, gene-
rosity, &e.:7—discourse with his mother upon justice,
ib—agreeable and officious towards all, ib,—his over-
talkativeness accounted for, ib.—manners and dis-
courses of his youth, 8—l12—his bashfulness, 8, 9—
exercises with his equals, 8—his enthusiasm in hunt-
ing, ib. 9—description of it, 8—of himself, ib.—concern-
ed for his grandfather’s displeasure, 9—his freedom
from envy, and praise of his companions, ib.—serves
and pleases all, ib.—puts on arms for the first time, 10
—bears a.part against the prince of Assyria, 10, l1—
his sagacity, 10—his boldness, ib.—esteemed by his
grandfather author of the victory, 1l—generally ad-
mired, ib.—ordered home, ib,—his obedience to his
father, and regard to his country, ib.—his grand-
father’s presents, ib.—his presents to his compan-
ions, ib—Araspes the youth he loves most, ib. 78
—presents him with his Median robe, 1l—Astyages
and the people set him going, ib.—mutual grief at
parting, ib.—-story of the Mede pretending to be his
relation, ib.—returns to Persia, 12—his temperance
and good behaviour, ib.—passes a year among the
boys, ib.—enters himself in the order of youth, ib.
—becomes a full grown man, ib—commands an army
sent to Cyaxares, ib—his prayers and sacrifices,
ib.—speech to the alike-honoured, ib,-~appeais to
them for his piety, 14—attended by his father to the

borders of Media, ib.—paternal Instructions in piety,
&c. ib. 20—arrives with his army at Media, 23—his
piety, ib.—proposes that the Persians have the close
arms of the alike-honoured, 24—exercises his soldiers
with their new weapons, 25—distributes each regi-
ment in a tent, 26—wishes the institution of rewards,
28—appointed judge of merit 3l—praised by Pherau-
las, 3l—is for weeding the vicious out of his army, 29—
invites those to supper who exercise well, 26, 32—
good effect of it, 32—his manner of entertaining them,
27, 30—his merriment and praise of the stories of the
greedy person and the letter, 28—apology fer such as
laughed, ib.—mixes matter of instruction, 27, 28—his
obedience to Cyaxares, 33—disposes his army for the
view of the Indian ambassadors, ib.—regardless of his
habit, ib.—conversation with Cyaxares, ib, 34—induces
him to make war on the Armenian, ib.—a force allowed
him by Cyaxares, ib.—prepares for this expedition, ib.
—his sacrifices, adoration, happy omens, ib.—arrives on
the Armenian borders, 34—disguises his designs by a
hunt, ib.—his message to the Armenian, 35—march and
orders to his soldiers, ib.—declares war against the
fugitives only, 39—takes the Armenian’s wives, chile
dren, and riches, ib,—sends a herald to the king, who
submits, ib,—tries his cause before his army and the
Armenians, 40—brings him to confession of his crime,
ib.—hears Tigranes, ib. 42—pleased with his proposal,
ib.—takes the Armenian into favour, ib.—returns his
wives and children, 43—his compassion and candour,
ib.— praises of his person, wisdom, and noble virtues,
ib.—receives a gift from the Armenian, ib.—joined by
an Armenian force, 44—defeats the Chaldeans, ib.—
gains their heights, ib.—builds a fortress there, ib.—
makes peace between Armenians and Chaldeans, 45—
keeps the summits as guarantee, ib.—takes many
Chaldeans into his service, 46—sends to the Indian for
money, ib.—his policy in having Chaldean and Arme-
nian guides to his messenger, ib—leaves a governor of
the fortress, ib.—honoured and extolled by Armenians
and Chaldeans, ib.—refuses treasure from the Arme-
nians’ wife, 47—sends army and treasure to Cyaxares,
ib.—returns into Media, ib.—treatment of his army,
ib.— wishes to come to action, ib.—arms and forms his
army completely, ib.—inspires them with ardour, 48—
arrives with Cyaxares and the army in the enemy’s
country, ib.—their march, sacrifices, prayers, ib. 49—
his council, 50—opinion of a general’s exhortation to
his army, ib.—marches in obedience to Cyaxares, 51—
raises their courage, 52—by devotion, ib.—By exhorta.
tion, ib—engagement, ib.—enemy put to flight, ib.—
his courage and conduct, ib.—their ready obedience to
him, ib.—his gratitude to the gods, 55—to his army,
ib.—signalizes and rewards Chrysantas, ib.—congratu-
lates Cyaxares, ib.—his great fame, 57—desires to pur-
sue the enemy, 56—obtains leave of Cyaxares to be
attended with as many Medes as would go voluntar-
ily, 57—most of them attend him, 58—discourses with
Artabazus, 57—Hyrcanians revolt and send messen-
gers to Cyrus, ib.—his policy, ib.—he marches, 58—
his prayer and gratitude, ib—Hyrcanians in a body
leave the enemy and join Cyrus, 59—encouragement
and orders to his army, ib_—engagement with the ene-
my, 60—victory, ib—flight of great part of the enemy,
ib.—-orders an entertainment for his army, ib.—His
Persian abstinence as to treasures and provisions, ib.
64—advises the Persians to do the same, ib.—his po-
licy herein, and ih cultivating the allies, ib,—vexed at
the advantages of the Medes and Hyrcanians, by
means of their horse, 61—his candid praise ef them, ib.
—proposes the establishment of horsemanship among

5B

10 INDEX.

the Persians, ib.—gains the friendship of the prisoners,
614—his vigilance during the feasting of the allies, ib.
—message to him from Cyaxares, 65—his politic be-
haviour to the messenger, ib.—sends an expostulatory
letter to him, 66—and a message to the Persians for
an increase of his army, ib.—orders the enemy’s arms
to be burned, ib.—gives the distribution of the ene-
my’s effects to the allies, 67—his directions to them in
favour of the gods, magi, Cyaxares, and themselves,
ib.—disregards himself and the Persians, 68—allies
give him the enemy’s horse, ib.—forms a body of Per-
sian horsemen, 73, 68—his polite raillery on them, ib.
—proclamation to liberate all foreign slaves in the
Assyrian army, ib.—orders to attend the horse, ib.—
orders the alike-honoured to choose a foot-commander
in his stead, ib.—scene between him and Gobryas, ib.
—receives him as his ally, 69—distribution of the ene-
my’s effects, ib.—the fine women allotted to him, ib,—
his self-denial and politeness, ib. 73—gives one of
them to a Mede, ib.—afraid to see his beautiful cap-
' tive Panthea, ib—gives charge of her to Araspes, ib.
—advice to him, '75—his motives for pursuing the war,
74—his grateful prayer, 75—marches to Gobryas, ib.—
Gobryas’s rich presents to him, '76—presents him with
his daughter, ib,—his self-denial, ib.—commendation
of his friends, ib.—invites Gobryas to supper, 7'7—at-
tended by him with his horse, ib,—seeks information
of the enemy, ib.—arrives in the enemy’s country,
79—takes considerable booty, ib.—distribution of it,
ib.—marches towards Babylon, ib.—sends a challenge
to the Assyrian king, ib.—makes ἃ friend of Gadatas,
ib.—seizes a fortress, 80—Cadusians and Sacians be-
come his allies, 8l—his care of Gadatas’ territory, ib.—
his vast memory, 82—sentiments on calling people by
their names, ib.—appoints a party for intelligence, 83
—enters the territory of Gadatas, ib.—Gadatas’s grati-
tude to him, 84—his self-denial, ib.—his humanity to-
wards the Cadusian body, ib.—use he makes of their
private excursion and defeat, ib.—care of the dead
and revenge on the enemy, 85—stipulates peace for
the Jabouring people, ib.—compassionates Gadatas,
86—accepts his present of horse, ib.—takes three forts
of the enemy, 88—sends to Cyaxares for his advice,
ib.—orders his tent to be furnished in the best man-
ner, 87—Persians send him a reinforcement, ib.—
meets Cyaxares with great attendance, ib.—interview
between them, 88—90—makes the Medes pay him re-
spect, 90—raillery between and Hystaspes, 95—en-
campment of his army, 97—prepares to follow the
army to Lydia, ib.—invents a kind of war chariots,
ib.—provides camels, ib.—sends Araspes spy to Ly-
dia, 98—his reception of Abradatas, 99—excites
emulation in his army, 100 care of their diet, &c.
102, 103—orders a sacrifice, ib—manner of their
march, ib.—his stratagem to surprise a party of the
enemy, 104—his reception of Araspes, ib.—his orders
to the army, 106—struck with admiration of Abra-
datas, ib.—his sacrifices and address, 107—his observa-
tions on the enemy and consequent orders, 111—gives
a devout signal and exhortation, 112—he and the army
sing a hymn, 113—~engages, ib.—relieves the Persians,
dismounted, ib-—gains the victory, ib.—admires the
firmness of the Egyptians, ib.—offers them terms and
gives them cities, ib. 115—pursues Creesus to Sardes,
and takes the city, ib.—angry with the Chaldeans for
plundering, ib,—meets Croesus, 116—his generosity to
him, 117—his grief for Abradatas? 118—laments over
Panthea, 118—erects monuments to both, ib.—sends
Adusius to the Carians with an army, ib.—joined by
Cilicians and Cyprians, ib.—sends an army against

Phrygla, 119—garrisons left there for him, {b.—Greeks
pay him tribute, ib—leaves a garrison at Sardes, ib.—
treats as slaves thuse whom he disarmed, ib.—over-
throws the people of greater Phrygia, 120—the Cap-
padocians, ib.— the Arabians, ib.—arrives with a vast
army at Babylon, ib.—his disposition of them round
the walls, ib.—consults about a capture, ib.—contrives
a ditch for draining the river, and turrets to amuse
the enemy, ib.—takes it during a scene of revelry, 121
—castles surrendered to him, ib.—proclamation for all
to bring their arms, ib.—makes them labourers and
tributaries, ib.—assumes the state of royalty, ib.—ad-
dresses the people, 122—weary of the court paid to
him, ib.—the want of his company regretted by his
friends, 123—his sacrifices, ib.—applies himself to the
affairs of government, 124—his observations upon eu-
nuchs, ib.—appoints them guards of his person, ib.—
establishes a garrison in Babylon, 125—distresses the
Babylonians, ib.—cultivates the alike-honoured, ib.—
vindicates the war and right of conquest, ib.—admon-
ishes them to a life of virtue, 151—commendation
of his disinterestedness, 129—constitutes his several

officers, 130—his careful choice of his colleagues in”

power, ib,—his economy, ib,—his example in the vir-
tues, 131—and opinion of them, ib.—his regard to the
magi, ib.—his rewards on whom principally bestowed,
ib. 132—effects of his orders and example, 132—prac-
tises them in hunting, ib,—his thoughts on dominion,
ib.—his methods to appear venerable, ib.—called father,

‘ib,—his" measures for the security of his government

b.—his good-nature, and love to mankind, 133—courts
his friends, ib.—his presents, 134—his saying of kings,
ib.—his conversation with Creesus, 135—convinces him
that friends are the richest treasure, ib.—provides for
the health of his subjects, ib.—visits the sick, 136—ap-
points judges, ib.—gains the entire affection of his
friends, 137—his procession, 136—adored, 187—dis-
misses Diaphernes for absurdity, 138—sacrifices at the
sacred ‘inclosures, ib.—appoints horse and chariot
races to the several nations, ib.—wins the prize at
each, ib.—presents his prize to Pheraulus, 139—invites
his friends to an entertainment, 141—order of prece-
dence at his table, 140—prefers acts of love to war,
141—prefers Chrysantas to Hystaspes, ib.—proposes
to be a match-maker, 142—rallies Chrysantas, ib.—
kisses him, ib.—dismisses the chief of his allies, ib,—
gives presents to all, ib.—distributes according to
merit, ib.—his generosity applauded, ib.—his empire
settled, 143—prepares for ajourney to Persia, ib.—or-
der of his encampment, ib.—his opinion of the tactics,
144—pays a visit to Cyaxares, ib.—arrives at Persia,
ib.—his presents to all, ib,—Cambyses’s speech to him,
ib.—returns to Media, and marries the daughter of
Cyaxares, ib.—carries her to Babylon, ib.—appoints
satraps over the conquered nations, ib.—abridges their
power, ib,—directs them to imitate him, 146—orders
an annual progress to the provinces, 147—appoints
stage-horses in his kingdom for intelligence, ib.—as-
sembles his army, ib.—Conquers from Syria to the
Red Sea, ib.-subdues Egypt, ib,—bounds of his em-
pire, ib.—enjoys perpetual spring, ib.—his last journey

to Persia, ib.—sacrifices, and leads the Persian chorus, -

ib.—his prayer, 148 his indisposition, ib.—summons
his sons, friends, &c. ib.—bequeathes the kingdom to
his eldest son, ib.-recommends brotherly affection,
piety, and virtue, 149—his opinion of the soul, ib.—of
the divinity, ib.—his veneration for the earth, and love
of mankind, ib.—would have his body buried, 150—
desires rejoicings about his tomb, ib.—his last adyice,
ib.—his death, ib.

INDEX.

Cyrus. younger son to Darius, appointed to command
in Laceda2mo:, 362—makes vigorous preparations for
prosecuting war, 364—puts to death two nephews of
Darius for the omission of a compliment, 375—sum-
moned to court by Darius, 376—demands from the
Lacedemonians the same services he had granted
them, 395—the Ephori acknowledge the justice of his
demand, ib—and send Samius with a fleet, ib,—made
satrap by his father, ib.—comes to court, ib.—accused
of treason by Tissaphernes, 168—apprehended ib.—re.-
leased at the intercession of his mother, ib.—lays the
design to dethrone his brother, ib.—his politic beha-
viour, ib.—secretly raises an army of Greeks, ib.—
makes war upon Tissaphernes, ib.—besieges Miletus,
170—acquainted with Clearchus, 169—grants Aristip-
pus an army, ib.—pretends war upon the Pisidians,
170—assembles his army, ib.—begins his march, ib.—
musters his forces, 171—pays them, 1'72—has an amour
with Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, ib.—reviews his army,
ib.—enters Cilicia, 173—sends for the king, 174—makes
him presents, ib.—in great perplexity, ib.—his answer
to the mutinous soldiers, 176—raises their pay, ib.—
marches through part of Syria, 177—his generous
speech concerning the desertion of two commanders,
ib.—declares his intention of marching against the
king, 179—promises to gratify the soldiers, ib.—com-
mends Menon’s men, ib.—the Euphrates submits to
him, 180—hastens their march, 181——the reason, ib.—
eppeases a quarrelin the army, 183—greatly beloved,
ib.—his trial of Orontas, 184—disposes his army in or-
der of battle, 185—his speech to the general officers,
ib.—makes great promises, 186—his speech to the
Lacedzmonians, 185—his reply to Clearchus, 186—
musters his army, ib.—marches in order of battle, ib.
—gives an extravagant reward to a soothsayer, 187—
marches more negligently, ib.—receives news of the
king’s approach, ib.—orders to arms, ib.—occupies the
centre uncovered, ib.—sends a message to Clearchus,
188—takes a survey of both the armies, ib.—gives or-
ders to Xenophon, 189—worshipped as victorious, ib.
—attacks 6000 men, and kills the commander, ib.—at-
tacks the king, and wounds him, ib.—wounded in the
face, ib.—and slain, ib.—his character, ib.—his head
and right hand cut off, 192."

Cyzicus, a sea-port town, 330.

D

Dedali opera, origin of the proverb, 586, n.

Damaratus, a Lacedemonian, 199.

Dana, a rich and large city, 172.

Daphnagoras, sent to conduct Xenophon, 348.

Daradaz, a river of Syria, 178.

Darius, king of Persia, 167—his death, ib

Dates, 202, u.—beauty and size of Babylonia, ib

Day, the division of, 188, n.

Delphio and his party gain the ascendant in Thlius, 450
—solicits a truce, ib.—he and a servant make their es-
cape, ib.

Delta, part of Thrace, 287—Seuthes leads the Greeks
thither, 338,

Demarchus, a Syracusan general, 359.

Democrates of Temenus, his fidelity, 243.

Demotion makes a proposition to the Athenians regard-
ing the Corinthians, 496.

Dercylladas succeeds Thimbro in command of the Ionian
cities, 396—negotiates privately with Tissaphernes, ib.
—marches into the country of Pharnabazus,ib.—several
cities surrender to him, 397—assaults Cebren and en-
forces submission ib.—his proceedings with Midias, ib.
398—their conversation regarding the property of

li

Mania, ib—appropriates it by right of conquest, ib —
reduces the murderer to his original rank, ib—gives
Pharnabazus his choice of war or peace, 398—answer-
ed with a declaration for a truce, ib.—winters in
Bithynian Thrace, ib.—reinforced by Seuthes, 399—re-
news the truce with Pharnabazus, 400—passes into
Europe with his army, ib.—fortifies Chersonesus, and
returns to Asia,ib,—reduces Atarna, ib.—discovers the
united army drawn up against him,ib.401—prepares for
battle, ib.—a conference and truce, ib.—sent by Age-
silaus to Asia, 420—secures Abydos for the Lacede-
monians, 430—his address to the Abydenians, ib. 431
—encourages the people of Sestos to hold out, ib.

Derdas, king of Elymia, joins Teleutias, 447—compli-
mented for his alacrity in this, ib. 448—distinguishes
himself in the fight at Olynthus, ib,—marches into
Apollonia, 448—sallies out against the Olynthians, ib.
pursues and slaughters them, ib.

Dernis, governor of Phenicia and Arabia, 349.

Dexippus, a Lacedzemonian, has the command of a gal-
ley, and runs away with it, 285—how punished, ib.—
accuses Xenophon to the admiral, 309—desired to se-
cure some plunder, 318—stoned, ib.—his enmity to
Xenophon, ib.—his character displayed by Agasias,
319.

Diagoras, father of Dorieus, 357.

Diana, her altar, 184—an offering to her, ib. n.—her
temple at Ephesus, 287.

Diaphernes dismissed from office by Cyrus, 133.

Dinon killed at Leuctra, 472.

Diomedon sails to the aid of Conon at Mitylene, 367—
Callicratidas seizes ten of his ships, and he retreats, ib,

Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, defeated by the Cartha-
ginians, 379—the Leontines revolt from him, 380—
sends a succour to the Lacedemonians, 466—his ten
vessels captured, ib.—sends auxiliaries to the Lace-
dzmonians, 487—his fifty horsemen distinguish them-
selves, ib-—his aid defeat the Sicyonians, ib.—storm
the fort of Dera, ib.—sail to Syracuse, ib.—sends his
second aid to the Lacedzemonians, 488—lately dead,
his son sends the third aid to the Lacedzmonians, 497
—act in conjunction at the reduction of Sellasia, ib.—
return to Syracuse, ib.

Dionysius the. Elder, Tully’s sketch of; 641—anecdote
respecting him and Philoxenus, ib. 642.

Diphridas sent to secure the Asiatic cities, 433—takes
prisoner Tigranes and his wife, ib,—his character as
a general, ib. ;

Dolopians serve under Menon, 171.

Dolphins, pickled, 291—their fat used instead of oil,
ib.

Dorieus \eads fourteen ships against the Athenians, 357
—put to flight by twenty ships, ib.—runs his vessels
on shore at the cape of Rheteum, ib.—closely beset
by the enemy, whom he compels to stand away, ib.—-
seized and set at liberty, 365.

Draco iuvested with charge of Atarna, 400.

Dracontius the Spartan, sent to Cleander, 319,

Drawers, Persian, 181].

Drilians, the Greeks march against them, 285—set fire
to every thing accessible, ib.—their metropolis attack-
ed without success, ib.—is taken and plundered 286—
their houses burnt, ib.

E

Eagle, Golden, the king’s ensign, 194.
Ebozelemius, Seuthes’s interpreter, sent to Kenophon,
342,

12 INDEX.

Ecdicus commands the ships sent to Rhodes, 433—his Sicyon, 491—supported by Arcadians and Argives, ib.

return home, ib. —submits to a convention of the people a form of ad-

Eleans incur the displeasure of Lacedzemon, 401—be- ministration, ib.—chosen one of the commanders, itb.—
comes confederates of Lacedemon, 402—seize upon attaches many to his interest, ib.—becomes absolute
Lasiav, 497—Arcadians take the field against them, ib. master of Sicyon, ib.—flees for refuge from AZneas,

—broken and put to flight, 498—begin to despond at 494—delivers up the harbour of Sicyon to the Lace-
the enemy’s success, ib.—Elis distracted by factions, dzemonians, ib,—goes over to their alliance, ib,—lays
498—that of Charopus bargains with the Arcadians, claim to intrigue in their cause, ib.—again becomes
ib.—enemies expelled from the citadel, ib—many ex- master of Sicyon, ib—endeavours to bribe the The-
iled, ib.—exiles possess themselves of Pylus, ib.—Ar- bans, 495—assassinated, ib.—his body carried home by
cadians repeat their expedition against, ib.—defeated, his factionaries, 496—honoured as guardian of Sicyon,
ib.—beg the assistance of the Lacedeemonians, ib.—fall ib.—occasional reflection, ib.

upon the Pylians, 499—put many to the sword, and Eurylochus of Lusia comes to the relief of Xenophon,
capture others, ib.—reduce their town and recover 239—enters the stronghold of the Taochians, 249— ;
the Marganians, ib.—resolye upon a peace with the sent to Anaxibius, 329—his speech concerning their

Arcadians, 504—and Achwans march against the Ar- pay, 342.
cadians, ib.—repulse them, ib.—remark on their un- | Ewrymachus, sent by Timasion to Sinope and Hera-

wonted gallantry, ib. clea, 295.
Elisarne, a town of Mysia, 348. Euryptolemus, cousin to Alcibiades, 363—his defence of
Enodias, a captain, wounded, 338. the commanders of Arginusz, 370, 371.

Epaminondas encamps his army at Leuctra, 470—his | Huaxenus, left by Agesilaus to command in Asia, 418.

request to his judges, 482, n.—invades Achaia, 490—re-
ceives security of alliance, ib.—his declaration respect-
ing a Theban officer, 501—light in which it is viewed
by the Arcadians, ib,—takes the field against the Ar-
cadians, 502—expeditiously advances towards Pelo-
ponnesus, ib.—remarks on his campaign, ib.—leads his

army against Sparta, ib.—repulsed by 100 Spartan sol-
diers, ib.—returns to Tegea, ib.—defeated at Mantinea
by Athenian cavalry, 503—his reflections and resolu-
tions, ib.—obedient alacrity of his troops, ib.—his dis-
positions for a battle, 503, 504—his victory and death,
ib.—his army disputes with the enemy the honour of
conquerors, ib. 505.

Epictetus, bounds of his studies and inquiries of men,
521, n.—sentiment of his on the omnipresence and om-
niscience of God, 522, n.—his remarks on a cynic phi-
losopher, 535, n.—his description of the school of a
philosopher, 587, ἢ.

Zipisthenes of Amphipolis, his great conduct, 194—takes
an affection to the bailiff’s son,247—a lover of boys, 337.

Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, comes to Cyrus, 1'71—makes
him a present 1'72—desires a view of the army, ib.—
admires it, ib.—goes back to Cilicia, ib.—prevails with
her husband to come to Cyrus, 174.

Eteonicus bolts the gates of Byzantium against the
Greeks, 328—flies to the citadel, ib.—entrusted with
the command of the vessels at Mitylene, 367—a fly-
boat carries him news of the defeat at Arginuse, 368
—the stratagem he used on this occasion to further his
escape, ib.—sails to Chios, 368—his soldiers form a con-
spiracy to seize it, 375—his promptitude in this emer-
gency, ib.—subjects the towns of Thrace to Lacede-
mon, 378—empowers the Aginetz to plunder Attica,
439.

Euarchippides presides in the Spartan college of Ephori,
360.

Eucles, a Syracusan commander, 360.

Hucilides the Phiiasian, 347—his advice to Xenophon, ib.
arrives with money, ib.—his love for Socrates stronger
than the fear of death, 574, n.

Euctemon, archon at Athens, 360.

Eudamidas \eads a force against the Olynthians, 446—
Potidza surrenders to him, ib.

Eudius presides among the ephori, 379.

Eunomus elected to command against Gorgopas, 439—
defeated by Gorgopas, 440.

Euphrates, river, 179—submits to Cyrus, 180—its source
235—the Greeks pass it, 244.

Ephron proposes the establishment of a democracy in

G

Ganus, a town of Thrace, 339,

Gadates, a prince subject to the Assyrian, 86—his hap-
piness under the Assyrian’s father,ib.—made a eunuch
by the Assyrian, 78, n.—his invective against him, 86
—delivers up a fortress of the enemy to Cyrus, 80—
adores Cyrus, ib—his territory attacked by the Assy-
rian, 81—betrayed by one under his command, 83---
wounded by him, 84—saved by Cyrus, ib.—his grati-
tude, prayer, and presents, 86—bemoans his fate, ib.—
attends Cyrus with his mother, ib.—of great use to
him, ib,—his conversation admired by him, 140—made
commander of his eunuchs, ib,—and steward of his
household, ib.—the recipient of great presents, ib.—
his revenge on the Assyrian, 122.

Gaulites, a Samian, his speech to Cyrus, 186.

Genius of Socrates, translatur’s opinion regarding the,
511, n.—Xenophon’s definition of, 520.

Glus sent to command Menon’s men, 181—ordered to
assist the carriages, ib.

Glus, son of Tamos, comes to the Greeks to acquaint

them of Cyrus’s death, 199—observes the Greeks pass
the Tigris, 208.

Gnesippus, an Athenian, his speech about making
Seuthes a present, 335.

Gobryas, an Assyrian prince, 68—friend and tributary
to the Assyrian’s father, ib_—revolts to Cyrus, ib.—
brings him horsemen and arms, ib.—relates to him
‘the fate of his son, ib—begs Cyrus to be his avenger,
ib.—ofiers him his alliance, tribute, and daughter, 69
—receives him and his army in his territory, 76—at-
tends Cyrus with his horse, 77—carries a challenge
from Cyrus to the Assyrian, 79—his reply to the As-
syrian, ib.—employed by Cyrus to gain Gadates, ib.—
applauds the faith of Cyrus, 96—-leads him to Babylon,
121—one of Cyrus’s chief friends, 140—admired and
praised by him, 141—wants a son-in-law, 142—accepts
of Hystaspes, ib.—describes the possessions of the
earth, 77—commands under the king, 186,

Gods, their nature, 20, 149—their greatness and beauty
inexplicable, 149—act by settled law, 14—reject flat.
tery, ib.—defended from partiality, 20—Jove the great-
est of all, 107—human wisdom, power, &c. nothing
without them, 20—their government of the seasons,
102—particularly divinities, 14, 23, 49, 52, 113, 116,
124—consequence of distrusting God, 116—of tempting
him by impertinent curiosity, ib.—to be consulted only:

Re ee

«τω,

INDE X.

in real wants, ib.—necessity of consulting them, 20—
human means to he used, 14—to be mindful of them
in prosperity, ib. 131—advantage of piety to one’s self
and others, 131, 149—effects of divine fear, 52, 113—a
hymn sung to them in war, 53, 113,

Gongylus, husband to Hellas, 318,

Gongylus, the sou, 348—comes to the assistance of Keno-
phon, ib.

Gorgion, son to Gongylus and Hellas, 348,

Gorgopas, commands at gina, 439—blocks up the
Athenians in their own circumyallations, ib.—gives
chase to Eunomus, 440—engages him by moonlight,
ib.—defeats him, and siezes four vessels, ib.—attacked
by Chabrias, 440—killed, ib.

Grecian feasts, description of 576, ἢ,

Greeks, the army of, see Cyrus, Clearchus, Xenophon,—
of what number and kind of soldiers they consisted,

171—declare they will go no further, 1'4—send mes-
sengers to Cyrus, 1'76—suspect the expedition was de-
signed against the king, ib,—follow Cyrus with greater
pleasure on account of his virtue, 178—angry with
their generals, 179—prevailed upon to proceed to Bae
bylon, :ib-—excited by the promises of Cyrus, 186—
sing the pean and advance against the enemy, 189—
victorious, ib,—have but one wounded, ib.—prepare
to receive the king’s attack, 194—alter their line, ib.—
attack the king and pursue him, ib.—halt and rest
themselves, ib.—return to their camp, 195—have no
victuals, ib.— wonder what is become of Cyrus, 199—
have news of his death, ib—in great want of provi-
sions, ib.—ordered by the king to deliver up their
arms, 200— propose to serve the king, 201 — join
Arizus, ib.—accidentally march towards the king,
203—take a sudden alarm, ib.—uneasy at waiting for
Tissaphernes, 205—and at the behaviour of Arizus,
206—encamp at a distance from Arizeus, ib.—exhibited
advantageously, 208—assembled, 217—in distress, 221
burn their carriages, tents, &c. 225—mangle the bodies
of the slain, 226—march under great difficulties, 229—
set fire to the villages, 231—forbear to plunder the
Carduchians in hopes of gaining their friendship, 236
—march fighting, ib.—attack the Carduchians, ib.—
rest themselves, 239—in a bad situation, 240—defeat
the Carduchians and pass the Centrites, 242—treat
with Teribazus, 243—seize his equipage, 244—pass the
night without victuals and fire, 245—several sick
through excessive cold,ib.—go into quarters,ib.—enter
the territory of the Taochians, 248—of the Chalybians,
ib.—of the Scythians, 250—in view of the sea, 251—ar-
rive among the Macronians, ib.—attack and rout the
Colchians, 253—at Trebisond, ib.—attack the Drilians,
285—mustered, 287—make a league with one part of
the Mosyneecians against the other, 289—part of them
defeated, 296—seize and plunder the metropolis of the
Mosynecians, 291—stay at Cotyora, 292—treat with
the Paphlagonians, 306—embark and arrive at Sinope,
ib.—offered pay by the Lacedzemonians, 307—consult
about the choice of a general, ib.—and about the rest
of their journey, 310—divide into parties, ib.—number
of each division, 3l1l—reunite, 314—inter their dead,
ib.—resolve never to divide again, ib.—in great want
of provisions, ib.—under consternation, 315—march
out and bury their dead, ib.—defeat the Bithynians,
317—and procure plenty of every. thing, 318—arrive at
Chrysopolis, 329—pass over to Byzantium, 327—depart
out of the town, ib.—seize upon it by force, 328—pro-
pose to plunder it, ib.—restrained by Xenophon, ib.—
accept Cyratades for their general, 329—join Seuthes,
334--suffer by the cold, 336—displeased with Xeno.

13

phon, 337—engage to serve the Lacedzemonians, 339—
dissatisfied with them, 346—join Thimbron, 349,

Gylis commands in absence of Agesilaus, 422—killed by
the Locrians, ib.

Gymnias, a large and rich city, 250.

H

Halys, a river, 294—its mouth, 309.

Harpasus, a river, 250,

Hecatonymus of Sinope, his speech, 292—irritates his
companions by it, 293—his advice to the Greeks, 294
—suspected, ib,

Hegesander and his party defeated, 31].

Hegesandridas, commander of the Lacedemonians, 357.

Helixus, a Megarean commander, confederate of Clear-
chus, 362.

Hellas, wife to Gongylus, entertains Xenophon, 348.

Heraclea, a Greek city, 309—the inhabitants send pre-
sents to the Greeks, 310—put themselves in a pos-
ture of defence, 311—see 295—297,

Heraclides of Maronea procures for Seuthes, 334—sells
the booty, 336—under uneasiness for Xenophon’s re-
proof, 338—becomes his enemy, 339--has recourse to
calumny, ib.—attempts to corrupt the other generals,
reprimanded by Seuthes, ib.—his advice to Seuthes
about sending away the army, 340—advises the La-
cedemonians to disregard Xenophon, ib.—affrighted
and retires, 331—his avarice, 297—cursed by Seuthes,
346.

Heraclides, a Syracusan commander, 360.

Hercules, the Greeks sacrifice to, 253—the place of his
descent, 310—event of Xenophon’s sacrifice to him,
311—the word of command, 317.

Herippidas receives a strong force from Agesilaus, and
falls upon Pharnabazus’ camp, 416—seizes it, and car-
ries off much spoil, ib—wrongs the Paphlagonians
and Spithridates, ib.

Hermocrates, one of the Syracusan generals condemned
by his countrymen to exile, 358—his address to the
army in name of the rest, 359—his character as a com-
mander, ib.—prefers an accusation against Tissapher-
nes, ib.—receives a subsidy from him, ib.

Hermogenes suggests to Socrates the propriety of pre-
paring his defence, 511—his happiness under the pro-
vidence of the gods, 613.

Herod, a Syracusan, carries intelligence to Lacede-
mon of preparations for war by Tissaphernes, 404.

Hierax commissioned to succeed Teleutias, 439,

Hiero, king of Syracuse, 625—exhibits the interdict laid
on the happiness of royalty in seeing, 626—hearing,
ib.—tasting, ib. 627—smelling, ib.—in love, ib. 628—in
great possessions, ib.—in war and peace, ib. 629—in
friendship, ib. 630—in confidence, ib.—in protection
procured by country, ib.—by envy of other kings, ib.
—in the gratification of desires, ib. 631—in the esti-
mate of wisdom and virtue, ib.—by the compelled em-
ployment of miscreants, ib.—by the necessity of treat-
ing subjects with severity, ib.—contrasts his present
circumstances with those of his former private life,
ib. 632—shows the unhappiness of royalty in serving
friends, ib,—in subduing enemies, ib.—in the honours
paid to it, 633—in the impossibility of safe resigna-
tion, ib.—in invidious and unpopular acts, 634—a line
of conduct suggested to, by Simonides, ib. 657 ---
character and anecdotes of, 639, 640—several of his
sentiments by Montaigne, 642.

Hieronymus of Elis, a captain, his speech to the officers,

14 INDEX.

220—assembles the army, 314—sent to Anaxibius,
287—wounded in the dark, 338.

Hippocrates, lieutenant to Mindarus, laconic and em-
phatic letter of his intercepted, 358.

Hippocrates, the Lacedemonian commandant, engages
Thrasylus in defence of Chalcedon, 361—slain, and his
troops retreat, ib.

Honey of a noxious quality, 253.

Horsemanship, 717.

Hunting,

Hypermenes succeeds Mnasippus in command, 465—his
arrangements after the defeat at Corcyra, ib.

Hyrcanians described, and their manner of serving the
Assyrians in war, 57—revolt to Cyrus, ib. 78—on the
same footing with Medes and Persians, 59—their ad-
vantage over the Persians by their horse, 60—culti-
vated by Cyrus, 59, 60, 64—attend him in the war
with zeal, 80.

Hystaspes, one of the alike-honoured, 61—his story of
the greedy soldier, 27—his speech in behalf of tem-
perance, 61—puts Gadatas into a panic, 95—his free-
dom with Cyrus, ib. —reduces Phrygia, 119—de-

spatched by Cyrus to raise money, 135—receives in |

marriage the daughter of Gobryas, 142.

I&J

Jason, See dissertation upon the Argonautic expedi-
tion, 322.

Jason, Polydamas’s account of, 46] —463— appointed
supreme governor of Thessaly, ib.—strength of his
army, ib.—accedes to a pressing proposal to join the
Thebans, 473—expeditiousness of his march, ib.—dis-
suades the Thebans from prosecuting further hostili-
ties, 473—advises the Lacedemonians to procure a
peace, ib.—probable motive for this interposition, ib.
—obtains terms for the Lacedemonians at their re-
quest, ib.—on his return takes the suburbs of Hyam-
polis, ib.—demolishes the fortifications of Heraclea,
474cause of this, ib.—greatness of his government,
forces, and personal character, ib.—detail of his pre-
parations for the Pythian games, 10, --- among his
splendid schemes becomes the victim of seven assas-
sins, ib.—_two of his murderers slain, the rest receiy-
ed with honour in Greece, ib.

Jasonian shore, 309.

Iconium, a city of Phrygia, 173.

Ida, mount, 347.

Indian, the, subject to the Assyrian, 12—sends an em-
bassy to Cyrus, 33— Cyrus’s message to him for
money, 46.

Tonians obliged to attend Creesus, 100.

Tonia, cities of, revolt from Tissaphernes to Cyrus, 168.

Iphicrates invests and plunders the country of Phlius,
424_invades Arcadia, 425—successful in his warlike
undertakings, 428—sent to counteract the proceedings
of Anaxibius, 434—carries on a piratical war with
him, ib.—marches into the territory of Abydos, 435
—sallies out on Anaxibius, pursues his army with
slaughter, ib._returns to the Chersonesus, ib.—cho-
sen to command an Athenian fleet, 464—his voyage
and prudent arrangements, 465, 466—captures a La-
cedemonian auxiliary, ib,—employs his mariners in
tillage for the Corcyreans, 467—makes ‘war on the
Thurians, ib,—prepares to devastate the territory of
Lacedzemon, ib.—commendation of him, ib.—recalled,
and obliged to restore captures, 470—commands the
Athenian succour to Laconia, 48l—strictures on his
eonduct, ib.

Iris, a river, 294,

Ischolaus guards the pass of the Skiritis, 478—slain, ib.

Ichomachus, his character, 655—visited by Socrates, ib.

—delineates the picture of an amiable wife, and the
utility of method, ib.—662—detail of his whole econo-
my, 663—667.

Ismenias, a factionary in Thebes, 447—taken into custo-

dy, ib.—brought to trial, 447—suffers death, ib.

Issi, a town of Cilicia, 174.

Issus, the last town in Cilicia, 176.
Itabelius comes to the relief of Asidates, 518.

K

Kings compared to fathers, 129—benefits arising from
their good example, 131—public virtue depends main-
ly upon it, 129—ought to be the superior man, 132—
called a seeing law, 131—herdsmen, 1, 134—gain reve-
rence from majesty and pomp, 132, 136—faithful
friends their best security, 149—wearisome court paid
to them, 122—humorously represented, ib.—Cyrus the
most excellent ofall, 1. See Hiero.

L

Lebotas, the Laced#monian commandant, slain, 361.
Lacedemonians, masters of all Greece, 318—resolve on
war with Tissaphernes, 339—their dexterity at steal-
ing, 248—send Thimbro with a strong force to com-
mand in the cities of Ionia, 395—exasperated against
the Eleans, 401—provocations to this, ib.—the ephori
proclaim an expedition against them, ib.—proclaim
war against the Thebans, 409—take the field against
Grecian states, 418, 419—appoint Aristodemus to the
command, ib.—their number and that of their confede-
rates, 419—amount of the combined opposition force,
ib.—description of their first engagement, 420—pro-
claim an expedition against Argos, 429—make an ua-
successful effort at peace, 432—send assistance to the
Rhodians, 433—tired of war, 442—their peace with
Athens and confederates, 443—recover the alliance of
Corinth, ib.—liberate Beotia from Thebes, ib.—deter-
mine to punish untractable confederates, ib.—proclaim
an expedition against the Mantineans, ib.—their pro-
ceedings regarding Olynthus, 445—fit out an expedi-
tion against it, ib. 446—establishment of their empire
over Greece, 45l1—chastised for breach of faith, ib.—
put to death their commandant at Thebes, 452—pro-
claim an expedition against the Thebans, ib,—swear
to a peace with the Athenians, 469, 470—sustain a se-
vere defeat of Leuctra, 472—bring off the dead by
truce, ib.—effects of the intelligence at Lacedemon,
ib.—order out the two remaining brigades, ib.—em-
body every possible aid, ib. 473—give Archidamus the
command, ib.—enter into terms with the Thebans,
473—immedgiately begin their march in secrecy, ib.—
return to Lacedeemon, ib.—resolve to take the field in
the cause of the Tegeatez, 476—make war on the Man-
tineans, ib.—their country invaded. See Thebans and
Arcadians—repulse the enemy’s infantry, 479—send
ambassadors te Athens, ib.—commission ambassadors
to form a league with Athenians, 485—their agree-
ment 486—and Athenians resolve to guard Oneum,
486—and Pellenians attacked at unawares by the The-
bans, ib. 487—their commander gives an advantage to
the enemy, ib.—receive a body of mercenaries from
Philiscus,488—and the second aid from Dionysius, ib.—
grant permission to the Corinthians to come to terms
with Thebes, 497—send succour to the Eleans, 498--

_ ee ee re

INDEX.

march by night to Cromnus, 499—liberate some of }.

their besieged countrymen, ib.—their enemies divide
the rest, ib.—account of the Lacedzemonian republic,
705.

Laconia invaded. See Thebans and Arcadians.

Lampsacus, a sea-port town, 346.

Larissa, a large uninhabited city, 227.

Lecheum, a Lacedwemonian brigade at, severely defeat-
ed, 4277, 428,

Leo, an Athenian ambassador at the court of Persia, 489
accuses Timagoras, 490.

Leontiades, a factionary in Thebes, 446—cajoles Phe-
bidas, ib.—proposes to betray the city, ib.—his man-
ner of accomplishing this, ib.—addresses the senate,
ib.—sets out for Lacedzemon, ib.—speaks in a council
of state, 447—his faction masters of Thebes, ib.—killed
by Phyllidas, 451, 452.

Leotychides, his claim to be king of Sparta overruled,
403.

Libys, brother to Lysander, commands the Lacedzemo-
nian fleet in the Pirzeus, 389—cuts off provisions from
the enemy, ib.

Lupercalian sacrifices, 171.

Lycaonia, the army marches through and plunders it,
172.

Lycaonians, masters of the strong places that command
the country, 223. ὲ

Lycius the Syracusan sent to reconnoitre the enemy,
194,

Lycius the Athenian made commander of the horse, 226
—pursues the enemy, 241—takes part of their baggage,

-ib.—accompanies Xenophon to see the cause of a shout-
ing in the army, 251.

Lycomedes of Mantinea, his birth, wealth, and ambition,
487—fills the Arcadians with notions of their impor-
tance, ib.—quits Thebes, 490—accomplishes an alliance
between the Athenians and Arcadians, 496—manner
of his death, ib.

Lycon the Achzan opposes Xenophon, 296—his propo-
posal, 310—sent to demand money of Heraclea, ib.—
one of the heads of the division, ib.

Lycophron schemes to be king of all Thessaly, 379—de-
feats the Larisseans, ib.

Lycurgus, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362.

Lycus, a river, 310.

Lydia, the sea of, 347.

Lydia, the army marches through it, 170,

Lydians subject to the Assyrian, 12—their number and
strength under Creesus, 23—their consternation on the
capture of Sardes, 115—become subject to Cyrus, 1—
their ears bored, 219.

Lysander commands the Lacedemonian fleet, 364—at-
tacks and defeats Antiochus and assistants, 365—his
self-complacency at the expiry of his @7mmand, ib.—
his friends clamour at his dismissa} from office, ib.
again received into command by the Lacedzemonians,
375—assaults a confederate city of the Athenians, 376
—takes Lampsacus by storm, ib.—collects all the ships
of Lacedzemon into one fleet, 376—procures from Cy-
rus a supply of money, 376—his proceedings before
the battle of Hgos-potamos, 376, 377—totally defeats
the Athenians there, ib.—desires the advice of his
confederates regarding his prisoners, 377—puts Philo-
cles to death, ib.—permits his Athenian captives to
return home, 377—marches a numerous army to
Athens, 378—encamps in the Academy, ib.—replaces

the Aiginetse and Melians in their respective cities, ib.
—lays waste Salamis, and stations himself in the Pi-
reeus, ib.—sends a guard to the thirty, 380—invests the
Samians, 380—compels them to capitulate, ib.—sails to

15

Lacedw#mon with the spoils and honours of the late war,
ib.—procures a loan for the reduction of the enemy
in the Pirzeus, 389—he and his brother ordered to take
the command by land and sea, ib.—accompanies Age-
silaus in his expedition to Asia, 404, 405—crowds of
people pay court to him, ib.—sent by Agesilaus to the
Hellespont, ib.—induces Spithridates to revolt from
Pharnabazus, 406—assaults Haliartus, 418—the ‘he-
bans hasten to its relief, and engage him under the
walls, ib.—defeated and slain, ib.—

Lysimachus butchers some persons of A:xone, 389.

Lysippus \eft by Agis in command of a garrison, 402—
ravages the territory of the Eleans, ib.

M

(asronians oppose the Greeks, 251—zuater into treaty
with them, ib.—assist and conduct the Greeks, ib.—a
free nation, 349.

Meander, the river, 171—the head of it, ib.

Mesades, father to Seuthes, 332 and 338.

Magade, a wusical instrument, 335.

Magi, the regard paid to them in war by Cyrus, 67—in
peace, 131—have the first choice of spoil for the gods,
67—and ground for sacred use, 122—appointed to sing
a morning hymn to the gods, 131—direct the public
sacrifices, ib.—and sacred affairs, 136, 138

Magnesians, their dance, 305.

Mandane, mother of Cyrus, 2.

Mania, widow of Lenis, 396—governor of Evlia, 396—
visits Pharnabazus, ib.—entrusted by him with the
sub-government of Molia, ib.—her policy, liberality,
and bravery, ib.—takes the field with Pharnabazus
in his invasions, 307—loaded by him with honours,
ib.—strangled by her son-in-law in a fit of envy,
ib.—her son meets the same fate, ib.

Mantineans, their dance, 306—blockaded in their city,
443—compelled to capitulate, ib.—settled in four
villages, 444—ruled by an aristocracy, ib.—resolve
to re-settle in the city of Mantinea, 475—refuse
the terms of Agesilaus, ib.—Arcadians and Eleans as-
sist them in the fortification, ib.—take the field against
the Orchomenians, 476—a skirmish, ib.—resist en-
croachments on the sacred treasure, 500—send notice
to the other Arcadians to stand in defence, 501—de-
mand from Tegea their detained citizens, ib.

Mantitheus, having been taken prisoner in Caria,
and sent to Sardis, escapes along with Alcibiades,
357. Says

Market, full, a time of day, 200.

Marsyes, a river, origin of its name, 171.’

Masca, ariver in Arabia, 181.

Medes, their luxury and effeminacy, 5, 15l—use paint
for their eyes and complexion, and false hair, 5—their
king a tyrant, 7—designs of the Assyrian king against
them, 12—their number and force under Cyrus, 24—
indulge themselves after the enemy’s defeat, 56—as
many as will have liberty to attend Cyrus, 57—their
different motives, 58—their advantage over the Per-
sians by their horse, 61—Cyrus’s methods to captivate
their affection, 64—have the distribution of the spoil,
69—the Median messenger sent by Cyaxares to Cyrus,
64—the Mede who requested and obtained one of
Cyrus’s fine women, 69—stay with Cyrus in his new

government, 142— voluntarily submit to it, 1—all
Media given to Cyrus in dowry, 144—satrapy of the
Medes bequeathed to Taxoaxares, 149.

Media, the wall of, 187, 206—the desert part of, 208.

16

Medocus, king of the Odrysians, 332, 334.

Medosades sent from Seuthes to Xenophon, 327, 331—
confirms Xenophon’s account, ib.—villages given him
by Seuthes, 343—his speech to Xenophon, ib.—desires
him to call the Lacedemonians, ib.—his submissive
behaviour to them, 344—wishes that Xenophon may
be sent to Seuthes, ib.

Megabysus, sacristan to Diana, 287.

Megaphernes put to death for treason, 172.

Melandeptans, 332.

Melenophagi, Thracians so called, 339.

Mello, a Theban refugee, 451 — meets Phyllidas at
Athens, ib.—they conspire against the Theban go-
vernment, ib.—he and accomplices assassinate the
generals of the state, ib.

Menon the Thessalian joins Cyrus, 171—escorts the Ci-
lician queen, 172—part of his army destroyed, 174—
persuades his men to pass the Euphrates before the
rest, 1799—supposed to receive large presents, ib.—has
the left wing assigned him, 185—next to Clearchus in
battle, 187—sent to Arizus, 199—and remains with
him, 201—his intimacy with Arius, 207—suspected
to be the author of the jealousies, 211—apprehended,
ib.—his character, 213—and death, ib.

Mespila, a large uninhabited city, 227.

Midas, king of Phrygia, his fountain, 172.

Midias kills his mother-in-law, 397—seizes two cities
where part of her treasure was reposited, ib.—sends
presents to Pharnabazus, and solicits the government
of Zolia, ib.—severe reply to his message, ib.

Miletus, a city of Ionia, i68—besieged by Cyrus, ib.

Millet, 173.

Miil-stones, where dug, 181.

Milto, Cyrus’s mistress, 193, n.

Miltocyihes, the Thracian, deserts with a strong party,
202.

Mindarus, hastening on an emergency to the assistance
of Dorieus, engaged by the Athenians, 357—leads a
fleet of 60 Peloponnesian vessels against the Athe-
nians, 357—at Cyzicus in company with Pharnabazus
and the land force, 358—killed, and his army routed,
ib. :

Minerva, temple of in Phocea set on fire by lightning,
361.

Mithridates comes to the Greeks, 211—makes deceitful
proposals to them, 225—suspected, ib.—comes again
as a friend, but successfully attacks them, ib.—pro-

‘poses to do great things, 226—routed, ib.—governor
of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, 349.

Mnasippus made admiral of a Lacedzemonian fleet, 464
—sails for Corcyra, ib.—master of the country, ib—
ruins the fine estates, ib.—fastidiousness of his sol-
diers, ib.—closely blocks up the city, ib.—his proceed-

_ ings at the siege, 465—negligence of his guards taken
advantage of by the enemy, ib.—draws up his male-
content soldiers, ib.—overpowered and routed, ib.—
killed, ib.

Mosynecians, their answer to the Greeks, 287—are a
divided people, ib.—their answer to Xenophon, ib.—
their habits and military discipline, ib.—cause of their
divisions, 290—attacked, ib.—and routed, ib.—the re-
markable situation of their tewns, 291—their charac-
ter, ib.—a free nation, 349.

Myriandrus, a city of Syria, 177.

Myscon, a Syracusan general, 359.

: Mysian, his false ambuscade, 287—wounded, ib.

Mysians, Cyrus makes war upon them, 19]—inhahit
many cities of the king against his will, 223.

Mysus, his dance, 306—with a woman, ib.

INDEX.

N

Neon the Asinian receives the share of Cheirisophus,
287—accuses Xenophon, 297—persuades Xenophon tc —
march by himself, 311—succeeds Cheirisophus, 314—
desirous to please the soldiery, 315—leads out a party,
and is defeated, ib.—left to guard the camp, ib.—for-
bids Cyratades to sacrifice, 330—leads the army to the
Thracian villages, ib.—proposes to go to the Cherso-
nesus, ib.—draws off his forces, and encamps ata dis-
tance, 331—stays when the rest join Seuthes, 332—at-.
tempts to persuade the rest to stay, ib.

Neon-Teichus, a town of Thrace, 341.

Nicander, the Lacedzemonian, slays Dexippus, 285.

Nicarchus, an Arcadian, wounded, and brings the
Greeks news of the death of their generals, 21]—de-
serts with a party, 225.

Nicolochus commands under Antalcidas, 439-—sails to
the assistance of Abydos, ib.—makes a descent upon
Tenedos, ib.—sent with a fleet to check Timotheus,
458—defeated, ib. ᾿

Nicomachus of Oete offers hinself to secure a danger-
ous post, 248.

O

Obolus, 181.

Odrysians join Seuthes in great numbers, 338, 339—Te-
res the king of, ib.—one of them comes with Medosa-
des to Xenophon, 343—rebukes Medosades, ib.

Officers, the several kinds which Cyrus appointed in his
empire 130.

Olympia, 338.

Olympic games, their nature and institution, 639.

Olynthians send an embassy to Lacedemon, 451—be-
come confederates of the Lacedzemonians, ib.

Omens, Greek and Roman, 308, n.—defined, 519, n.

Ophrynion, a town of Dardania, 347.

Opis, a large and populous city, 208.

Orontas, a Persian, his treachery, 183—discovered, ib.
—and condemned, 184— uncertain what beeame of
hin, ib. :

Orontas comes to the Greeks, 206—governor of Arme-
nia, 232—his forees, 240.

Ostriches, 180.

P

Palm-tree, bridges made of, 204. See Vinegar twine.
Pamphilus, sent against the #ginete, 439.
Pancratium, one of the Greek games, 253.

Panic, a sort of grain, 173.

Pantacles presides among the ephori, 361.

Panthea, the most beautiful woman of Asia, 69—taken
captive by Cyrus’s army, 73—chosen by the Medes
for Cyrus, 73—example of conjugal affection and
heroic virtue, 98—Araspes’s description of her per-
son and manner, 73—Cyrus afraid to see her, gives
her in charge to Araspes, 74—he becomes her captive
in love, ib.—rejects his solicitations, $97—her goodness
in keeping it private from Cyrus, ib.—threatened
with violation, 98—sends account of it to Cyrus, ib.—
her gratitude to him, 99—obtains liberty to send for
her husband, ib.—excites him to gratitude, ib.—pre-
sents him with a suit of armour, and puts it on, 106—
moving scene between them on that occasion, ib.—

IN DEX.

her love, bravery, and heroic virtue, ib.—encourages |

him to bravery, ib.—draws the admiration of the
whole army, 107—her affliction over the dead body of
her husband, 118—her lamentation, self-upbraidings,
&c. 117, 118—pitied and honoured by Cyrus, ib.—re-
niains inconsolable, ib.—kills herself, ib.—Cyrus’s la-
mentation over her, ib,—her funeral rites and monu-
ment, ib.

Paphiagonians, subject to the Assyrian, 12—refuse to
join the expedition against the Medes and Persians,
23—join Croesus, 100—subject to Cyrus, 14—1000 horse
in the army of Cyrus, 187—their strength, 294—lose
no opportunity of annoying the Greeks, 305.

Parasanga, 110.

Parthenius, a river, 294—its mouth, 310.

Parysatis, queen of Persia, 169—loves her youngest son
best, 168—villages for her table, 178—her villages upon
the Tigris plundered, 208.

Pasimelus and Alcimenes determine to liberate Co-
rinth, 423—confer with Praxitas, ib.—Pasimelus re-
ceives the harbour of Sicyon for the Lacedemon-
ians, 494,

Pasion the Megarean joins Cyrus, 170—some of his sol-
diers go over to Clearchus, 174—deserts, 177,

Pasippidas declared an exile from Sparta, 359.

Patagyas, a Persian, brings news of the king’s approach,
187,

Patrocles’ speech in an Athenian ae: 480, 48]—
harangue in another assembly, 485, 486.

Paulus Aimilius and his daughter, anecdote of, 519, n.

Pausanias proclaims a foreign expedition, 389—encamps
an army near the Pirzus, ib.—has a skirmish with
Thrasybulus, ib. 390—sends emissaries among the
enemy with instructions, ib.—accomplishes an end to
hostilities, 390—deputed to command the army against
Thebes, 409—marches against the Thebans, 411—he
and his constituents quail before the enemy, ib.—de-
mands a truce for removing the dead from Haliartus,
ib.—receives it on condition that he leaves the coun.
try, ib.—dejectedly retires, insulted by the enemy, ib.—
upon his return to Sparta, summoned to his trial, ib.—
his accusation, ib.—condemned to die, ib.—flees to
Tegea, and dies there, ib.

Peisias proceeds against Oneum, 490.

Pelopidas, sent ambassador to Persia, 489—pleads for
the Thebans, ib.

Peloponnesian war finished, 380—names of the ephori of
Sparta during its continuance, ib.—led by Mindarus
to the assistance of Dorieus in a sea-engagement,
357—their flight towards Abydus, ib.—reinforced by
the land-army of Pharnabazus, ib.—they rally and
resume the fight on the beach, ib.—defeated at Cyzi-
cus, 358. ᾿

Pergamus, a city of Mysia, 349.

Pericles, tutor to Alcibiades, 526.

Perinthians receive into their city the forces of Alci-
biades, 358.

Perinthus, a city of Thrace, 330.

Persians, an instance of their ready obedience, 182—em-
pire, in what respect weak, ib.—their custom of fight-
ing with their heads bare, 187—bucklers, 188—how
destroyed by the Athenians, 222—their women fair
and stately, 223—their bows carry a great way, 225—
their slingers throw stones too large, 226—their long
bows, 228—their armies subject to several incon-
veniences in the night, 229—their dance, 306—their
number, 4—tribes, 2—country mountainous, 5—bad
horsemen, ib.—habits coarse, diet plain, 4—form of
government limited, '7—theiz laws and institutions de-
scribed, 2—prescribed before all others, 2—careful of

17

the education of their children, ib.—their place of dis.
cipline, ib.—disingenuous people and manners banish-
ed from it, ib.—division of it into parts according to
the respective orders, ib.—boys go to public schools to
learn justice of the rulers, 2—punished by them for in-
justice, particularly ingratitude, ib.—taught temper.
ance, obedience, &c. 4—eat not with mothers but
teachers, ib.—at sixteen enter the order of youth, ib.
—exercise, arms, military virtues, and public service
described, ib.—arms and service of the full-grown, ib.
—the age qualifying for the order of elders, ib.—elderg
choose magistrates, ib.—distribute public and private
justice, ib.—their sentence renders infamous for life,
ib.—compound of the most excellent men, ib.—num-
ber of the alike-honoured, 13—their king governed by
the law, 7—appears to have been the high-priest, 65—
their piety, faith, and justice, 150—their temperance
and exercises, 4, 151—their arms, 24, 25, 151-—their
manner of fighting, 24—bravery and skill in war, 151—
disadvantage in war for want of horsemen, 6]1—end
and use of their severe discipline, ib.—custom of kiss-
ing, when and whom, 11—Persian conversation in Cy-
rus’s tent, full of humour, 27—30—another, 14], 142—
designs against them, 12—their assistance requested
by Cyaxares, ib.—elders in council choose Cyrus com-
mander of their army, ib.—number and components
of their army, ib.—alike-honoured commissioned to
imerease their number, ib.—Persian soldiers who at-
tend Cyrus armed same as the alike-honoured, 25—
exercised and cultivated by Cyrus, ib. 33—their bra-
very, obedience, and order, 52—victory over the As-
syrian army, ib. 59—call forth Cyrus’s praise and gra-
titude, 55—abstain from eating while the allies feast
themselves, 61, 64—their surpassing vigilance, ib.—
their self-denial with respect to the enemy’s treasure,
68—body of horse formed for them, 61, 67—horseman-
ship established among them, 63—Cyrus’s drollery
on them, 68—he inures them to greater labour than
the rest of the army, '75—their decorum in eating and
drinking, 77—nearly worsted by the Egyptians, 114—
relieved by Cyrus, ib.—come off victorious, ib.—Per-
sian cavalry won most reputation of all Cyrus’s army,
115—Persian garrisons left in Caria, 119—in Phrygia,
on the Hellespont, ib.—in Sardes, ib,—in Babylon, 122
—Persian lancemen formed by Cyrus, ib.—the Per-
sians’ part in settling Cyrus’s new government, ib. 132
—their first use of the Median robe, 136—pay Cyrus
adoration, 137—he and they mutually bound by oath,
145—extent of the Persian empire under Cyrus, |, 150
—bequeathed to Cambyses, 148—degeneracy and ruin
of the Persian state, and institutions after Cyrus’s
death, 150.

Phalanx, the Macedonian, its conveniences and incon-
veniences, 225.

Phalinus, a Greek, in favour with Tissaphernes, 200—
pretender to tactics, ib.—his answer to the generals,
ib.—his reply to Xenophon, 20l—asks Clearchus his
opinion, ib.—his answer to Clearchus, ib.—proposes
odd terms to the Greeks, ib.—and departs, ib.

Phanosthenes appointed to succeed Conon at Andros,
365—in his passage thither captures two vessels of
Thurium, ib.

Pharnabazus marches a land-army to the relief of the
Peloponnesians,, 357—animates the Peloponnesians
and Syracusans, 358—his preparations for renewing
the war, ib.—hastily departs to the relief of Chalcedon,
ib.—comes to the aid of Abydos, 361—defeated by Al-
cibiades, ib.—agrees with the Athenians regarding
Chalcedon, ib.—visited by Mania, 396—appoiuts her
‘governaute of Molia, yee noble reply to a message

Cc

18 INDEX

from her murderer, 397-—-unites with Tissaphernes,

. and marches to Ionia, 400—with a detachment attacks
a foraging party of Agesilaus, 416—his terms of peace
with Agesilaus, 417, 418—incident regarding his son,

. ib.—driyes from the maritime cities the Lacedemo-
nian commandants, 430—commits the charge of four
ships to Conon, ib.—sails towards Lacedemon, 431—
makes descents on and ravages the coast, ib.—appalled
by difficulties, and returns, ib.—frightens the Cytheri-
ans into a capitulation, ib.—threatens Abydos and
Sestos with war, 431—ravages the territory of the for-
mer, ib.

Pharus, a river of Cilicia, 176.

Phasians oppose the Greeks, 217.

Phasis, a river, 247.

Pheraulas, a Persian common soldier, much in Cyrus’s
favour, 30, 136—his speech for proportionable rewards,
3l—greatly enriched by Cyrus, 136-—-honoured by him
with the care of his procession, 136—his behaviour on
being hit with a clod,138—presented by the Sacian with
his horse, ib.—by Cyrus with his prize of cups, 139—

invites the Sacian to a handsome entertainment, ib.— .

confers upon him the cups, ib.—-converses with him on
poverty and riches, ib.—despises the latter, and be-
stows all on the Sacian, ib.—lays himself wholly to en-
rich the Sacian and cultivate his friends, 140—his char-
acter of man, ib.

Philesius, has charge of the ships, 287—against sets.
phon, 296—condemned to pay a fine, 300—sent to
Anaxibius, 329.

Philiscus arrives from Ariobarzanes, 488—summons the
Thebans and Lacedzmonians to treat about a peace,
+b. —furnishes the latter with a body of mercenaries,ib.

Philocrates sails to assist Evagoras, 433—loses all his
vessels, ib.

Phliasians deliver up their city to the Lacedezmonians,
421—persist in faithful attachment to the Laced#mo-
nians, 491—their bravery at the siege of Phlius, 492—
again invaded by the Argives and Arcadians, 492—
causes of the enemy’s malignance, ib.--force them to
retire, ib.—an army marched against them by the
Sicyonian commandant, ib.—prevent their descent in-
to the plain, 493—a skirmish, ib,—a close engagement,
ib.—achieve a splendid victory, ib.—relieve a Pellenian
prisoner without ransom, while wanting the neces-
saries of life, ib.—tribute to their generosity and gal-
lantry, ib.—reduced to total distress, ib.—dangerous
expedient to procure food, ib.—encounter the enemy
and come off victors, ib.—induce Chares to attack the
Sicyonians, ib. 494—march along with him, ib.—the
enemy flee at their approach, ib.—receive the aid of
the Corinthians in carrying off the spoil, ib.—ratify an
accommodation with Thebes, 497.

Phlius, the exiles from, complain to the Lacedzemo-
nians, 444—restored to their privileges, ib.—citizens
of, refuse to do justice to the exiles, 449—the aggriev-
ed lodge their complaint at Lacedzemon, ib.—blockad-
ed by Agesilaus, ib.

Phebidas, associated in command with Eudamidas, 446
—marches to Thebes, ib —the city betrayed to him,
ib.—censured by his countrymen for his presumption,
ib.—commandant in Thespia, 455—plunders the The-
bans, ib.—defeated and slain, ib.

Phenicians join Croesus against 9 aie) 100—become
part of Cyrus’s empire, 1.

Phrasias commands in the rear, 816.

Phrygia, the country of, 171. "ΕΣ

Phrygians of the greater Phrygia, their ‘fore under the
Assyrian, 23—join Creesus against him, 100—over-

thrown by Cyrus, 120—Artacamus made Sortag over
them, 146.

Phrygians of Phrygiaon the Hellespont, their. force un.
der the Assyrian, 23—their flight, 60—allies toe Cree.
sus, 100—Hystaspes sent against them, 119—their king
forced to submit by the revolt of his commanders, ib.

" —garrisons left there for Cyrus, ib. a ap-
pointed satrap over them, 146.

Phryniscus of Achaia leads the army into the Phrasal
villages, 330—proposes to carry it to Seuthes, ib.—_goes
with Xenophon to Seuthes, 332—receives a yoke of
oxen from Seuthes, 338—his honest resolution, 339.

Philesius, an Achaian, chosen general in the room of
Menon, 221.

Philip, a buffoon, at Callias’s entertainment, 604, et
infra.

Philoxenus of Pelena mounts the rampart patent
arms, 286.

Pholoe, a mountain, 288,

Phyllidas, an official in Thebes, 451—meets Mello at
Athens, ib.—agrees with him about a plot against the
Theban government, ib.—practises a cheat on the -
libertine generals, ib.—takes three assassins to the
house of Leontiades, ib.—kills him, 452—murders the
public jailor, and gives the prisoners their liberty, ib.

Physcus, a river, 208.

Physicians. See Surgeons.

Pigres, interpreter to Cyrus, 172—ordered to assist the
carriages, 181—sent from Cyrus to Clearchus, 188.

Pisander appointed admiral of the fleet, 408—slain at
Cnidus, 421.

Pisidians, 169, 170—Cyrus’s first expedition was against
them, 191—hold several of the king’s cities, 223.

Pitys presides among the ephori, 365.

Polemarchus killed, 432.

Polus appointed admiral, in the room of Anaxibius, 330.

Pollis appointed admiral of a Lacedzmonian fleet, 457—
blocks up the Athenians at sea, ib.—defeated by Cha-
brias, ib.

Polybiades succeeds Agesipolis in command against
Olynthus, 450—compels the famishing enemy to send
an embassy to Lacedzemon, 451.

Polycrates, his expedition, 245—has the command of a
galley, 285—goes with Xenophon to Seuthes, 331—sent
to fetch in the rest, 332—his speech in favour of Xe.:o-
phon, 342.

Polydamas comes to Lacedzemon, 461—account of him,
ib.—gives the detail of an interview with Jason, and
describes him, ib. 463—commends the ingenuity of
the state, and returns to Pharsalus, ib -—hegotiates -
with Jason, ib.

Polydamas, the Pharsalian, slain by Polyphron, 474.

Polydorus and Polyphron, succeed Jason in Thessaly,
474—sudden death of the former attributed to the vio-
lence of the latter, ib.—Polyphron holds tyrannical
supremacy for a year, ib.—killed by Alexander, ib

Polynicus sent from Thimbron for the army, 339—in-

~ eurs the censure of the army, 346.

Polytropus slain in fight, £76.

Pontus, a tenth levied on all vessels from, 358.

Potamis, a Syracusan general, 359.

Praxitas overcomes the Argives, 423, 424—seizes Sidus
and Crommyon, ib.

Proenus commands the Corinthian fleet, 432.

Procles brings news of Cyrus’s death to the Greeks, 199
—comes to them with a message from Arizus, 201—
arrives to the assistance of Xenophon, 348.

Proxenus the Beotian, a friend to Cyrus, 169—joins
Cyrus, 170—interposes between Clearchus and Me-

INDE X.

non, 182—his place in the tattle, 187—Clearchus con-
sults with him about the defence of their camp, 193—
his answer to Phalinus, 200—alarmed with a false
inessage, 207—apprehended, 2]1—and beheaded, ib.—
his character, 212—a great friend to Xenophon, 218—
not let into Cyrus’s secrets, ib.—his name inscribed

_ upon Xenophon’s offering, 267.

Pyle, 181.

Pyramid, the dimensions of, 227.

Pyramus, aviver of Cilicia; 1'76.

Pyrias, an Acadian, commands in the rear, 316.

Pyrrhic dance, 306.

Pythagoras, the Lacedemonian admiral, 176.

Pythodorus, archon, 379,

R

Rafts, how made, 182, 208.

Rathines sent from Pharnabazus to oppose the Greeks,
315.

Rathines and Banceus, commanders under Pharnaba-
aus, defeated, 406.

Resen, the same with Larissa, 226, n.

Rhodians, expert slingers, 226—do great execution, 228
—their slings carry farther than the Persian, ib.—an
ingenious proposal of one, 231.

Roe-deer, 180, n.

Romans, their discipline compared with the Macedonian,
255.

Roparas, governor of Babylon, 319.

5

Sacian Cup-bearer mimicked and ridiculed by Cyrus,
5—Sacian, a private man, carries a prize at the races,
138—his conversation with Pheraulus, 139—enriched
by him, ib.—Sacians receive great injuries from the
Assyrian, "8—enemies to him, ib. 8l—their zeal in
becoming allies to Cyrus, ib.—extent of their army, ib.

Salmydessus, a Thracian town upon the Euxine, 339.

Samolas, an Achaian, ambassador to Sinope, 295—com-
mands in the rear, 310.

Samos, after the battle of Hgos-potamos, the sole ex-
ception to a revolt from the Athenians by Greece,
378.

Saracens, a conjecture regarding their name, 173

Sardes, richest city of Asia next to Babylon, τ δος one
year able to recover the loss of all its riches, ib.—cap-
tured by Cyrus, 115—Persian garrison left in it, 119.

Satyrus, head of Theramenes’ executioners, 385.

Scedasus and his daughters, Piutarch’s story of, 470, n.
471, n.

Scilus, a town near Olympia, 287.

Scourge, part of the Persian military discipline, 229.

Scythenians, the Greeks arrive among them, 25],

Selienus, two rivers of this name, 287.

Selymbria, 339.

Selymbrians in preference to receiving Alcibiades’ army,
give him asum of money, 358.

Sesame, a sort of plant, 173.

Seuthes sends to Xenophon, 330—gains Cleanor Phry=" fo
' nicus, ib.—treats with Xenophon, 331—his manner 14
of life, ib.—related to the Athenians, 332—agrees.to” 1

take the army into pay, ib.—his proposals to Xeno-

phon, 333—and to the army, ib.—invites the officers’

to supper, 334— pledges Xenophon, and shows his.
agility, 335—conforms to the Greek custom in march

ing, ib.—rides before upon the scout, 336—Wusne the |

_|%Smicres slain with all his men, 311.

19

country, ib.—sends proposals to the enemy, 337—kills
all he takes, 338—comes to Xenophon’s assistance, ib.
—his army greatly increased, ib.—tries to corrupt the
officers, ib.— grows cool towards Xenophon, 339—his
army superior to the Greeks, ib.—displeased with
Xenophon, ib.—confers in private with the Lacedz.
monians, 340—brings them the army, ib.—withdraws
from the Greeks, 342—tries to retain Xenophon, ib.—
removes to a greater distance, 343—prevailed upon to
pay the Greeks, 346—governor of the European Thra-
cians, 349—joins Dercyllidas, 399—his camp attacked
by the Bithynians, ib.

Siglus, a Persian coin, 181.

Stlanus of Ambracia receives 3000 daricks, 187—divul-
ges Xenophon’s secrects, 295—desirous to return to
Greece, ib.—the soldiers threaten to punish him if he
leaves them, 297—makes his escape from Heraclea,
314,

Simonides, the poet, comes to the court of Hiero, 625—
his conversation with Hiero, infra—his opinions en

- moral and physical pleasure and pain, 625—his reply
to Hiero’s question concerning God, 640—his reflec-
tions on human life, ib. .

Sinope, a city in Paphlagonia, 307.

Sinopeans send ambassadors tu the Greeks, 292—send
to Timasion, to engage him to carry the army out of
the Euxine, 295—a colony of the Milesians, 307—send
the Greeks a present, ib.

Sitace, a city of Babylonia, 207.

Sitalces, a dance in honour of, 305.

΄ : 4
Sneezing ominous, 221.

Soclidas slain in fight with the Arcadians, 498.
Socrates, his strict justice in a trial, 369—instance οὐ
his foresight, 520, n.—manner of spending his time, ib.
521—his reasonings regarding useless speculations, ib.
—man in his various relations his only study, ib.—
president of the assembly of the people, ib. —opposes
the sentence against the nine captains, 522, and n.—his
exemplary piety, ib.—studious moderation of his de.
sires, ib. and n.—his equal distribution of food and
exercise, ib.—reprobates the receipt οὗ rewards for in-
structions, ib.—practises the virtues he recommends,
- ib. 523—remarks on his intercourse with Critias and
Alcibiades, ib.—525—summoned before Critias and
Charicles, ib.—his conversation with them, 38], n.
525, 526—his discrimination of madness and igno-
rance, 527—his preference of merit to consanguinity,
ib. 528—his benevolence to all mankind, ib.—confers
renown on Athens,ib,—punctually observes the public
rites and institutions, 529—form and. nature of his
prayer, ib.—his example and remarks respecting
regimen, 530—his counsel on love and beauty, ib.—
refutation of the alleged inefficacy of his theories of
virtue, ib. θέ infra—his conversation with Aristode-
mus on the existence and attributes of the Deity, ib.
533—address to the Athenians on intemperance, ib.—
converses with Antipho on the apparent hardships oi
his own self-denial, ib. 534—on his gratuitous instruc.
tions, 535 S=and on his not engaging personally in state
affairs, i 0) superficial attainments, ib. 536—-his
_ conversatia tippas. on effeminacy, &c.—
gory . of Hercules, Virtue,
i3— converses with his son
ade to parents, 544, 545—his
mee on fraternal affection, ib.
th. Critobulus on domestic eco-
¥ the proper estimation of property,
(Ὁ. the preference over goods to be given to
friends, ib.—on the sans, to. be derived from

20° INDEX.

enemies, ib.—on slaves to lust and pleasures, ib. 647
—on inducing poverty, ib. 648—on the management
of business, 648—650—details the king of Persia’s ar-
rangements for war and husbandry, ib. 651—Cyrus’s,
651, 652—his eulogy of husbandry, ib. 653—acknow-
ledges the intervention of the gods in success, ib.—
recapitulates his arguments, 654—a remark on the
fallacy of judging from personal appearance, ib.—re-
lates his conversation with Ischomachus, 655—677—
his observations on the value of a friend, 547, 548—
exhorts his hearers to examine in what estimation
their friends should hold them, ib.—converses with
Critobulus on the manner of trying friends and ob-
taining them, ib.—552—discourses with Aristarchus
on the employment of his destitute relations, ib.—554
—trelates to him the fable of the sheep and dog, ib.—
urges on Eutherus the necessity of preparing for the
wants of old age, ib.—induces a lasting friendship
between Crito and Aristodemus, ib. 555—converses
with Diodorus on the relief of indigent friends, ib.—
discourses on military tactics, 559, 560—on the cha-
racter of a good general and a good prince, ib. 561—
on the duties of a general of the horse, ib. 562—de-
fends Antisthenes from the allegations of Nichoma-
chides, ib. 563—discourses with the son of Pericles on
conducting the war, ib.—566—with Glauco on his de-
sire of governing the republic, ib. 568—with Charmi-
das on his not bringing his talents to the service of
the state, ib. 569—-with Aristippus on the beautiful
and the good, ib. 570—his observations on courage,
ib.—on wisdom and virtuous temperature, ib.—on
madness and ignorance, ib.—on the nature of
envy, ib. 571—on idleness, ib.—on the art of go-
verning, ib.—on an arbitrary prince, ib.—on the
most eligible study for man, ib.—converses with
Parrhasius on painting, ib. 572—and the imitation of
morally good and bad traits in the lineaments, ib.—
with Clito on statuary, ib.—with Pistias on armour,
ib. 573—visits the beautiful Theodota, ib.—his conver-
sation with her, ib. 575—reproves Epigenes for ne-
glect of athletic exercises, ib.—censures one for rage
at an incivility, ib.—prescribes to another a remedy
for disrelish of food, ib.—rebukes another for fasti-
diousness, 576—another for cruelty to his servant, ib.
—another who dreaded the distance from Olympia, ib.
—another for complaining of weariness by travelling,
ib.—introduces a new measure in the management of
entertainments, ib.—reproyes two individuals for im-
proprieties at supper, ib. 577—his opinion and appli-
cation of the verb εὐωχεῖσθαι, ib. and n.—general use-
fulness of his conversation, 58l1—his method under
different circumstances, ib. 582—ridicules the preten-
sions of Euthedemus, 582—disposes him to enter into
conference, 583—their conversation on various topics,
ib.—587—impresses him with the idea of his insignifi-
eancy, ib.—rewarded by his admiration and attach-
ment, ib.—discourses to him on the beneficence of the
Deity, ib.—589—accompanies his precepts with the
purest devotion, ib.—converses with Hippias on jus-
tice, ib.—593—with Eudemus on temperance, ib. 594
—his method of reasoning exemplified, ib.—597—his
inquiry into the nature of piety, 594his definition of
a pious man, 595—the sophistry of his conclusion, ib.
n.—his inquiry into the laws between man and man,
ib.—his observations on knowledge, ib.—on good, ib.
596 —on the beautiful, ib—on courage, ib.—distin-
guishes bravery and cowardice, ib.—his remarks on
different forms of government, ib.—his plan for elicit-
ing acknowledgment of the truth, 596, 597—solicitous
that his friends would give the preference to practical

rather than speculative studies, ib. 598—exhorts them
to anxiety regarding their health, ib.—invited to an.
entertainment by Callias, 603—derives an advantage
from the bad temper of his wife, 605—his playful ob-
servations on dancing, 606—pourtrays the benefit of

the temperate use of wine, 607—engaged in various —

colloquial pleasantries, ib. 611, 614, 616—holds a humo-
rous dispute with Critobulus on their compara-

tive beauty, 610, 615, 616—his opponent proposes a

settlement by ballot, ib—discourses on love, 618—con-
gratulates Callias on his admiration of Autolicus, ib.—
his remarks on the worship of the two Venuses, ib.—

carefully proves the superiority of love for the soul to ~

that for the body, 619—621—encourages Callias to per-
severe in virtue, ib.—strictures on his accusation, 519,
520, et infra—his conversation on preparing a de-
fence, 511, 512, 598, 599—his desire of death, ib.—his
accusation, ib.—his defence, ib. 514—refuses to fix his
own penalty, ib.—addresses his judges after the trial,
515—gently reproves some who weep for him, ib.—
his reply to Apollodorus, ib.—his observations on see-
ing Anytus, ib.—predicts the ruin of his son, ib.—
obliged to endure thirty days’ imprisonment, 598—
cause of this, ib. and n.—his unchanged behaviour and
mental tranquillity, ib.—magnanimity of his death, ib.
summary of his character, 599.

Socrates, an Achaian, ordered to come to Cyrus, }70—
joins him, ib.—apprehended, 211—and put to death, ib.
—his character, 214. ;

Soli, a town in Cilicia, 173.

Sophenetus the Arcadian joins Cyrus, 17].

Sophenetus the Stymphalian ordered to attend Cyrus,
170—joins him, ib.—goes out of the camp to meet
Arizus, 211—left to guard the camp, 243

Sophists, description of the, 533, n.

Sosias the Syracusan joins Cyrus, 17}.

Sotendas’ rude behaviour to Xenophon, 230.

Sphodrias, left to command in Thespiz, 452, 453—bribed
by the Thebans to march against Attica, 453—recalled
by the ephori, and capitally indicted, ib.—history of
his acquittal, ib. 454—killed at Leuctra, 472. -

Spies, their use to a monarch, 134—how to be gained, ib.
—of high rank not easily suspected, 100.

Spithridates sent by Pharnabazus to oppose the Greeks,
3]5—revolts from Pharnabazus, 406—persuades Cotys
to become a confederate of Agesilaus, 415—gives his
daughter in marriage to Cotys, ib. 416—wronged by
Herippidas, retires in disgust, 416.

Stages the Persian falls among the army of Thrasylus,
360.

Stasippus opposes the faction of Callibius and Proxenus,
475—comes to an engagement, kills the latter, ib.—
his forbearance, ib.—proposes terms of reconciliation,
ib.—many of his party killed at Tegea, 476—the rest
flee to Lacedzemon.

Sthenelaus, commandant of Byzantium, 378.

Stratocles, a captain of the Cretans, 239.

Struthes, a commander against Lacedzemon, 432—defeats
Thimbro, 433.

Surgeons, 177, n.

Syennesis, king of Cilicia, 171—his queen pays Cyrus a
visit, ib.—seizes the passes of the mountains, 172—re-
tires, ib.—his palace, ib.—flies to the mountains, ib.—
reconciled to Cyrus, and gives him money, ib.

Symbols defined, 519, ἢ.

Syracuse, Tully’s estimate of its extent and beauty,
639.

Syracusan and his dancers present at Callias’s entertain-
ment, 604 εὖ infra.

Syracusans acknowledged as benefactors to Antandros,

INDEX. 21

and receive the freedom of the city, 358—sentence ;
their generals to exile, ib,—appoint their succes.

‘sors, ib,

Syria, the Greck army enters, 177—marches through, |

ib.—part.of Mesopotamia so called, see Belests—peo-
ple of, worship fish and pigeons, 178.

Syrians subject to the Assyrian, 12—conquered by Cy-.

rus, 1,

T

Tamos, commander of the galleys to Cyrus, 173—joins
Cyrus with the fleet, 176—a farther account of him,
199,

Tanoaxares, satrapy of the Medes, &c. bequeathed to
him, 148.

Taovhians, mercenaries under Teribazus, 244—oppose
the Greeks, 248—the Greeks enter their country, ib.—
defend themselves with stones, 249—throw thein-
selves over a precipice, ib.

Tarsus, a city of Cilicia, 173—plundered, 174.

Teleboas, a river of Armenia, 242.

Teleutias, his success in a naval expedition, 425—joins
his vessels with those of Ecdicus, 433—puts to sea
against Rhodes, ib.—seizes thirteen vessels, ib.—re-
mark on this, ib,—succeeded in command of the fleet,
439—his affectionate parting with the soldiery, ib.—
tribute to his behaviour, ib.—returned admiral in
chief, 440—his soldiers hail him with joy, ib.—his
address to them, ib.—sets sail for the harbour of
Athens, 441—his successful attack there, ib.—his cap-
tures, ib.—sent to command against the Olynthians,
447—cheerfully joined by the confederates, ib.—his
forbearance, ib.—enters Potidwa, and takes the field,
ib.—his policy on approaching Olynthus, ib.—engages
the enemy before the city, 448—repulses them, and
erects a trophy, ib.—finishes his summer campaign,
448—resumes hostilities to complete the ruin of the
enemy’s country, ib.—sends Tiemonidas against the
Olyathian horse, ib.—enraged at the enemy’s success,
makes an injudicious movement, ib.—killed, ib.—his
army give way, are pursued and scattered, 449.

Teres, an ancestor of Seuthes, 33], 328.

Teribazus, governor of Armenia, in the favour of the
king, 242—makes a treaty with the Greeks, 243—fol-
lows them at a distance, ib,—his treachery, 244—flies
and leaves his baggage, ib.—governor of the Phasians
and Hesperitans, 349—his interview with Antalci-
das, 432—gives him a supply of money, ib.—appre-
hends Conon, ib.—returns from the royal court with
Antalcidas, 441—assembles the states desiring peace,
442—reads the mandate of Artaxerxes, ib.

Teuthrania, a city of Mysia, 199.

Thapsacus, a city of Syria, 1'79.

Tharypas, Menon’s favourite, 213.

Thasus, a sedition breaks out in, 359,

Theagenes the Locrian wounded, 338.

Thebans, causes for Lacedemon’s declaration of war
against, 408, 409—their embassage to the Athe-
nians, ib. 410—pursues the routed army of Lysan-
der, ib.—the fugitives rally and repulse them with
slaughter, ib.—their dejection at the appearance of
Pausanias, 411—encouraged by his timo1ous conduct,
ib.—refuse a truce for removal of the dead, unless the
country be evacuated, ib.—their insolence while the
invaders retire, ib.—defeated at Coronea by Agesilaus,
422—try to excite a rupture between Athens and
Lacedemon, 453—exclude themselves from the peace
between Athens and Lacedemon, 470—achieve a no-

table victory at Leuctra, 4'72—invite the Athenians to
revenge on the Lacedzemonians, 472—reception of
their herald, ib,—send a pressing and successful mes-
sage to Jason to join them, 473—in conjunction with
the Arcadians, invade Laconia, 478—state of the army
under Epaminondas, ib. n.—put Sellasia to fire and
sword, 478—continue their ravages in Sparta, ib.—re-
turn from the invasion of Laconia, 481—an attempt on
the lives of the commanders, 482, n.—attack the Lace-
dzemonians while in disorder, 486, 487--join their con-
federates and march against Epidaurus, 487—repelled
in an attempt to enter Corinth, ib.—galled by the horse-
men of Dionysius, 487—they and confederates disperse
to their homes, ib.—aim at the sovereignty of Greece,
489—send Pelopidas to the king of Persia, ib.—pro-
ceedings there, ib. 490—summon deputations from
their confederates ib,—the king's letter read, ib.—the
states refuse to take their oath, ib.—their scheme of
empire disconcerted, ib.—set up a democracy in
Achaia, 490—bring to trial the assassins of Euphron,
495—accusation of the magistrates, ib,—defence of the
leading conspirator, ib. 496—pronounce Euphron just-
ly slain, 496—ratify a peace with, Corinth, 497—and
with the Phliasians, ib.

Thebes, plain of, 347.

Thebes, generals of the state assassinated, 451—public
prison evacuated, 452—the citizens take arms, ib.—the
citadel surrendered by the Lacedemonian command-
ant, ib. See Phyliidas and Mello.

Theches, the holy mountain, 249.

Themistogenes tle Syracusan, reference to a history of
his, 395.

Theramenes joins the Athenians with 20 ships from
Macedonia, 357—and Zubulus left in charge of Chry-
sopolis, 358—their official instructions, ib.—distin-
guishes himself in bringing to trial his coadjutors in
command, 369—sent ambassador-plenipotentiary to
negotiate for a peace, 379—chosen one of the thirty,
ib.—rigorously resists a measure of the oligarchy, 380,
381—refuses his consent to the murder of the sojourn-
ers, 382—attacked in the senate by Critias, ib. 383—
makes his defence, ib. 385—seized by eleven armed
men, at the command of Critias, ib.—circumstances
and manner of his death, ib.

Therimachus commands in Methymne, 434—slain, and
his forces routed by Thrasybulus, ib.

Thermodon, a river, 294—its mouth, 310.

Thersander a soldier and musician, slain, 433.

Thimbro commands in the Ionian cities, 395—makes
many conquests and receives various acquisitions, ib.
396—superseded by Dercyllidas, ib,—accused, fined,
and sent into exile ib.—sent to make war on Struthes,
432—his devastating progress, ib.—attacked and killed,
433.

Thimbron sent from Greece against Tissaphernes, 339—
arrives and takes the army under his command, 349—
makes war upon Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, ib.

Thirty, names of the, composing the Athenian oli-
garchy, 379—put into commission after the demoli-
tion of the walls and Pirzus, 380—appointed to re-
model the code of laws, ib.—fill the senate by their
own nominations, ib.—subject to capital punishment
those who subsisted as informers, ib.—cabal to form
themselves into an arbitrary council, ib.—procure a
guard from Lysander, ib—put many. unjustly to
death, 381—alarmed for their safety, ib.—draw up a
list of 3000 persons to be associated with them, ib.—
summon the city to a review, ib—disarm the
whole except the elected, ib.—capricionsly put many
to death, ib.—their iniquitous plan to raise money

i

΄

22 IN DEX.

opposed by Theramenes, 382—they combine against
him, ib.—successively harangued by Critias and The-

ramenes, ib. 385—defeated in their attempt to re-'

cover the fort of Phyle, 386—feel their influence be-
ginning to totter, ib.—to prepare for the worst, think
of securing Eleusis, ib.—their successful stratagem
for securing Eleusis, 387—defeated at the Pirzus,
388—during a truce appealed to on the injustice of
their conduct, ib.—deprived of office by a party of the
3000, 3888—ten chosen in their stead, one from each
tribe, ib.—retire to Eleusis, ib.—implore succour from
Lacedzemon, 389.

Thorax, his false information concerning Kenophon’s
design, 296—-sent by Timasion to Sinope and Heraclea,
ib.—his proposals to give the army pay, ib.—disap-
pointed, 297. .

Thorax, a Lacedzemonian, commands the Abydenians,
376.

Thoricus fortified by the Athenians, 360.

Thrace, Asiatic, described, 313.

Thracians, mercenaries to the Assyrian, 100—upon the
Hellespont, 169—their dance, 305—have the advantage
‘ over the Arcadians, 312—reduce them to great straits,
ib.—frighted away by Xenophon, ib.—custom of
drinking out of horns, 331—and of buying their wives,
332—wear fox-skins, 336—treat about a peace, 337—
have a design to surprise Xenophon, and are routed,
338—those above Byzantium, ib. See Melinophagi.

Thrasybulus assists the Athenians with 20 vessels from
Thasus, 357—a commander in the Athenian fleet, 363
—sets out from Thebes, and invests Phyle, 386—pro-
ceeded against by the thirty, ib.—repulses them, ib.—
—inakes a rapid descent on their army, and puts them
to flight, io—marches into the Pirzeus, 357—harangues
his army, ib. 388—conquers that of the thirty, ib.—
blockaded by the Lacedemonians in the Pirzeus, 389—
his supplies cut off, ib.—driven back in askirmish with
Pausanias, ib.—addresses the party in Athens, after
the reconciliation, 390, 391—sails to join the Athenian
fleet, 441—his vessels captured by Antalcidas, 442—
despatched to annoy the Lacedzemonians, 453—recon-
ciles Amadocus and seuthes, 434—makes them con-
federates of Athens, ib.—obliges the Byzantines to
change their government, ib.—proceeds against Me-
thymne, ib.—overthrows the army of Therimachus,
ib.—killed in his tent by the Aspendians, ib.

Thrasydeus, head of the popular party in Elis, 402—
proposes terms of agreement with Lacedwmon, ib.—
procures a peace and enters the confederacy, ib.

Thrasylus sails to Athens to ratify the success of a na-
val fight, 357—puts himself at the head of the Athe-
nians, to defend their city from Agis, 359—rewarded
for his bravery by the grant of the reinforcements he
came for, ib.—equipped for war, assaults Pygela, and
lays the adjacent country waste, 360—after various
successful attacks, sails to Ephesus, ib.—met by the
whole force of Ephesus and numerous confederates,
ib.—totally repulsed, ib.—gives chase to 25 sail of Sy-
racusans, and takes 4, ib.—joins the rest of the fleet at
Sestos, ib.—a commander in the Athenian fleet, 363.

Thymbrium, a city, 172.

Thymochares, leader of the Athenians, defeated by He-
gesandridas, 357.

Thynians, dangerous enemies in the night, 33]. See
Thracians.

Tibarenians, the Greeks not suffered to attack them,
292—a free nation, 349.

Tigranes hunts with Cyrus, 39—arrives at the trial
of his father, ib.—pleads his father’s canse, 40—his

sentiments of modesty, punishment, fear, ib.—his po-
litical admonitions to Cyrus, 42—prevails with him in
favour of his father, ib.—his love for his wife, 43—joins
Cyrus with an Armenian force, 44—attends him in his
wars, 43, 142—his modesty and obedience, 75—gains-
the prize at a horse-race, 138—invited to Cyrus’s en-
tertainment, 140—has a present made him for his
wife, 142.

Tigris, the river, 202—the Greeks pass it, 208—the head
of it, 235—the Greeks advance above the head of it,
242,

Timagoras sent ambassador to Persia, 489—his infide-
lity to his trust, ib.—honoured by the king, ib.—ac-
cused by Leo, and put to death by the Athenians,
490.

Timasion, a Dardanian, chosen general in the room of
Clearchus, 220—his false information against Xeno-
phon, 295—engages fur a sum of money to carry the
army out of the Euxine, 296—promises the army pay,
disappointed of the money, 297—and is sorry for what
is passed, ib.—sent before with the horse, 312—pur-

sues the enemy, 317—forbids Cyratades to sacrifice, ᾿

330—leads the army tothe Thracian villages, ib.—de-
sirous to return home, ib.—his present to Seuthes, 335
—leads on with Seuthes, 336—receives a yoke of oxen
from Seuthes, 338—his honest resolution, 339.

Timesitheus of Trebisond sent to the Mosynecians,
289.

Timocrates moves for the imprisonment of the com-
manders at Arginuse, 368—deputed by Tithraustes to
distribute money in Greece, 408—deals it out to lead-
ing men at Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, ib.

Timolaus of Corinth harangues his confederates on the
war with Lacedemon, 419,

Timotheus, an Athenian commander, 457—reduces Cor-
cyra, 458—defeats Nicolochus, ib.

Tisiphonus, an agent in the murder of Alexander, 475—

- succeeds to the supremacy in Thessaly, ib.

Tissaphernes accompanies Cyrus to court, 167—accuses
him of treason, 168—informs the king of Cyrus’s pre-
parations, 170—commands a body of horse under the
king, 186—penetrates through the Greeks, 193—sends
heralds to the Greeks, 200—his speech to the gene-
rals, 205—replies to Clearchus, ib.—makes fair pro-
mises, ib.—comes to and conducts the. Greeks, 206
—insults the memory of Cyrus, 207—quiets the sus-
Picions of Clearchus, 210—invites the generals to his
tent, ib—most impious and deceitful, 211—approach-
es the Greeks, and forced to retire with loss, 226—

harasses them at a distance, 327—attacks them and is ©

repulsed, 228—disappointed by the diligence of Xeno-
phon, 230—sets fire to the villages, 231—comes to the
Hellespont, and arrests Alcibiades, 357—sends him
prisoner to Sardes, ib.—accused by Hermocrates, 359—
raises the Ephesians against Thrasylus, 360—insists
that the cities of Ionia acknowledge him for their
master, 395—they refuse to receive him within their
walls, ib.—joins his army to that of Pharnabazus, 400
—they proceed against Ionia, ib.—averse to meet the
army of Dercyllidas in fight, 401—desires a conference,
ib.—he and Pharnabazus make a truce with the ene-
my, ib.—breaks faith with Agesilaus, 405—declares
war against Agesilaus, 406—despatches his infantry to
intercept Agesilaus, 407—they suffer a severe defeat,
407—accused by the Persians as their betrayer, ib.—
beheaded by order of the king, 408,

Tithraustes commissioned by the king of Persia to be-
head Tissaphernes, 407—excites a spirit of rebellion in
Greece against the Lacedzemonians, 408—requires

INDEX. 23

Agesilaus to return to Greece, 408—receiving a refu-
sal, supplies him with money to leave his present sta-
tion, ib.

Tolmides, the crier, 203, 220.

Tralus, 178.

Trebisond, a Greek city, 253—the inhabitants of, receive

the Greeks kindly- ib.—supply them with galleys, 285

—conduct them, ib.

Trojans, their form of war-chariots altered by Cyrus,
97.

Turbans, different sorts of, 210, n.

: U&V

Vesta, supplications to her, 14.

Vinegar made from the fruit of the palm-tree, 204,
Virtue and Vice, description of them, 29.

Ulysses, arrives asleep in his own country, 283.
Vulcan, god of fire, 121.

WwW

War described and justified by Cambyses, 13, 20—quali-
fications and part of a general, ib.—of subordinate
officers, 25—of soldiers, ib. 52—use of horse and of
horsemen, 62—war-chariots, 97, 99—camels unfit for,
115—tent-officers, 60—arms for a close engagement,
24—servants of an army, 26—slingers when and when
not useful, 119—rewards to an army, 17, 25, 28, 116—
effects of devotion, 51, 113—inspiration of love, obe-
dience, and all military virtues, 17, 25, 33, 82, 129, 131
—utility of disposing each regiment in a tent 26—
rules to take advantage of the enemy, 18—rules and
order of a march, 20, 35, 81, 87, 99—rules for encamp-
ment, 16, 49, 97, 103—order of one, 143—Barbarian
entrenchments described, 49—policy and tricks to-
wards an enemy, 18, 34, 49, &c.— approach to the
enemy, 49—spies and intelligence, 20, 83,97, 100—
viewing stations} 103—how an army is to be disposed
and drawu off in a siege, 120—preparations for an en-
gagement, 19, 20, 25, 81, &c.—engagement described,
52, 112—execution done by a phalanx of friends, 113
—distribution of spoil, 66, 69, 122—behaviour towards
the subdued, 63, 68—right of conquest asserted over
persons and fortunes, 125—religion supremely neces-
sary to it, 103, 106—et¢ infra.

Wife, delineation of an amiable, 655, et infra.

Wine made from the fruit of the palm-tree, 204.

x

Xanthicles, an Achaian, chosen general in the room of

- Socrates, 220~—condemned in a fine, 300.

Xenias the Arcadian, or Parrhasian, commander of the
Greeks who accompanied Cyrus, 167— ordered to

bring the garrisons, 1'70—joins Cyrus, ib.—solemnizes |:

the Lupercalian sacrifices, 1'71—several of his men
desert to Clearchus, |'/4—leaves Cyrus’s service, 177.

Xenias and accomplices make an unsuccessful attempt
to secure Elis for the Lacedemonians, 402—flee from
the city to the invaders, ib.

Xenophon speaks to Cyrus, 189—answers to Phalinus,
200—desirous to know what became of Proxenus,
211—reply to Arizeus, ib.—cause of his embarking in
this undertaking, 217— his uneasiness, dream, and
soliloquy, 218—assembles the captains, and speaks to
them, ib.—answers Apollonides, 219—his speech to

the officers, 220—addresses the army, 221—his propo-
sals to the army concerning their march, 224—pur-

sues the enemy without success, 225—owns himself
in the wrong for so doing, ib.—prevents the enemy,
229—instance of his condescension to a rude soldier,
230—his speech concerning the enemy’s burning their
own country, 23l—brings up the rear, 235, 336—
blames Cheirisophus, ib,x—makes a point to deceive
the enemy, 237—treats with the Carduchians about
the slain, 238—in danger, 239—prevails upon the

barbarians to deliver up their dead, ib.—he and
Cheirisophus assist each other, ib.—his dream, 240—
easy of access, ib.—makes a libation, ib.—frightens
the enemy by a stratagem, ib.—prevents the Cardu.
chians, 241—passes the Centrites, 242—instance of his
hardiness, ib.—his care of the sick, 244—tries all
means to make the soldiers to march, 245—passes
the night with his men without fire or victuals, ib,—
uses the bailiff of a village kindly, 246—visits Chei-
risophus, ib—comes back to his quarters, ib.—has
some difference with Cheirisophus, 247—his speech
about attacking the enemy, ib.—his readings for the
undertaking, 249—gives advice on forcing the Tao-
chians, ib,—accompanies Cheirisophus upon the un-
dertaking, ib.—his surprise at the shouts of the men,
25l1—orders a targeteer to discourse with the Ma-
cronians, ib,—persuades the generals to alter their
disposition, ib.—his opinion on the army’s stay at
Trebisond, 283—marches against the Drilians, 285—-
gives directions for the attack, ib.—orders the houses
to be set on fire, 287—his offering to Apollo and
Diana, ib.—harangues the Mosynecians, 289—en-
courages the soldiers, 290—answers Hecatonymus,
292—his proposals to the Sinopeans, 293—has thoughts
of building a city , 295—accused to the army, 10.---
vindicates himself, 296—refuses to come into the
measures of Timasion and Thorax, 297—addresses
the army on returning to the Phasis, ib.—proposes to
purify the army, 300—tried for beating a man, ib,—
his defence, ib.—acquitted, 302—declines the post of
general, 309—his speech on that occasion, ib,—reason
of his refusal, ib.—averse to go to Heraclea, 310—
persuaded to march by himself, 311—first sails and
then marches through the middle of the country, ib.-—
speaks to his men concerning the relief of the Arca-
dians, 312—offers sacrifice concerning their going out
of the camp, 314—proposes to march, ib.—refuses to
lead the army, 315—goes to the aid of a party, ib.—
marches against the enemy, ib.—his proposal for the
attack, 316—answers Sophenetus, ib.—encourages
the men, 317—orders the attack, ib,-—appeases a tu-
mult, 318—his speech concerning the affair of Dex-
ippus, ib.—offers Cleander the command of the army,
320—contracts friendship with him, ib.—proposes to
leave the army, 327—replies to the message of
Seuthes, ib.—advised by Cleander not to go away,
ib.—takes leave of them, 330—arrives again at the
army, ib.—answers Seuthes, 33l1—danger of being
apprehended, ib.—goes to Seuthes, ib—who makes
him Jarge promises, 332—proposes to the army the
joining of Seuthes, ib.—in some perplexity about a
present, 334—his present to Seuthes, 335—proposes
the Greek manner of marching, ib.—orders the young
men to advance, 336—possesses himself of the emi-
nences, ib.—quarters in a village near the enemy,
337—in great danger, 338—marches up the mountain,
ib.—reprimands Heraclides, ib.—accused by an Arca-

dian, 340—vindicates hiniself, ib.—offers sacrifice to
Jupiter, 342—answers Medosades, 343—advises the
Lacedemonians ib.—his proposal to Medosades, 344

Ge 2.49
© 94 INDEX. fata”.

—his speech to Seuthes, ib.—his prudent manage- Se
ment, 346—offers sacrifice to the Meilichian Jupiter,
347—Ssells his horse, ib.—goes out upon an expedition Z
without success, 348—goes out again and succeeds,
ib.—in good circumstances, 349. Zabates, a river, 208—the Greeks pass it, 225.
Xerxes builds a palace and citadel at Celene, 170—in- | Zelarchus, a commissary, attacked, 299—eseapes by
vades Greece and is vanquished, 222. sea, ib. ;
THE END.
GLASGOW:

HUTCHISON & BROOKMAN, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY.

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